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Cocoa and compliance: How exemptions made mass expulsion in Ghana 可可与合规:豁免是如何在加纳造成大规模驱逐的?
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2275788
Nana Osei Quarshie
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引用次数: 0
The travelled landscape of Benjamin Harrison and the imagined eolithic world of the Kentish Weald 本杰明-哈里森(Benjamin Harrison)游历过的风景和肯特郡荒原上想象中的旧石器世界
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2288648
Angela Muthana, Roy Ellen
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Idi Amin: urban militarization, Africanization and materiality in Kampalans’ experiences of expulsion 超越伊迪-阿明:坎帕拉人被驱逐经历中的城市军事化、非洲化和物质性
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2275782
Benjamin Twagira
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引用次数: 0
Expulsions: Knowledge, temporality, and materiality in Africa 驱逐:非洲的知识、时间性和物质性
2区 历史学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-11 DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2275784
Tasha Rijke-Epstein, Edgar Taylor
ABSTRACTExpulsions remake knowledge and experience of time, space and the body. However, they have largely been studied and theorized through histories of Europe or within contemporary global racial capitalism, sheared off its longer global histories. This special issue anchors the study of expulsions in historical experiences and conceptualizations from a variety of African contexts over time. Expulsions are tightly entwined with the formation of knowledge and power-including area studies and academic disciplines, national citizenship and the making of nation-states. This introduction charts the ways expulsions as time-bending and chronology-blurring processes are integral to the naturalization of communities, groups and the body as subjects of scholarly and political work. At the same time, it argues that expulsions are relational, violent processes that defy temporal bounding, move across spatial scales and dislodge epistemological logic. Material landscapes are key sites through which expulsive processes are mediated, embedded and remembered, even as they are impinged upon by the violence of expulsions. This special issue argues that the study of expulsions opens conceptual questions about how knowledge, time and material forms are constituted.KEYWORDS: Expulsionviolencearea studiescolonialismAfrica AcknowledgementsWe would like to thank the Centre for Indian Studies in Africa at the University of the Witwatersrand and the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung in South Africa for supporting this project in its early phases. We would like to thank all of the participants at the conference in Johannesburg and at the African Studies Association annual meeting in Atlanta. We would also like to appreciate Pamela Ballinger, Christian Williams, James Brennan for their critical feedback on an earlier version of this introduction.