Pub Date : 2021-08-20DOI: 10.1177/14748851211035475
Johan Andreas Trovik
Democracies worldwide are under stress. Two distinct families of explanation can be identified by the relative emphasis they place on the cultural versus the economic. Protesting against this dichotomy, there are those who insist that economic and cultural grievances interact. A conceptual scheme which ties together the economic and the cultural through interaction, however, rests on a prior separation. In this article, a richer and more plausible account of the relationship between transformations of work and contemporary democratic decay is developed. This account is based on a social practice model of work, in which the economic and the cultural are entirely intertwined. The social practice of work is among other things a privileged site for the realisation of certain ‘goods of work’. These include self-respect, self-esteem and self-realisation. It is by altering expectations about the realisation of the goods of work that transformations of work have contributed to an environment within which democracies are under stress.
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Pub Date : 2021-08-12DOI: 10.1177/14748851211038727
Adom Getachew
This review essay surveys the contributions of the new edited volume African American Political Thought: A Collected History. The thinker-based approach to the study of African American political thought advanced in the volume highlights the ways in which thinkers reformulate the central political questions of the intellectual tradition and constitute the canon through the citation and invocation of earlier figures. It also draws attention to the rhetorical, strategic, and tactical dimensions of their political thought. The volume sets a new standard for study of African American political thought and makes a persuasive case for the tradition’s important contributions to political theory broadly. However, by tying its significance too closely to its interventions within American political thought, the volume inadvertently minimizes the global resonances of African American political thought.
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Pub Date : 2021-08-12DOI: 10.1177/14748851211038725
Lisa Herzog
The legitimacy of putting public activities – such as providing education and welfare, but also running prisons or providing military services – into the hands of private companies is hotly contested. In The Privatized State, Chiara Cordelli puts forward an original argument, from a Kantian perspective, for why it is problematic: it replaces the omnilateral will of all citizens, which is realized through public institutions, with the unilateral will of agents to whom these activities have been delegated. While adding an important dimension to the debate, I am not fully convinced that private institutions always fail to realize the omnilateral will, and that this is the only, or always most central, normative problem of privatization. Instead, many concrete cases of privatization seem normatively overdetermined in their wrongness. Nonetheless, Cordelli’s brilliant discussion invites us to rethink these phenomena from an important angle and helps us to better understand what an ideal civil service would look like.
{"title":"Is the privatization of state functions always, and only intrinsically, wrong? On Chiara Cordelli’s The Privatized State","authors":"Lisa Herzog","doi":"10.1177/14748851211038725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14748851211038725","url":null,"abstract":"The legitimacy of putting public activities – such as providing education and welfare, but also running prisons or providing military services – into the hands of private companies is hotly contested. In The Privatized State, Chiara Cordelli puts forward an original argument, from a Kantian perspective, for why it is problematic: it replaces the omnilateral will of all citizens, which is realized through public institutions, with the unilateral will of agents to whom these activities have been delegated. While adding an important dimension to the debate, I am not fully convinced that private institutions always fail to realize the omnilateral will, and that this is the only, or always most central, normative problem of privatization. Instead, many concrete cases of privatization seem normatively overdetermined in their wrongness. Nonetheless, Cordelli’s brilliant discussion invites us to rethink these phenomena from an important angle and helps us to better understand what an ideal civil service would look like.","PeriodicalId":46183,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Theory","volume":"22 1","pages":"657 - 665"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47958596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.1177/14748851211022134
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Pub Date : 2021-05-21DOI: 10.1177/14748851211015331
Matthew Landauer
Ancient Greek elite theorists and ordinary democratic practitioners shared a distinctive account of the institutional features of democracy: democracy requires both institutions that empower ordinary citizens to decide matters and the widespread diffusion of agenda-setting powers. In the Politics, Aristotle makes agenda control central to his understanding of what it is to be kurios in the city, to his distinction between oligarchy and democracy, and to his analysis of the preconditions for democratic control of the polis. For democratic citizens, isēgoria (the equal right to speak and make proposals in the assembly) was more than an expression of the democratic commitment to equality. It was also an institutional tool to resist oligarchic domination of the agenda. Institutionalizing isēgoria was part of the Athenian response to a crucial problem for democratic theory and practice: how to ensure that popular participation reliably translates into popular control.
