This resource guide is designed to guide and assist individuals researching contemporary Pennsylvania government and politics. It describes many of the primary and secondary sources available, as well as some of the more significant Internet sites. In addition to sections on the various branches of Pennsylvania government, this resource guide also reviews the information about campaigns and elections, the media, local government, and research centers in the Commonwealth.
{"title":"A Resource Guide to the Study of Contemporary Pennsylvnia Politics and Government","authors":"James R. Marbach","doi":"10.15367/com.v10i1.528","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/com.v10i1.528","url":null,"abstract":"This resource guide is designed to guide and assist individuals researching contemporary Pennsylvania government and politics. It describes many of the primary and secondary sources available, as well as some of the more significant Internet sites. In addition to sections on the various branches of Pennsylvania government, this resource guide also reviews the information about campaigns and elections, the media, local government, and research centers in the Commonwealth.","PeriodicalId":46038,"journal":{"name":"COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89087275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the use of regulation negotiation as an alternative to traditional rule making processes in state level bureaucracies. Direct observation of the Special Protection Water Program regulation negotiations at the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Protection from January, 1995 through August, 1996, shows that regulation negotiation can only be applied to issues with clearly defined policy alternatives, a limited number of affected parties and a distinct but not imminent deadline. All parties must be willing to bargain or negotiated agreement will not be reached. On a positive note, a survey of regulation negotiation participants revealed that agency administrators, environmental advocacy groups, and the regulated business community all perceive real benefits in the process.
{"title":"Regulation Negotiation","authors":"Paula A. Duda","doi":"10.15367/com.v10i1.527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/com.v10i1.527","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the use of regulation negotiation as an alternative to traditional rule making processes in state level bureaucracies. Direct observation of the Special Protection Water Program regulation negotiations at the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Protection from January, 1995 through August, 1996, shows that regulation negotiation can only be applied to issues with clearly defined policy alternatives, a limited number of affected parties and a distinct but not imminent deadline. All parties must be willing to bargain or negotiated agreement will not be reached. On a positive note, a survey of regulation negotiation participants revealed that agency administrators, environmental advocacy groups, and the regulated business community all perceive real benefits in the process.","PeriodicalId":46038,"journal":{"name":"COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73100316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines campaign communication of women who ran for the Pennsylvania State Assembly in 1996. The statements made in their campaign brochures were content analyzed to see if messages in thiis medium were similar to those identified in the literature about female candidates' television advertising. Specifically the issues, traits, and attacks mentioned in the brochures were examined. Differences between incumbents and challengers, winners and losers, and Democrats, Republicans, and Independents were also examined.
{"title":"Pennsylvania Women's Campaign Communication","authors":"Stephanie Greco Larson","doi":"10.15367/com.v10i1.526","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/com.v10i1.526","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines campaign communication of women who ran for the Pennsylvania State Assembly in 1996. The statements made in their campaign brochures were content analyzed to see if messages in thiis medium were similar to those identified in the literature about female candidates' television advertising. Specifically the issues, traits, and attacks mentioned in the brochures were examined. Differences between incumbents and challengers, winners and losers, and Democrats, Republicans, and Independents were also examined.","PeriodicalId":46038,"journal":{"name":"COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS","volume":"98 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76982736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Those involved in the current revival of ethical naturalism claim that this approach offers an escape from the inadequacy of moral relativism, especially the nihilism entailed in its denial of objective standards for our normative discourse. From this perspective, nature becomes the foundation of our moral claims. The following discussion generally ignores the logical and ideological issues involved in using nature in this way and instead shows that far from replacing moral relativism an ethics based on current evolutionist theory will ultimately lead to something like the relativist position. I then draw on the rules of baseball and their ability to govern behavior on the field to argue that we ought not necessarily despair our failure to locate an objective basis for our moral theories. Politics and our polilical institutions function in much the same capacity as the baseball establishment: they provide the rules by which the game should be played and the power to enforce compliance.
