Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2023.2206154
Pierre Monforte, Teun A. van Dijk
ABSTRACT This article uses discourse analysis to investigate how British volunteers involved in the Refugees Welcome movement give an account of their engagement and of the changes that they aim to achieve through their actions. Focusing on the different ways participants ‘do modesty’ when they present their actions and their own role within the movement, we show that ‘character work’ – their effort to shape their own reputation – is an essential feature of their discourse. In particular, we show that, by presenting themselves as 'modest' and 'ordinary' participants, they aim to display a character that is distinct from the heroic figure of the social activist and the humanitarian actor. In so doing, they construct a character that resists categorisations and an engagement which aims to appeal to universal values and emotions.
{"title":"‘Ordinary people like myself’: Character work and modesty in the Refugees Welcome movement","authors":"Pierre Monforte, Teun A. van Dijk","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2023.2206154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2023.2206154","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 This article uses discourse analysis to investigate how British volunteers involved in the Refugees Welcome movement give an account of their engagement and of the changes that they aim to achieve through their actions. Focusing on the different ways participants ‘do modesty’ when they present their actions and their own role within the movement, we show that ‘character work’ – their effort to shape their own reputation – is an essential feature of their discourse. In particular, we show that, by presenting themselves as 'modest' and 'ordinary' participants, they aim to display a character that is distinct from the heroic figure of the social activist and the humanitarian actor. In so doing, they construct a character that resists categorisations and an engagement which aims to appeal to universal values and emotions.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49289584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2022.2164030
Patricia Scherer, Ferdi De Ville
ABSTRACT Civil society organisations (CSOs) at EU-level depend on the capacity of their members to act as ‘transmission belts’: they provide analysis, influence national legislation and monitor the implementation of policies affected by multi-level governance procedures like the European Semester on the ground. CSOs have more influence on social and employment policy in some countries than in others, which may be linked to the given environment and conditions they encounter to function and participate effectively in policy debate. Using Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) based on expert reports following interviews with national-level civil society organisations, this article investigates which set of conditions support CSOs’ influence within policy deliberation and why. The QCA solution formulas indicate that an enabling legal and administrative framework is necessary, while a high level of volunteering and participation in combination with a legal obligation to consult CSOs are conducive to policy influence at the national level. Stable and varied funding seems to play an ambivalent role. These findings are corroborated through a focus group held with EU-level CSOs, underlining their reliance on national members’ capacity to contribute meaningfully to policy consultations at European level.
{"title":"Bottom up: Conditions supporting policy influence of civil society organisations at national and EU level","authors":"Patricia Scherer, Ferdi De Ville","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2022.2164030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2022.2164030","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Civil society organisations (CSOs) at EU-level depend on the capacity of their members to act as ‘transmission belts’: they provide analysis, influence national legislation and monitor the implementation of policies affected by multi-level governance procedures like the European Semester on the ground. CSOs have more influence on social and employment policy in some countries than in others, which may be linked to the given environment and conditions they encounter to function and participate effectively in policy debate. Using Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) based on expert reports following interviews with national-level civil society organisations, this article investigates which set of conditions support CSOs’ influence within policy deliberation and why. The QCA solution formulas indicate that an enabling legal and administrative framework is necessary, while a high level of volunteering and participation in combination with a legal obligation to consult CSOs are conducive to policy influence at the national level. Stable and varied funding seems to play an ambivalent role. These findings are corroborated through a focus group held with EU-level CSOs, underlining their reliance on national members’ capacity to contribute meaningfully to policy consultations at European level.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45992739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2022.2164029
Carlos Rico Motos, Pau Alarcón
ABSTRACT Advisory councils (ACs) are one of the most common participatory institutions, aimed to provide authorities with a forum to consult the organized groups at a given territorial or sectoral level. Although they constitute permanent spaces for civic participation, they remain overlooked. This work systematically analyses ACs from a large-N perspective that goes beyond the best-cases approach. The article initially reflects on the role and expected benefits of ACs, identifying three important design choices: organizational structure, objectives, and accountability channels. Then, the article maps 2,013 ACs in Spain and develops a descriptive analysis relying on an original database obtained from the study of official regulations and web pages of 70 ACs. Our first goal is to describe ACs. Secondly, a good picture of these councils sets the foundation for discussing their performance in terms of inclusiveness, impact in policy-making and democratic control. Combining different statistical techniques the article shows that: (1) ACs present diverse design features; (2) these characteristics enable the generation of typologies of ACs; and (3) having the explicit goal of influencing public policies positively correlates with being an empowered council. These findings connect with the broader debate on participatory governance.