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Recent work has taken a similar approach to exile (Carpenter and Lawrance Citation2018; Ricci Citation2016; Williams Citation2015).2 Benjamin Kedar made this point most forcefully, contending that state-sponsored expulsion is ‘an unclaimed offspring … of Western European civilization’ (Citation1996, 166, 179).3 We thank Pamela Ballinger for this point.4 Archaeologist Astrid Lindenlauf (Citation2004) describes the role of the sea as an ‘away-place’ in ancient Greece, and links this to contemporary conceptions of ‘away-places’ for discarding waste.5 When expulsion is entangled with expatriation, however, it may expose the impermanence or misrecognition of an ostensible homeland.6 On 'interscalar vehicles’, see Hecht (Citation2018).7 The CISA conference organized by Taylor, ‘Expulsions: Histories, Geographies, Memories’, was supported by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung. The ASA panels organized by Taylor and Rijke-Epstein were titled ‘Expulsions and the Materiality of Place-Making’. We thank all of the participants in these occasions, including the late Pie
摘要驱逐重塑了时间、空间和身体的知识和经验。然而,它们在很大程度上是通过欧洲历史或当代全球种族资本主义的历史来研究和理论化的,剪掉了它更长的全球历史。本期特刊着重研究历史经验和非洲不同背景下的驱逐概念。驱逐与知识和权力的形成紧密地交织在一起,包括区域研究和学术学科、国家公民身份和民族国家的形成。这篇引言描绘了驱逐作为时间弯曲和时间模糊的过程是社区、团体和身体作为学术和政治工作主题归化不可或缺的一部分。同时,它认为驱逐是一种关系性的、暴力的过程,它无视时间界限,跨越空间尺度,并推翻了认识论逻辑。物质景观是中介、嵌入和记忆驱逐过程的关键场所,即使它们受到驱逐暴力的冲击。本期特刊认为,对驱逐的研究开启了关于知识、时间和物质形式如何构成的概念性问题。关键词:驱逐、暴力、地区研究、殖民主义、非洲致谢我们要感谢南非金山大学非洲印度研究中心和南非罗莎·卢森堡基金会在项目早期阶段给予的支持。我们要感谢出席约翰内斯堡会议和亚特兰大非洲研究协会年会的所有与会者。我们还要感谢Pamela Ballinger, Christian Williams, James Brennan对本文早期版本的重要反馈。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1最近的作品采取了类似的流亡方法(Carpenter and lawrence Citation2018;里奇Citation2016;威廉姆斯Citation2015)。2本杰明·基达尔(Benjamin Kedar)最有力地阐述了这一点,他认为国家支持的驱逐是“西欧文明无人认领的后代”(Citation1996, 166, 179)这一点我们要感谢帕梅拉·巴林杰考古学家Astrid Lindenlauf (Citation2004)将海洋的角色描述为古希腊的“远方”,并将其与当代“远方”的概念联系起来,即丢弃废物然而,当驱逐与驱逐混为一谈时,可能会暴露出表面上的家园的无常或误认关于“跨标量车辆”,参见Hecht (Citation2018)泰勒组织的名为“驱逐:历史、地理、记忆”的CISA会议得到了罗莎·卢森堡基金会的支持。Taylor和Rijke-Epstein组织的ASA小组讨论的题目是“驱逐和场所制造的物质性”。我们感谢这些场合的所有参与者,包括已故的皮尔·拉尔森。
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引用次数: 0
‘A twenty-four hour job’. Hildred and Clifford Geertz’s first foray into the field and the scholarly persona of the ethnographer “24小时的工作”。Hildred和Clifford Geertz第一次涉足这个领域以及人种学家的学术角色
2区 历史学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2275787
Matteo Bortolini
ABSTRACTThe paper details how, during the 'Modjokuto Project' of 1952–1954, Hildred and Clifford Geertz embodied in their decisions and actions the ‘Malinowskian palimpsest’ of the lonely ethnographer, thus creating a series of oppositions between their individualistic understanding of the ethnographer and the needs of teamwork in the field. Apart from the historical record, this reconstruction aims at focusing on several questions in the history of cultural anthropology and the social sciences: How do ethnographers come to understand their professional role and the specific scientific virtues attached to it? How are scholarly personae and other cognitive-normative schemas put to the test (and modified) during fieldwork? How does the lack of methodological reflection