{"title":"Ulcers, Baseball, and the New Ethical Naturalism","authors":"Francis Moran III","doi":"10.15367/com.v8i1.541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/com.v8i1.541","url":null,"abstract":"Those involved in the current revival of ethical naturalism claim that this approach offers an escape from the inadequacy of moral relativism, especially the nihilism entailed in its denial of objective standards for our normative discourse. From this perspective, nature becomes the foundation of our moral claims. The following discussion generally ignores the logical and ideological issues involved in using nature in this way and instead shows that far from replacing moral relativism an ethics based on current evolutionist theory will ultimately lead to something like the relativist position. I then draw on the rules of baseball and their ability to govern behavior on the field to argue that we ought not necessarily despair our failure to locate an objective basis for our moral theories. Politics and our polilical institutions function in much the same capacity as the baseball establishment: they provide the rules by which the game should be played and the power to enforce compliance.","PeriodicalId":46038,"journal":{"name":"COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87053076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How does electoral competition affect the preferences expressed by representatives in their roll-call votes? Literature on representative-constituency relations suggests two contradictory hypotheses on this issue. One hypothesis is that intense electoral competition induces more ideologically extreme behavior on the part of representatives, because competition increases their need for the electoral resources provided by committed activists. The other is that competition provides incentive for more moderate legislative behavior, as a means of gaining marginal votes outside the representative's activist base. Using the measure of liberal policy agreement computed by the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), this article reports that competition is more frequently a polarizing than a moderating influence on roll-call behavior. The analysis also reveals some peculiar partisan and regional differences that can produce further insight concerning the impact of elections on legislative behavior.
{"title":"Electoral Competition and Roll-Call Voting","authors":"Stanley P. Berard","doi":"10.15367/com.v9i1.532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/com.v9i1.532","url":null,"abstract":"How does electoral competition affect the preferences expressed by representatives in their roll-call votes? Literature on representative-constituency relations suggests two contradictory hypotheses on this issue. One hypothesis is that intense electoral competition induces more ideologically extreme behavior on the part of representatives, because competition increases their need for the electoral resources provided by committed activists. The other is that competition provides incentive for more moderate legislative behavior, as a means of gaining marginal votes outside the representative's activist base. Using the measure of liberal policy agreement computed by the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), this article reports that competition is more frequently a polarizing than a moderating influence on roll-call behavior. The analysis also reveals some peculiar partisan and regional differences that can produce further insight concerning the impact of elections on legislative behavior.","PeriodicalId":46038,"journal":{"name":"COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90334536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the effect of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on Pennsylvania since the agreement's enactment on January 1, 1994. It does so by examining export statistics related to Pennsylvania as a whole as well as to several key regions within the state. As judged by these export statistics, NAFTA's impact on Pennsylvania has been quite positive. At the very least, increases in exports from Pennsylvania since NAFTA's enactment have been so strong that critics of the agreement will be hard-pressed in making a case against it.
{"title":"The Five-Year Effect of NAFTA on Pennsylvania","authors":"Paul Kengor, R. C. Phinney","doi":"10.15367/com.v12i1.507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/com.v12i1.507","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the effect of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on Pennsylvania since the agreement's enactment on January 1, 1994. It does so by examining export statistics related to Pennsylvania as a whole as well as to several key regions within the state. As judged by these export statistics, NAFTA's impact on Pennsylvania has been quite positive. At the very least, increases in exports from Pennsylvania since NAFTA's enactment have been so strong that critics of the agreement will be hard-pressed in making a case against it.","PeriodicalId":46038,"journal":{"name":"COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89212339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pennsylvania has more registered Democrats than Republicans, yet Republicans control most of the statewide elected offices and both chambers of the state legislature. How is it possible that the Democrats' registration advantage does not lead to more Democratic electoral success? Using a random survey of Pennsylvania voters and comparative questions on party orientation and party registration, this article finds that many of the state's voters identify with a political party that is different from the party in which they are actually registered. Party identification is important because it is a better predictor of voting behavior than is party registration. The article finds that more registered Democrats in Pennsylvania identify with the Republican Party than vice versa, making the Democrats' registration advantage an advantage in name only.