{"title":"Designing advisory councils to do what? Analysing the most common participatory institution in Spain","authors":"Carlos Rico Motos, Pau Alarcón","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2022.2164029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2022.2164029","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Advisory councils (ACs) are one of the most common participatory institutions, aimed to provide authorities with a forum to consult the organized groups at a given territorial or sectoral level. Although they constitute permanent spaces for civic participation, they remain overlooked. This work systematically analyses ACs from a large-N perspective that goes beyond the best-cases approach. The article initially reflects on the role and expected benefits of ACs, identifying three important design choices: organizational structure, objectives, and accountability channels. Then, the article maps 2,013 ACs in Spain and develops a descriptive analysis relying on an original database obtained from the study of official regulations and web pages of 70 ACs. Our first goal is to describe ACs. Secondly, a good picture of these councils sets the foundation for discussing their performance in terms of inclusiveness, impact in policy-making and democratic control. Combining different statistical techniques the article shows that: (1) ACs present diverse design features; (2) these characteristics enable the generation of typologies of ACs; and (3) having the explicit goal of influencing public policies positively correlates with being an empowered council. These findings connect with the broader debate on participatory governance.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46557211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2022.2164025
Carlos R. Cordourier-Real, Edwin L. Can-Chan
ABSTRACT Understanding how citizens’ organizations arise and endure is one of the most challenging topics in civil society research of emerging democracies. This article aims to explain the causes of the growing number of civil society organizations in Mexico throughout the country’s democratization process. Drawing upon an institutionalist perspective, this analysis tests the hypothesis that a transformation in the political opportunities structure changed citizens’ incentives to create formal organizations. We use a linear regression analysis, which treats the probable dates of the breaks in a time series (1950–2014) as unknown variables to be estimated. The identification of specific breaking points is a necessary input for the elaboration of an appropriate explanans, which in this argument is associated with a process of institutional change. Our goal is to contribute to the understanding of the conditions that explain the emergence of a civil society sector in new democracies.
{"title":"The growth of civil society organizations in Mexico: a structural change analysis","authors":"Carlos R. Cordourier-Real, Edwin L. Can-Chan","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2022.2164025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2022.2164025","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Understanding how citizens’ organizations arise and endure is one of the most challenging topics in civil society research of emerging democracies. This article aims to explain the causes of the growing number of civil society organizations in Mexico throughout the country’s democratization process. Drawing upon an institutionalist perspective, this analysis tests the hypothesis that a transformation in the political opportunities structure changed citizens’ incentives to create formal organizations. We use a linear regression analysis, which treats the probable dates of the breaks in a time series (1950–2014) as unknown variables to be estimated. The identification of specific breaking points is a necessary input for the elaboration of an appropriate explanans, which in this argument is associated with a process of institutional change. Our goal is to contribute to the understanding of the conditions that explain the emergence of a civil society sector in new democracies.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43078588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2022.2164028
Paul Chaney
ABSTRACT This study is the first pan-regional analysis of civil society organizations’ perspectives on the human rights situation of LGBT + people in Caribbean Community (CARICOM) countries. Paradoxically, whilst UN treaties extend anti-discrimination rights to LGBT + people in most member countries, simultaneously, colonial-era legislation makes intimate same sex relations unlawful. Analysis of the corpus of civil society organizations’ (CSO) submissions to the United Nations Universal Periodic Review (UPR), reveals how governments’ failure to reform the law is often based on public opposition grounded in religious conservatism. Moreover, the endurance of anti-LGBT + colonial era legislation is shown to underpin a raft of rights pathologies and reinforce prejudice and negative social attitudes. The principal rights breaches stem from systemic institutional discrimination, and include violence, hate crimes and harassment; police malpractice and denial of justice; as well as failings in healthcare and social protection. Analysis of framing in the civil society UPR corpus reveals the personal impacts of on LGBT + people, including criminalization, victimization, stigma, fear and lack of self-worth.
{"title":"Exploring civil society perspectives on the human rights situation of LGBT+ people in the Caribbean Community","authors":"Paul Chaney","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2022.2164028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2022.2164028","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study is the first pan-regional analysis of civil society organizations’ perspectives on the human rights situation of LGBT + people in Caribbean Community (CARICOM) countries. Paradoxically, whilst UN treaties extend anti-discrimination rights to LGBT + people in most member countries, simultaneously, colonial-era legislation makes intimate same sex relations unlawful. Analysis of the corpus of civil society organizations’ (CSO) submissions to the United Nations Universal Periodic Review (UPR), reveals how governments’ failure to reform the law is often based on public opposition grounded in religious conservatism. Moreover, the endurance of anti-LGBT + colonial era legislation is shown to underpin a raft of rights pathologies and reinforce prejudice and negative social attitudes. The principal rights breaches stem from systemic institutional discrimination, and include violence, hate crimes and harassment; police malpractice and denial of justice; as well as failings in healthcare and social protection. Analysis of framing in the civil society UPR corpus reveals the personal impacts of on LGBT + people, including criminalization, victimization, stigma, fear and lack of self-worth.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43459682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2022.2164026
Eeva Luhtakallio, Tuomas Ylä‐Anttila, Anu Lounela
ABSTRACT In this article, the efforts of civil society organizations to influence climate change policymaking in three countries with very different traditions of democratic decision making are compared: in a newly developed democracy (Indonesia), in an established democracy in the Global South (India), and in an established democracy in the Global North with an exceptionally strong civil society (Finland). The empirical material consists of 57 in-depth interviews with Civil Society Organization (CSO) representatives. The following three arguments about CSO influence in climate change politics are made: (1) the nation-state is an important avenue of influence for most CSOs, alongside global institutions; (2) CSOs influence states through specific contact points, rather than by challenging the state as a uniform entity; and (3) CSO actors’ perception of influence in climate politics may be stronger where state capacity is weaker, rather than where civil society itself is strong.