on the ways of the anthropologist impact on the completion of specific research projects and, more generally, the reproduction of professional lore and structures?KEYWORDS: Scholarly personaethnographyClifford GeertzHildred GeertzteamworkCold War social science AcknowledgementsThanks to the participants in the George W. Stocking, Jr., Symposium (Seattle, 12 November 2022), the members of the Anthropology group of the Consortium for History of Science, Technology, and Medicine (1 February 2023), and two anonymous reviewers from History and Anthropology. I would especially like to acknowledge the help of Karen Blu, Freddy Foks, Matt Watson, Alice Kehoe, Herb Lewis, Jason Pribilski, Tullio Viola, Stephen Foster, Stephen Turner, Gary Alan Fine, David H. Price, Hans Bakker, Harlan Stelmach, Bijan Warner, Andrea Cossu, Gerardo Ienna, Giovanni Zampieri, and Zhe Yu Lee. Archival materials are cited by courtesy of Karen Blu and the Harvard University Archives. This article is dedicated to the memory of Hilly Geertz, whom I had the fortune to meet for one last interview in September 2021.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 I wrote this article using mainly letters written by Clifford and Hildred Geertz to friends and relatives in America and preserved as part of the Geertz Papers (henceforth CGP) at the Special Collections Library of the University of Chicago. Their copious fieldnotes from the period were checked to confirm my hypotheses, but were not incorporated into the text as a deeply reflected-upon decision on my part. The letters that ethnographers write home might have different functions, especially if fieldwork is conducted in a faraway land and relatives, friends, and colleagues might have expressed their worry about, or even opposition against, the trip. Letters might thus involve (and almost certainly do) a Goffmanian front/backstage dynamic, where ‘the personal, the familiar, the intimate’ (Dobson Citation2009, 57) are intertwined with encouraging words written in order to reassure the receiver. To make a careful selection and hierarchization of the sources it becomes crucial to understand the reciprocal positioning of sender
摘要在1952-1954年的“Modjokuto计划”中,Hildred和Clifford Geertz如何在他们的决策和行动中体现了孤独的民族志学者的“马林诺夫斯基式重写”,从而在他们对民族志学者的个人主义理解与该领域的团队合作需求之间形成了一系列对立。除了历史记录之外,这种重建的目的是关注文化人类学和社会科学史上的几个问题:民族志学家如何理解他们的专业角色以及与之相关的特定科学美德?在实地考察中,学者角色和其他认知规范图式是如何进行测试(和修改)的?缺乏对人类学家方法的方法论反思对具体研究项目的完成有何影响,更普遍地说,对专业知识和结构的再现有何影响?感谢George W. Stocking, Jr.研讨会(西雅图,2022年11月12日)的参与者,科学、技术和医学史联合会人类学小组的成员(2023年2月1日),以及两位来自历史和人类学的匿名审稿人。我要特别感谢Karen Blu、Freddy Foks、Matt Watson、Alice Kehoe、Herb Lewis、Jason Pribilski、Tullio Viola、Stephen Foster、Stephen Turner、Gary Alan Fine、David H. Price、Hans Bakker、Harlan Stelmach、Bijan Warner、Andrea Cossu、Gerardo Ienna、Giovanni Zampieri和喆Yu Lee的帮助。档案资料由卡伦·布鲁和哈佛大学档案馆提供。这篇文章是为了纪念希利·格尔茨,我有幸在2021年9月与他进行了最后一次采访。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。我写这篇文章的主要依据是克利福德·格尔茨和希尔德里德·格尔茨写给美国亲友的信件,这些信件被作为格尔茨论文(以下简称CGP)的一部分保存在芝加哥大学特别藏书图书馆。我检查了他们那一时期丰富的实地记录,以证实我的假设,但并没有作为我深思熟虑后的决定纳入正文。民族志学者给家里写的信可能有不同的功能,特别是如果田野调查是在一个遥远的地方进行的,亲戚、朋友和同事可能会表达他们对这次旅行的担忧,甚至反对。