{"title":"Demos (a)kurios? Agenda power and democratic control in ancient Greece","authors":"Matthew Landauer","doi":"10.1177/14748851211015331","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14748851211015331","url":null,"abstract":"Ancient Greek elite theorists and ordinary democratic practitioners shared a distinctive account of the institutional features of democracy: democracy requires both institutions that empower ordinary citizens to decide matters and the widespread diffusion of agenda-setting powers. In the Politics, Aristotle makes agenda control central to his understanding of what it is to be kurios in the city, to his distinction between oligarchy and democracy, and to his analysis of the preconditions for democratic control of the polis. For democratic citizens, isēgoria (the equal right to speak and make proposals in the assembly) was more than an expression of the democratic commitment to equality. It was also an institutional tool to resist oligarchic domination of the agenda. Institutionalizing isēgoria was part of the Athenian response to a crucial problem for democratic theory and practice: how to ensure that popular participation reliably translates into popular control.","PeriodicalId":46183,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Theory","volume":"22 1","pages":"375 - 398"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/14748851211015331","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49554253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-21DOI: 10.1177/14748851211017103
Lena Halldenius
Annelien de Dijn’s Freedom: An Unruly History is a rich and thought-provoking work in intellectual history, tracing thinking and debating about political freedom in the West from ancient Greece to our own times. The ancient notion of freedom as self-government (what Quentin Skinner calls neo-roman liberty) is referred to as the ‘democratic conception’. The argument is that this conception survived through the renaissance, the early-modern period and the 18th-century Atlantic revolutions only to be deliberately scrapped in the 19th century in favour of liberal freedom – absence of state interference – thus severing the ancient links between freedom and democracy and turning democracy into a threat to freedom. The book is an impressive achievement and the use of sources staggeringly wide. However, though the liberal turn is certainly a fact of history, I am not convinced that it was such a decisive break, nor that the relations between conceptions of freedom and attitudes to democracy are as clear-cut as de Dijn needs them to be. De Dijn claims, with regret, that the liberal view remains our view and is now an essential part of Western civilization, but I find that to be empirically under-substantiated. By using the liberal turn to define an age, de Dijn lets history play out through the lens of the elite.
Annelien de Dijn的《自由:不羁的历史》是思想史上一部内容丰富、发人深省的著作，追溯了从古希腊到我们这个时代西方关于政治自由的思考和辩论。作为自治的古代自由概念(昆汀·斯金纳称之为新罗马自由)被称为“民主概念”。这种观点认为，这种观念在文艺复兴时期、近代早期和18世纪的大西洋革命中幸存下来，只是在19世纪被有意抛弃，转而支持自由主义自由——没有国家干预——从而切断了自由与民主之间的古老联系，把民主变成了对自由的威胁。这本书是一个令人印象深刻的成就，它使用了惊人的广泛的资料来源。然而，尽管自由主义的转向肯定是一个历史事实，但我不相信这是一个如此决定性的突破，也不相信自由概念和对民主的态度之间的关系像德·戴因所需要的那样明确。德·戴因遗憾地声称，自由主义观点仍然是我们的观点，现在是西方文明的一个重要组成部分，但我发现这在经验上没有得到充分证实。通过使用自由主义的转向来定义一个时代，德·戴因让历史通过精英的镜头展现出来。
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Pub Date : 2021-05-17DOI: 10.1177/14748851211015328
Chris Armstrong
According to one prominent theory of development, a country’s wealth is primarily explained by the quality of its institutions. Leaning on that view, several political theorists have defended two normative conclusions. The first is that we have no reason for concern, from the point of view of justice, if some countries have greater natural resource endowments than others. The second is that proposals for redistribution across borders are likely to be superfluous. Advocates of global redistribution have not yet grappled with these momentous arguments, or shown whether, and how, they might be rebuffed. This article does just that.