{"title":"Disappearing Democrats","authors":"Bernard D. Yost","doi":"10.15367/com.v12i1.512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/com.v12i1.512","url":null,"abstract":"Pennsylvania has more registered Democrats than Republicans, yet Republicans control most of the statewide elected offices and both chambers of the state legislature. How is it possible that the Democrats' registration advantage does not lead to more Democratic electoral success? Using a random survey of Pennsylvania voters and comparative questions on party orientation and party registration, this article finds that many of the state's voters identify with a political party that is different from the party in which they are actually registered. Party identification is important because it is a better predictor of voting behavior than is party registration. The article finds that more registered Democrats in Pennsylvania identify with the Republican Party than vice versa, making the Democrats' registration advantage an advantage in name only.","PeriodicalId":46038,"journal":{"name":"COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89641955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Race was the defining issue of the 1999 Philadelphia mayoral election. In an overwhelmingly Democratic city, the Democratic candidate, an African-American with two decades of experience in local government, narrowly defeated the white Republican candidate with little experience in Philadelphia government. Examining the results of the primary and general elections, the author finds that the vote was sharply divided along racial lines, even though the candidates in the general election refrained from racial appeals and ran issue-oriented campaigns. In big city politics, race thus still matters.
{"title":"A Tale of Two Cities","authors":"J. Kraus","doi":"10.15367/com.v11i1.520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/com.v11i1.520","url":null,"abstract":"Race was the defining issue of the 1999 Philadelphia mayoral election. In an overwhelmingly Democratic city, the Democratic candidate, an African-American with two decades of experience in local government, narrowly defeated the white Republican candidate with little experience in Philadelphia government. Examining the results of the primary and general elections, the author finds that the vote was sharply divided along racial lines, even though the candidates in the general election refrained from racial appeals and ran issue-oriented campaigns. In big city politics, race thus still matters.","PeriodicalId":46038,"journal":{"name":"COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85194392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2000, labor unions attempted to enhance their political influence by increasing voter turnout among union members in support of Al Gore. This strategy was thought to be especially effective in a polity where voter participation is so low. Labor's political efforts helped Gore to a popular vote victory, but the union political strategy failed because of the dynamics of the Electoral College and low union density in many regions of the United States.
{"title":"Labor Unions and American Elections","authors":"Donald W. Beachler","doi":"10.15367/com.v11i1.517","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/com.v11i1.517","url":null,"abstract":"In 2000, labor unions attempted to enhance their political influence by increasing voter turnout among union members in support of Al Gore. This strategy was thought to be especially effective in a polity where voter participation is so low. Labor's political efforts helped Gore to a popular vote victory, but the union political strategy failed because of the dynamics of the Electoral College and low union density in many regions of the United States.","PeriodicalId":46038,"journal":{"name":"COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS","volume":"174 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77352641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Studies show that Pennsylvania ranks below the national average in the percentage of preschool children enrolled in center-based programs. This is important because center-based care has been shown to better prepare children for entry into school. In 2002, we examined demographic and family influences in the use of early childhood care and education (ECCE) in a statewide random sample of 1005 Pennsylvania families with children under 6 years of age, providing a baseline of ECCE in Pennsylvania during a time when the state offered no public funding specifically for preschool. Our findings suggest that Pennsylvania children, particularly those from less educated and lower income families, may not have been well prepared to enter school in 2002. Policy changes since 2002 are described, and the likelihood of these policies to better prepare Pennsylvania's children to enter school ready to learn are considered.
{"title":"Demographic and Family Differences in Use of Early Childhood Care and Education in Pennsylvania","authors":"M. Weinraub, Anne B. Shlay, Anita T. Kochanoff","doi":"10.15367/com.v13i1.500","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/com.v13i1.500","url":null,"abstract":"Studies show that Pennsylvania ranks below the national average in the percentage of preschool children enrolled in center-based programs. This is important because center-based care has been shown to better prepare children for entry into school. In 2002, we examined demographic and family influences in the use of early childhood care and education (ECCE) in a statewide random sample of 1005 Pennsylvania families with children under 6 years of age, providing a baseline of ECCE in Pennsylvania during a time when the state offered no public funding specifically for preschool. Our findings suggest that Pennsylvania children, particularly those from less educated and lower income families, may not have been well prepared to enter school in 2002. Policy changes since 2002 are described, and the likelihood of these policies to better prepare Pennsylvania's children to enter school ready to learn are considered.","PeriodicalId":46038,"journal":{"name":"COMMONWEALTH & COMPARATIVE POLITICS","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89574074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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