因此,信件可能涉及(而且几乎肯定会)戈夫曼式的前台/后台动态,“个人的、熟悉的、亲密的”(多布森引文2009,57)与为了安慰收信人而写的鼓励话语交织在一起。为了对信息源进行仔细的选择和分级,了解发送者和收件人的相互定位就变得至关重要。在这个案例中,接受者至少包括三组人:父母、近亲和偶尔出现的家庭朋友;哈佛大学或麻省理工学院的人类学研究生、教授和行政人员;其他重要人物,比如克利福德在安提阿学院的导师乔治·r·盖格。在比较了写给不同类别的熟人的信之后,我发现最有趣的是那些写给同事和同龄人的信。在与有着相似志向、训练、态度、目标和不满的同龄人交流时,Geertzes夫妇不需要像写信给忧心忡忡的父母或严厉的主管那样隐藏他们内心深处的感受。正如Roger Sanjek (citation1990,111)所说,这些信件是“将批注写在纸上的第一步”。考虑到格尔茨夫妇作为研究生的定位(当时和现在一样,这是一种特别矛盾的状态,在兴奋和痛苦之间有节奏地摇摆),很明显,他们与同龄人的通信——尤其是克利福德·格尔茨和阿尤斯夫妇之间的交流——通常具有在不同层面(方法论、组织、纪律、规范和个人,至少可以说)上进行持续治疗的速度和风格,在这些层面上,意义、身份、和团结不仅是表达,而且是通过写作、叙述、阅读和反应的行为来构建的(关于叙述和学术自我,见Gross Citation2008, 269 ff.)。目前尚不清楚格尔茨夫妇的信件是否在特定的收件人之间流传,但人们很容易想象,这些信件的内容会成为那些仍然(或已经)“在家”的人长期八卦和讨论的对象。 克利福德·格尔茨致“Pangalima Tertingg”(意为“尊贵的至尊”,即鲁弗斯·亨顿),1953年1月20日,CGP,第6箱,第1文件夹;希尔德丽德·格尔茨致“希尔和约翰”的信,1953年2月20日,CGP,第4框,第7文件夹。克利福德·格尔茨给露丝·霍利斯,1953年2月20日,CGP, 6号盒子,1号文件夹;关于这一点,请参见克利福德·格尔茨给科里夫妇的信,1953年1月4日,CGP,第6箱,文件夹1;1952年11月20日,Hildred Geertz和Clifford Geertz写给“Arnie”,CGP,第6个盒子,第1个文件夹;希尔德雷德·格尔茨致家人,1953年4月7日,CG,盒子4,文件夹7.21希尔德雷德·格尔茨致Lea [Williams], 1953年3月29日,CGP,盒子4,文件夹7.22希尔德雷德·格尔茨致Lea [Williams], 1953年3月29日,CGP,盒子4,文件夹7.23希尔德雷德·格尔茨致家人,1953年3月29日,CGP,盒子4,文件夹7。1953年4月30日,希尔德丽德·格尔茨致《爸爸妈妈》,CGP,第4盒,第8文件夹。克利福德·格尔茨给“妈妈”[洛伊斯·布里格],1953年3月31日,CGP,第6箱,文件夹1 24克利福德·格尔茨给维克多和米拉·阿尤布,1953年4月18日,CGP,第6箱,文件夹1;Hildred Geertz致家庭,1953年5月9日,CGP,第4箱,7.25文件夹Geertz Citation1989, 340。他们于1950年6月7日被哈佛大学录取(UAV 801.2010,方框6,DSR通信等1950 - 1951,F-J,文件夹“研究生,一般1950 - 1951”)。另见关于“资格考试,1950-1951秋季学期”的文件(UAV 801.2138, HD/DSR,框1,文件夹“1950-51”),以及DSR高等学位委员会1951年6月13日的会议记录,据报道,两位教授都以优异的成绩通过了资格考试(UAV 801.2005, DSR,框1,Book minutes 1950-51)克利福德·格尔茨致“杰克”[约翰·m·罗伯茨],1952年12月28日,CGP,第6箱,第1文件夹;克利福德·格尔茨给维克多和米拉·阿尤布的信,1953年1月9日,CGP,第6栏,文件夹1.27见埃文·z·沃格特给克莱德·m·克拉克霍恩的信,1951年5月1日,CKP, HUG 4490.5,第27栏,文件夹e.z沃格特1947 - 1951的陈霞Hildred Geertz致Family的信,1952年2月,CGP,盒子5,文件夹8.29按照当时的惯例,哈佛-麻省理工团队的一些男性成员是由他们的妻子(Anola Ryan, Anne Jay和Jane Hendon)陪同的,但后者没有参加博士课程,是团队的边缘成员(Dewey Citation1962, xiii)。另见Clifford Geertz致Victor和Millah Ayoub的信,1952年12月15日,CGP,盒子6,文件夹1。早期民族志中妻子的角色和贡献这一主题应该得到更多的关注。参见Wolf citation(1992)和《跨文化研究》(Cross-Cultural Research)旧刊的专著部分,1967年第2期(2)。Geertz的论文包括两份备
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引用次数: 0
Thriving in modernity: Crisis and mimesis in the life-experiences of Padre Pio and Ernesto De Martino 繁荣于现代性:皮奥神父与德马蒂诺人生经历中的危机与模仿
2区 历史学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2275785
Rosario Forlenza
ABSTRACTThis article examines the life experience of and the enduring devotion for Padre Pio (1887–1968) – a Capuchin friar and the most popular saint of twenty-first century Catholicism – through the work and conceptual toolkit of anthropologist Ernesto De Martino (1908–1965), one of the most talented intellectuals of twentieth century Italy. Southern Italian neighbours, De Martino conducted ethnographic research on magic and popular religiosity there just as the popularity of Padre Pio exploded out of southern Italy across the globe. The main argument of this article is that De Martino's insights on mimesis and repetition shed light on the life-experience of Pio and the enduring success of his