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Controlling the Narrative: Hungary’s Post-2010 Strategies of Non-Compliance before the European Court of Human Rights 控制叙事:匈牙利2010年后在欧洲人权法院的不遵守策略
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019623000044
U. Kos
Focus of the literature on the European West, overlooking the marginalised European Central-East – Assumption of all illiberal states equally resisting international courts – Hungary’s unique subtle push-back against the European Court of Human Rights compared to overt resistance against the European Court of Justice – Empirical analysis of original data – Three strategies to control the narrative of compliance – Status signalling to avoid international and domestic political repercussions – Friendly settlements and unilateral declarations as means of avoidance – Disguised non-compliance to convey bona fides – Negative narrative to subvert public opinion – Explaining state behaviour through rationalism and constructivism – Complementing constructivism with the identitarian counterwave in recently-emerged illiberal states – EU membership as a constraint – Illiberalism as fuel for Hungary’s resistance against the Strasbourg Court
欧洲西方文学的焦点,忽视被边缘化的欧洲中东——假设所有非自由国家都同样抵制国际法院——与公开抵制欧洲法院相比,匈牙利对欧洲人权法院的独特微妙反击——原始数据的实证分析——控制合规叙事的三种策略——现状发出信号以避免国际和国内政治影响——友好解决和单方面声明作为避免的手段——掩饰不遵守以传达诚意——消极叙事颠覆公众舆论——通过理性主义和建构主义解释国家行为——用同一主义的反浪潮补充建构主义最近出现的非自由国家——欧盟成员国身份是一种制约——非自由主义是匈牙利反抗斯特拉斯堡法院的燃料
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引用次数: 0
Towards an Institutionalist Vision of Constituent Power? 宪政权力的制度主义视角?
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019623000056
Rafael Macía Briedis
is because the substantive principles of democratic constitution-making assumed by his theory can only provide a self-su ffi cient basis for discerning legitimate displays of constituent authority if we already know (beyond the possibility of legitimate contestation) the speci fi c participants and fora of participation that they are supposed to govern – precisely the kind of knowledge that is precluded by the disruption of existing institutional structures. 8 Abstract principles, after all, cannot replace either clear ex-ante rules or, in their absence, concrete ad hoc decisions when it comes to determining the ‘ proper ’ con fi guration of the law-authorising demos, as such principles are not well suited to answer the organisational questions involved in demarcating the boundaries and forms of political participation – where the decision to include or to exclude, especially in ‘ border-line ’ cases, will in the fi nal analysis remain normatively unjusti fi able. Consequently, to speak of a constituent power capable of reaching all the way down into the constitutional foundations of the polity is to situate the con fi gu-ration of the constituent subject beyond the realm of a priori norms, and to place the decision about the precise scope and mechanisms of constituent democracy in the hands of a power that, far from being exercised by a commonly identi fi able demos, is itself de fi nitional of that demos. Which is why I spoke earlier of usur-pation as one of constituent power ’ s characteristic features.
这是因为他的理论所假定的民主制宪的实质性原则,只有在我们已经知道(超越合法争论的可能性)他们应该治理的具体参与者和参与论坛的情况下,才能为辨别组成权威的合法展示提供一个自我满足的基础——正是这种知识被现有制度结构的破坏所排除。毕竟,抽象原则既不能取代明确的事前规则,也不能在没有明确规则的情况下取代具体的临时决定,因为这些原则不太适合回答界定政治参与的边界和形式所涉及的组织问题——在这种情况下,包括或排除的决定,特别是在“边界”情况下,Will在最后的分析中仍然是不合理的。因此,谈论一种能够一直深入到政体的宪法基础的构成权力,就是把构成主体的权力置于先验规范的领域之外,并把关于构成民主的确切范围和机制的决定置于一种权力的手中,这种权力远非由一个普遍可识别的民众行使,而是由这些民众自己决定的。这就是为什么我在前面提到篡夺是构成权力的特征之一。
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引用次数: 0
ECL volume 19 issue 1 Cover and Front matter ECL第19卷第1期封面和封面
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1574019623000020
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引用次数: 0
ECL volume 19 issue 1 Cover and Back matter ECL第19卷第1期封面和封底
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1574019623000032
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引用次数: 0
The United Kingdom’s Human Rights Act as a Catalyst of Constitutional Migration: Patterns and Limitations of Rights Importation by Design 作为宪法移民催化剂的英国人权法案:设计输入权利的模式和限制
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019623000019
R. Masterman
The United Kingdom Human Rights Act 1998 – Constitutional migration – Impacts of legislative design and process on the internalisation of international standards – A taxonomy of migratory patterns under the Human Rights Act – Constitutional migration as a source of constitutional instability – Proposals for a British Bill of Rights
1998年联合王国人权法案-宪法移民-立法设计和程序对国际标准内部化的影响-根据人权法案的移民模式分类-宪法移民作为宪法不稳定的来源-英国权利法案的建议
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引用次数: 0
The Hypocrisy of Authoritarian Populism in Poland: Between the Facade Rhetoric of Political Constitutionalism and the Actual Abuse of Apex Courts 波兰威权民粹主义的虚伪:在政治宪政的表面修辞与最高法院的实际滥用之间
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000499
Aleksandra Kustra-Rogatka
A discernible rift between the rhetoric of political constitutionalism and the real policy of authoritarian populists – The rhetoric focused on political constitutionalism and popular sovereignty as a façade and a utilitarian argument justifying the introduction of counter-constitutional changes through statute laws – Captured apex courts turned into useful devices of power consolidation – The analysis of the Constitutional Tribunal and the Supreme Court – The Constitutional Tribunal as an ‘inverted court’ used increasingly often to actively shape the government’s Eurosceptic policy – A double face of the Supreme Court – The new Chambers of the Supreme Court introduced to be politically abused by authoritarian populists – Systemic interactions between two captured apex courts have a synergy effect with regard to the process of the denormativisation of the constitution – The deepening politicisation of the apex courts creates a favourable environment for further rule of law deterioration.