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Pub Date : 2021-04-27DOI: 10.1177/14748851211002020
D. Williams
This introduction to the review symposium on Ryan Patrick Hanley’s works on the relatively neglected early modern philosopher François Fénelon (1651–1715) provides a brief overview of the symposium itself before turning to Hanley’s treatment of Fénelon’s work on the intersection of politics and religion, culminating in a comparison of Fénelon with his most celebrated admirer, Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The article sketches how both francophone thinkers employ conceptions of divine justice as a measure to counter the dangers of amour-propre, contrasting Fénelon’s thick theology with Rousseau’s thin theology.
关于瑞安·帕特里克·汉利（Ryan Patrick Hanley）关于相对被忽视的早期现代哲学家弗朗索瓦·费内龙（François Fénelon，1651–1715）的作品的评论研讨会的介绍，在转向汉利对费内龙关于政治和宗教交叉的作品的处理之前，对研讨会本身进行了简要概述，最终将费内龙与他最著名的崇拜者进行了比较，让-雅克·卢梭。这篇文章描绘了两位法语思想家是如何运用神圣正义的概念来对抗恋爱关系的危险的，并将费内隆的厚神学与卢梭的薄神学进行了对比。
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Pub Date : 2021-04-22DOI: 10.1177/14748851211009206
Will Kujala
Arendt’s concept of the social is at the heart of her interventions in racial politics in the United States. Readers of Arendt often focus on whether her distinction is too rigid to accommodate the reality of US racial politics, or whether it can be altered to be more capacious. The central issue here is that of closing the gap between conceptual abstraction and concrete reality. However, by extending our archive regarding the social and political beyond Arendt—to work in subaltern studies and the thought of Arendt’s radical Black contemporaries—I argue that we can craft a concept of the social as a counterinsurgent logic by which political acts are reduced to social disorder, neutralizing the political edge and novelty of revolt. The distinction between the social and political is therefore useful not to describe or categorize kinds of revolts or struggles but to critically examine the way they are interpretatively and concretely transformed from ‘political’ to ‘social’ struggles. Situating Arendt among contemporary revolutionaries such as James and Grace Lee Boggs, I argue that they mobilized such a distinction, asking not what rebellions were but what might be made of them.
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Pub Date : 2021-04-22DOI: 10.1177/14748851211008002
Lois McNay
Steven Klein’s excellent new book The Work of Politics is an innovative, insightful and original argument about the valuable role that welfare institutions may play in democratic movements for change. In place of a one-sided Weberian view of welfare institutions as bureaucratic instruments of social control, Klein recasts them in Arendtian terms as ‘worldly mediators’ or participatory mechanisms that act as channels for a radical politics of democratic world making. Although Klein is careful to modulate this utopian vision through a developed account of power and domination, I question the relevance of this largely historical model of world-building activism for the contemporary world of welfare. I point to the way that decades of neoliberal social policy have arguably eroded many of the social conditions and relations of solidarity that are vital prerequisites for collective activism around welfare.
史蒂文·克莱因(Steven Klein)的优秀新书《政治的工作》(The Work of Politics)就福利机构在争取变革的民主运动中可能发挥的重要作用进行了创新、深刻和原创的论述。代替韦伯片面的福利制度作为社会控制的官僚工具的观点，克莱因用阿伦德的术语将它们重塑为“世俗调解者”或参与机制，作为民主世界的激进政治的渠道。尽管克莱因小心翼翼地通过对权力和统治的发达描述来调整这种乌托邦式的愿景，但我质疑这种很大程度上是历史的世界建设行动主义模式与当代福利世界的相关性。我指出，几十年来的新自由主义社会政策已经侵蚀了许多社会条件和团结关系，而这些条件和关系是围绕福利的集体行动主义的重要先决条件。
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