cult, owing to a combination of social, cultural, and psychological factors that thrive from within modernity. In addition, the article shows how the work of De Martino is relevant to scholars across disciplines – historians, anthropologists, sociologists – who are investigating the relationship of society, religion and the sacred.KEYWORDS: CrisisimitationErnesto De Martinomodernity and traditionPadre Pio AcknowledgementsI would like to thank the anonymous peer reviewers of History and Anthropology, for their challenging criticism and constructive remarks, Kristina Stoeckl, Marco Martino, Bjørn Thomassen and Joseph Viscomi, for their generous and helpful comments and illuminating advices on this piece, and Mike Bluett, who edited and proofread the manuscript with creativity and scrupulous care.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 According to a 2001 poll, 53% of Italians said that they would turn their faith first to Padre Pio in dire circumstances; see Messori Citation2001.2 The expression is from Max Weber.3 See now De Martino Citation2015; the work of anthropologist George Saunders is one of the few attempts to bring De Martino into the English-speaking world; Saunders Citation1993; see also Zinn Citation2015; Geisshuesler Citation2021.4 The notion of ‘reading experience’ indicates the formative ‘encounter’ with ‘a certain work that struck a chord with personal experiences’, generating an intellectual and existential drive (Szakolczai Citation1998, 212).5 The apostolic visitor (Monsignor Carlo Maccari) left San Giovanni unimpressed by Pio and horrified by the cult that surrounded him, which he described as ‘idolatry and perhaps even heresy … superstition and magic'. He nonetheless acknowledged his extraordinary magnetic attraction; Luzzatto Citation2010, 276.6 Tarantismo continued to be practiced until the 1960s, when it slowly declined. It is now popular as a doorway to personal happiness and health; see Del Giudice Citation2005.7 Three of the Gospels narrate that a man called Symon, from the town of Cyrene (a Greek city in the province of Cyrenaica, today's Eastern Libya), was compelled by the Romans to carry the cross of Jesus on his way to crucifixion. The Cyrenean is therefore the symbol of the
摘要本文通过20世纪意大利最有才华的知识分子之一、人类学家埃内斯托·德·马蒂诺(1908-1965)的著作和概念工具,考察了僧帽会修士、21世纪天主教最受欢迎的圣人皮奥神父(1887-1968)的人生经历和对他的持久奉献。意大利南部的邻居,德·马蒂诺在那里进行了关于魔法和大众宗教信仰的人种学研究就像神父皮奥在意大利南部风靡全球一样。本文的主要论点是,De Martino对模仿和重复的见解揭示了Pio的生活经历以及他的邪教的持久成功,这是由于现代性中蓬勃发展的社会,文化和心理因素的结合。此外,这篇文章还展示了De Martino的工作是如何与各个学科的学者——历史学家、人类学家、社会学家——相关的,这些学者正在研究社会、宗教和神圣的关系。感谢《历史与人类学》的匿名同行审稿人提出的具有挑战性的批评和建设性的评论,感谢Kristina Stoeckl、Marco Martino、Bjørn Thomassen和Joseph Viscomi对本文慷慨而有益的评论和有启发意义的建议,感谢Mike Bluett以创造性和一丝不苟的态度编辑和校对了本文的手稿。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1根据2001年的一项民意调查,53%的意大利人表示,在危急情况下,他们会首先将信仰转向皮奥神父;参见Messori Citation2001.2这个表达来自马克斯·韦伯。3参见De Martino Citation2015;人类学家乔治·桑德斯(George Saunders)的著作是为数不多的将马蒂诺带入英语世界的尝试之一;桑德斯Citation1993;参见Zinn Citation2015;“阅读体验”的概念表明,与“某种与个人经历产生共鸣的作品”形成的“相遇”,产生了一种智力和存在的驱动力(Szakolczai citation1998,212)这位使徒访客(卡洛·马卡里蒙席)离开了圣乔瓦尼,对皮奥没有留下什么印象,并对他周围的崇拜感到震惊,他将其描述为“偶像崇拜,甚至可能是异端……迷信和魔法”。