政治宪政的修辞与威权民粹主义者的实际政策之间存在明显的分歧——修辞集中在政治宪政和人民主权上,作为一种幌子,而功利主义的论点则为通过成文法引入违反宪法的改革辩护——被俘获的最高法院变成了权力巩固的有用工具——对宪法法庭和最高法院的分析——宪法法庭作为一个“颠倒的法院”越来越多地被用来积极塑造政府的欧洲怀疑主义政策——最高法院的双重面目——最高法院的新分庭被专制的民粹主义者引入政治上的滥用——两个被占领的最高法院之间的系统互动对宪法的非规范化进程具有协同效应——最高法院的深化政治化为进一步的法治创造了有利的环境恶化。
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引用次数: 1
What’s the Problem with Populism? 民粹主义有什么问题?
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000505
M. Tushnet
‘A specter, one reads, is haunting more than just Europe’.1 So writes Justin Collings in his contribution to Rule of Law vs Majoritarian Democracy. The spectre is right-wing populism – not, I think, ‘majoritarian democracy’ as such. Marx and Engels had an account of where the spectre they thought was haunting Europe in 1848 came from: capitalist development – the economy, in short. The spectre, that is, had a specific political content and a specific economic cause, and for Marx and Engels the remedy was social and economic transformation. But, it turned out, they were wrong: capitalists were able to push the spectre away by a series of institutional reforms of governance. Rule of Law vs Majoritarian Democracy is representative of a spate of scholarship on the contemporary crisis of democracy, if that’s what it is. That scholarship differs from Marx and Engels’s work not solely because it is academic analysis rather than political polemic. It differs as well because it elides politics and economics and attends almost exclusively to institutional matters. Politics is elided by replacing a specifically right-wing populism with populism in general or, as here, with majoritarian democracy. Economics is elided by gesturing in the direction of causes of the crisis located outside of governing institutions – something like a combination of neoliberalism with modes of decision-making enabled by modern communication technologies (‘social media’, ‘the Internet’, and the like) – without seeking to change anything associated with those causes. And, as before, the remedies for the crisis are to be found within the design of governance institutions, generally – though not universally – by restricting the
贾斯汀·科林斯(Justin Collings)在《法治与主要民主》(Rule of Law vs Majoritarian Democracy)一书中写道:“一个幽灵不仅仅困扰着欧洲。”。幽灵是右翼民粹主义,而不是我认为的“多数民主”。马克思和恩格斯对他们认为1848年困扰欧洲的幽灵的来源有一个描述:资本主义发展——简而言之,就是经济。幽灵,也就是说,有特定的政治内容和特定的经济原因,对马克思和恩格斯来说,补救办法是社会和经济转型。但是,事实证明,他们错了:资本家能够通过一系列治理制度改革来赶走幽灵。《法治与主要民主》代表了一系列关于当代民主危机的学术,如果真是这样的话。这种学术与马克思和恩格斯的作品不同,不仅仅是因为它是学术分析,而不是政治争论。它也有所不同,因为它忽略了政治和经济,几乎只关注制度问题。通过用民粹主义取代特定的右翼民粹主义,或者像这里一样,用多数民主取代政治。经济学被排除在外,因为它指向了管理机构之外的危机原因——有点像新自由主义与现代通信技术(“社交媒体”、“互联网”等)促成的决策模式的结合——而不寻求改变与这些原因相关的任何事情。而且,和以前一样,危机的补救措施应该在治理机构的设计中找到,通常——尽管不是普遍的——通过限制
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引用次数: 1
Constitutionalising the end of history? Pitfalls of a non-regression principle for Article 2 TEU 宪法化历史的终结?第2条标准箱的非回归原理缺陷
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-07 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000451
Julian Scholtes
Enforcement and conceptualisation of Article 2 TEU values – Rule of law – A non-regression principle for EU values faces significant pitfalls – Limits of the ‘backsliding’ paradigm informing doctrinal developments under Article 2 TEU – Inadequacy of a progress/regression trajectory as a lens for constitutional developments – Complexity of Article 2 values threatens to render regression assessments simplistic – Non-regression and the equality of member states – Potential conflicts between non-regression and minimum standards as tests for Article 2 compliance