{"title":"How do civil society organizations influence climate change politics? Evidence from India, Indonesia, and Finland","authors":"Eeva Luhtakallio, Tuomas Ylä‐Anttila, Anu Lounela","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2022.2164026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2022.2164026","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, the efforts of civil society organizations to influence climate change policymaking in three countries with very different traditions of democratic decision making are compared: in a newly developed democracy (Indonesia), in an established democracy in the Global South (India), and in an established democracy in the Global North with an exceptionally strong civil society (Finland). The empirical material consists of 57 in-depth interviews with Civil Society Organization (CSO) representatives. The following three arguments about CSO influence in climate change politics are made: (1) the nation-state is an important avenue of influence for most CSOs, alongside global institutions; (2) CSOs influence states through specific contact points, rather than by challenging the state as a uniform entity; and (3) CSO actors’ perception of influence in climate politics may be stronger where state capacity is weaker, rather than where civil society itself is strong.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47744382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2022.2164027
Catherine El Zerbi, N. Hartopp, A. Ramsay, Sally Marlow
ABSTRACT This exploratory study sought to understand the role of Mutual Aid groups during the Covid-19 crisis. Group members were approached through convenience sampling across London and Leicester. Fifteen interviews took place from June to August 2020. Data were analysed using Thematic Analysis. Groups were based on solidarity not charity. Most were delimited by geographic ward and provided rapid support to support neighbours with urgent material and health needs, primarily food support, collecting medical prescriptions and providing telephone companionship. While many groups successfully collaborated with community projects, relationships with local authorities were often difficult, though not always. Local leaders and policymakers should seek to establish effective collaborations between Covid-19 Mutual Aid groups and local authorities to ensure essential material and health needs at a neighbourhood level are identified and met.
{"title":"‘More tangible and less theoretical’: Understandings and experiences of neighbourhood-led Mutual Aid groups during the COVID-19 pandemic","authors":"Catherine El Zerbi, N. Hartopp, A. Ramsay, Sally Marlow","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2022.2164027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2022.2164027","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This exploratory study sought to understand the role of Mutual Aid groups during the Covid-19 crisis. Group members were approached through convenience sampling across London and Leicester. Fifteen interviews took place from June to August 2020. Data were analysed using Thematic Analysis. Groups were based on solidarity not charity. Most were delimited by geographic ward and provided rapid support to support neighbours with urgent material and health needs, primarily food support, collecting medical prescriptions and providing telephone companionship. While many groups successfully collaborated with community projects, relationships with local authorities were often difficult, though not always. Local leaders and policymakers should seek to establish effective collaborations between Covid-19 Mutual Aid groups and local authorities to ensure essential material and health needs at a neighbourhood level are identified and met.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48839064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2022.2125418
B. Taşkın, B. Çakın
ABSTRACT On June 2020, the Turkish government passed a bill to establish multiple bars in the three major cities, Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, claiming to democratize bar associations. Opposition parties objected because they predicted that ‘splitting’ bar associations would divide secular institutions along political lines and diminish their role as human rights observers. This raises the question of whether a plurality of interest groups and civil society organizations fosters democracy. Based on previous experience of the government’s relationships with the business sector, trade unions, and civil society organizations, this study mainly asserts that although the number and impact of non-state actors has increased since the 2000s, suggesting pluralist politics, the AKP government has formed corporatist arrangements with ideologically close organizations, labelled as ‘domestic and national’, which also symbolizes a discursive switch from Islamism to populist Turkish nationalism. This symbiotic relationship creates a win-win situation for the government to gain regimented support for its Islamist-nationalist policies and retain power while the organizations benefit from greater access to economic and political resources.