尽管如此,他还是承认自己具有非凡的吸引力;直到20世纪60年代,塔兰提斯摩舞才逐渐衰落。它现在作为通往个人幸福和健康的大门而流行;三部福音书都记载了一个叫西门的人,来自古利奈镇(古利尼加省的一个希腊城市,今天的利比亚东部),被罗马人强迫背着耶稣的十字架去钉十字架。因此,昔利奈人是神的恩典和人类努力相结合的象征。“昔利尼安人”是达·里波托尼写的皮奥传记的标题中使用的词(Citation1974);这本书的浓缩版后来以同样的标题出版,1987年也被翻译成英文,书名为《pietrecina的Pio神父:每个人的cyrenean》。8关于媒体在连接Pio的创伤治疗与天主教会的官方程序中的作用见Bartocci和Littlewood引文2004.9见McDannell引文1995,41;科尔曼和埃尔斯纳引文1995,6;参见Mesaritou Citation2012;[7.10]参见曼奇尼引文,2004,350 - 353;关于“相对”和“绝对”健康的对立,见Sabbatucci Citation1982;参见Mancini Citation1992.11 De Martino对阿普利亚狼蛛仪式的研究题为La terra del rimorso。“Rimorso”既可以表示“后悔”,也可以表示“重新咬”(“morso”是咬)。
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引用次数: 0
St Adalbert as a stranger-king: The heroization and estrangement of a holy man in the Middle Ages 圣阿达贝作为一个陌生的国王:中世纪圣人的英雄化与疏离
2区 历史学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2275786
Wojtek Jezierski
There was no holy king in Poland during the Middle Ages. Although the Piast polity belonged to the North-eastern European periphery (East-Central Europe and Scandinavia), where essentially all post-1000 CE polities boasted dynastic martyred holy rulers of native origin, the Piasts never elevated a member of their kin to such a position. The present article takes this puzzling exception as a point of departure to advance the argument that the episcopal holy patron of Poland of Bohemian origin – St Adalbert (c. 956–997) – may in many regards be interpreted as a version of Marshall Sahlins’s stranger-king. By combining anthropological theory and comparative evidence, the article explores the locally produced hagiographical sources from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries in order to demonstrate how St Adalbert’s heroic status and retroactively invented ethnic and sacral otherness were exploited for the purposes of institutional and king-like legitimacy vis-à-vis the Polish people. In its conclusions the article argues that concepts and comparative methods from political anthropology can help us to reconsider the category of holy rulers and offer new ways of reading hagiographical sources as political treatises.
中世纪的波兰没有神圣的国王。虽然皮亚斯特政体属于欧洲东北部的边缘地区(中东欧和斯堪的纳维亚半岛),基本上所有公元1000年后的政体都以本土的殉教神圣统治者为自豪,但皮亚斯特人从未将他们的亲属提升到这样的地位。本文以这一令人费解的例外为出发点,提出以下论点:波希米亚血统的波兰圣公会神圣守护神圣阿达伯特(St Adalbert,约956-997年)在许多方面可能被解释为马歇尔·萨林斯(Marshall Sahlins)的异族国王的一个版本。通过结合人类学理论和比较证据,本文探索了从12世纪到15世纪的当地制作的圣徒传记资料,以证明圣阿达贝的英雄地位和追溯发明的种族和神圣的他者性是如何被利用来实现对-à-vis波兰人民的制度和国王般的合法性。文章在结论部分认为,政治人类学的概念和比较方法可以帮助我们重新思考神圣统治者的范畴,并为解读作为政治专著的圣像资料提供新的途径。
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引用次数: 0
An archaeology of interruption: Expulsion and hiatus in Southern Africa’s long past 中断的考古学:南部非洲漫长历史中的驱逐和中断
2区 历史学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2275783
Rachel King
The long career of hiatus – as a heuristic and archaeological reality – in southern Africa’s past demonstrates how episodes of interruption (which differs from rupture) offer insight into expulsion. I emphasize the cadences of interruptions, associations with movement (or lack thereof) and violence, and the role of non-human participants.