第2条TEU价值观的实施和概念化——法治——欧盟价值观的不倒退原则面临重大陷阱——第2条下理论发展的“倒退”范式的局限性——作为宪法发展透镜的进步/倒退轨迹不足——第2条款价值观的复杂性可能会回归评估过于简单——非回归和成员国的平等——作为第2条合规性测试的非回归和最低标准之间的潜在冲突
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引用次数: 0
The Merkel Court: Judicial Populism since the Lisbon Treaty 默克尔法院:《里斯本条约》以来的司法民粹主义
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-07 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000359
Florian Meinel
The German Federal Constitutional Court’s recent case law in context – A systematic account of the Federal Constitutional Court’s changing constitutional imagination – The constitutional footprint of the grand coalitions during Angela Merkel’s 16-year term as German Chancellor – The changing architecture of parliamentary government in the Federal Republic and the role of the Court – The supermajoritarian structure of the German political system – Majority rule and veto players – Legislation and parliamentary oversight – Executive autonomy and parliamentary control – Political representation and counter-representation by the Court – The constitutional nature of cabinet and ministerial responsibility – constitutional limits of political speech in government office – The normative model of administrative constitutionalism – The pouvoir neutre in the German constitution – The constitutionalisation of distributive justice
德国联邦宪法法院最近的判例法——对联邦宪法法院不断变化的宪法想象的系统描述——安格拉·默克尔16年德国总理任期内大联盟的宪法足迹——联邦共和国议会政府结构的变化和法院的作用——德国政治体系的绝对多数主义结构——多数统治和否决权参与者——立法和议会监督——行政自主权和议会控制——法院的政治代表和反代表——内阁和部长责任的宪法性质——政府办公室政治言论的宪法限制——行政宪政的规范模式——德国宪法中的中性点——分配正义的宪法化
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引用次数: 0
Protection of Constitutional Identity as a Legitimate Aim for Differential Treatment 保护宪法身份作为区别对待的合法目的
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-03 DOI: 10.1017/S1574019622000463
Ignatius Yordan Nugraha
On 9 June 2022, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights pronounced its judgment in the case of Savickis and Others v Latvia. The case concerns a differential treatment in the calculation of pension between Latvian citizens and the so-called ‘permanently resident non-citizens’ (nepilsoņi), which was the applicants’ official status. The applicants were denied recognition of their period of employment outside of Latvia when the country was illegally occupied by the Soviet Union (the USSR), while Latvian citizens could enjoy such a benefit. They argued that this constituted a breach of the accessory right to nondiscrimination under Article 14 of the ECHR in conjunction with the right to property under Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 of the ECHR.1 The Grand Chamber eventually found no violation of these provisions. The importance of the case cannot be overstated, as the Court recognised Latvia’s argument that the differential treatment was aimed to protect Latvia’s constitutional identity. In other words, protection of constitutional identity was accepted as a
2022年6月9日,欧洲人权法院大庭宣布对Savickis等人诉拉脱维亚一案作出判决。本案涉及拉脱维亚公民和所谓的“永久居民非公民”(nepilsoņi)在养老金计算方面的差别待遇,后者是申请人的官方身份。当拉脱维亚被苏联非法占领时,申请人在拉脱维亚境外的就业期被拒绝承认,而拉脱维亚公民可以享受这种福利。他们辩称,这违反了《欧洲人权公约》第14条规定的不歧视附带权利以及《欧洲人权议定书》第1号议定书第1条规定的财产权。1大分庭最终没有发现违反这些规定的行为。本案的重要性怎么强调都不为过,因为法院承认拉脱维亚的论点,即差别待遇旨在保护拉脱维亚的宪法身份。换言之,对宪法身份的保护被接受为
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Constitutional Law Review
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