{"title":"The government’s symbiotic relations with interest groups and CSOS in Turkey: Pluralist or corporatist arrangements?","authors":"B. Taşkın, B. Çakın","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2022.2125418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2022.2125418","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 On June 2020, the Turkish government passed a bill to establish multiple bars in the three major cities, Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, claiming to democratize bar associations. Opposition parties objected because they predicted that ‘splitting’ bar associations would divide secular institutions along political lines and diminish their role as human rights observers. This raises the question of whether a plurality of interest groups and civil society organizations fosters democracy. Based on previous experience of the government’s relationships with the business sector, trade unions, and civil society organizations, this study mainly asserts that although the number and impact of non-state actors has increased since the 2000s, suggesting pluralist politics, the AKP government has formed corporatist arrangements with ideologically close organizations, labelled as ‘domestic and national’, which also symbolizes a discursive switch from Islamism to populist Turkish nationalism. This symbiotic relationship creates a win-win situation for the government to gain regimented support for its Islamist-nationalist policies and retain power while the organizations benefit from greater access to economic and political resources.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42100410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2022.2125417
Elif Çelebi
ABSTRACT The article examines the most prominent women’s Government-Organized Non-Governmental Organization (GONGO) in Turkey, named KADEM, as a case to illustrate the mechanisms that GONGOs use to influence gendered labour policies. Existing studies underline the ideological and discursive role that GONGOs play in the late-AKP era, while the specific mechanisms that they use to influence policymaking processes require investigation. To address this gap, the analysis reveals each step that contributes to KADEM’s occupation of power in policymaking processes and explores the mechanisms that they use to interact in these processes with their essentialist gender justice agenda. These mechanisms are the direct engagement of the organization in domestic policy programs, their representation in international organizations, their expertise and advocacy to public institutions, and their strong institutional and personal links with the government. The findings are based on 48 interviews conducted with key actors and reveal that KADEM acts in line with the conservative and authoritarian labour policy agenda of the ruling party to erase gender equality in public discourse, policy formulation, and policymaking while emphasizing essentialist gender justice. The article contributes to the literature on the politics of gender under authoritarian regimes by presenting the mechanisms that GONGOs use to translate their agendas into policymaking procedures.
{"title":"How do women's GONGOs influence policymaking processes in Turkey?","authors":"Elif Çelebi","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2022.2125417","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2022.2125417","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article examines the most prominent women’s Government-Organized Non-Governmental Organization (GONGO) in Turkey, named KADEM, as a case to illustrate the mechanisms that GONGOs use to influence gendered labour policies. Existing studies underline the ideological and discursive role that GONGOs play in the late-AKP era, while the specific mechanisms that they use to influence policymaking processes require investigation. To address this gap, the analysis reveals each step that contributes to KADEM’s occupation of power in policymaking processes and explores the mechanisms that they use to interact in these processes with their essentialist gender justice agenda. These mechanisms are the direct engagement of the organization in domestic policy programs, their representation in international organizations, their expertise and advocacy to public institutions, and their strong institutional and personal links with the government. The findings are based on 48 interviews conducted with key actors and reveal that KADEM acts in line with the conservative and authoritarian labour policy agenda of the ruling party to erase gender equality in public discourse, policy formulation, and policymaking while emphasizing essentialist gender justice. The article contributes to the literature on the politics of gender under authoritarian regimes by presenting the mechanisms that GONGOs use to translate their agendas into policymaking procedures.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42765628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17448689.2022.2125412
Pascal Bianchini
ABSTRACT Although they have played a key role in socio-political mobilizations in sub-Saharan Africa, and sometimes even in some revolutionary processes, student movements on the continent have not attracted a substantial academic interest. The main argument of the article is that in Africa, student movements structurally stand as counter-hegemonic actors who have strongly influenced the political field, a phenomenon conceptualized through the notion of ‘generative function of the political’. Then it summarizes the historical evolution of African student movements through a periodization into ‘three ages’. Finally, in reviewing the existing literature, it addresses certain debatable issues that deserve to be enlightened, in particular the scope of the demands of these movements between corporatism limited to the academic sphere and political avant-gardism or the use of violence on campuses.
{"title":"Student movements in sub-Saharan Africa: Key socio-political stakeholders from corporatist mobilisations to avant-garde positions","authors":"Pascal Bianchini","doi":"10.1080/17448689.2022.2125412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2022.2125412","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although they have played a key role in socio-political mobilizations in sub-Saharan Africa, and sometimes even in some revolutionary processes, student movements on the continent have not attracted a substantial academic interest. The main argument of the article is that in Africa, student movements structurally stand as counter-hegemonic actors who have strongly influenced the political field, a phenomenon conceptualized through the notion of ‘generative function of the political’. Then it summarizes the historical evolution of African student movements through a periodization into ‘three ages’. Finally, in reviewing the existing literature, it addresses certain debatable issues that deserve to be enlightened, in particular the scope of the demands of these movements between corporatism limited to the academic sphere and political avant-gardism or the use of violence on campuses.","PeriodicalId":46013,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49391101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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