作为一个启发式的和考古的事实,在非洲南部过去的漫长的中断生涯证明了中断(不同于破裂)是如何为驱逐提供洞见的。我强调中断的节奏,与运动(或缺乏运动)和暴力的联系,以及非人类参与者的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Expelled from public memory: Cato Manor and the segregation of memory in South Africa 从公众记忆中驱逐:卡托庄园和南非的记忆隔离
2区 历史学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2275789
Thomas Blom Hansen
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引用次数: 0
Being Bhil: The politics of becoming indigenous in India and Pakistan 成为比尔:在印度和巴基斯坦成为土著的政治
2区 历史学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-04 DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2261960
Mustafa Khan, Vikramaditya Thakur
ABSTRACTThis article, based on ethnographic fieldwork and archival data, examines the limits of indigeneity and the role of the nation state in unintentionally fostering or discouraging identity formations of certain kinds. It focuses on Bhils, the largest ‘tribal’ group in South Asia with a population of around 17 million, to ask why they are seen as ‘indigenous’ in India though not in Pakistan. It shows how the colonial category of ‘tribes’ for the Bhils has been sustained and strengthened in postcolonial India due to institutional and bureaucratic practices, vernacular publications, upper-caste and transnational activism while a different set of actions by the state of Pakistan have resulted in absence of such ‘regimes of discipline.’ This divergent scenario is contrasted with a field view of the rural countryside by describing the complexity of self-identity and claims-making of the Bhils around the Narmada Valley, India and Tharparkar, Sindh province, Pakistan. The identity claims of the Bhils in both the countries, ranging from Kshatriya (upper-caste warriors) to Dalits (formerly ‘untouchable’ castes) show striking similarities, though also differ at times and is mostly at odds with the global indigeneity discourse and the administrative categories.KEYWORDS: Indigeneityscheduled tribeBhilsIndiaPakistan Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Names of all persons and villages have been anonymized except those well-established in public domain. All Bengali, Bhili, Hindi and Marathi translations are by Thakur for India. For Pakistan, all Sindhi and Urdu translations are by Khan. Fieldwork was conducted without the use of translators. Archival records are from British Library, London (BL) and Nandurbar District Record Room (NDRR). Both authors wish to express their gratitude to Ezra Rashkow, K. Sivaramakrishnan, Edward Simpson, Richard Axelby, Jayaseelan Raj, Sohini Chattopadhyay and the two anonymous reviewers of History and Anthropology for their comments on the various drafts. Khan is grateful to Chethan Bhil, Mahesh Bhil, Vikram Das, Irfan Khan and Dominic Stephen, as well as other friends and activists, including officials of the Bhil Intellectual Forum in Tharparkar. Fieldwork was supported by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union (EU). Thakur is grateful to Chunnilal Brahmane, Vanita Brahmane, Janarth Adivasi Vikas Sanstha of Shahada, Comrade Kishore Dhamale, Pratibha Shinde, Sanjay Mahajan, Lok Sangharsh Morcha, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Amarjit Bargal, Dipak Kulkarni, Nandurbar District Collector’s Office, British Library, London, and the hundreds of Bhil friends from dozens of villages, too many to be named individually, for their support over the years. Fieldwork was supported by grants from the Yale Agrarian Studies, Yale MacMillan Center, American Institute of Indian Studies, the EU’s ERC, the UK Economic and Social Research Council and University of Delaware’s
14参见Thakur (Citation2021)了解Nandurbar地区的各种社会运动16 .参见Leslie (citation2005,66 - 67)有关新闻报道,请参见2014年7月28日的《印度斯坦时报》:https://www.hindustantimes.com/india/maharashtra-dhangars-want-st-tag-govt-in-fix/story-4NCcmPiNoXYjpfJXaf9rQI.html。截至2014年的年度会议列表见Adivasi Ekta Parishad Declaration (Citation2014);要了解被边缘化的比希尔农村妇女的生活,以及她们为寻找自己的声音而进行的斗争,请参阅加维特的自传(1999)。她的作品可能是第一个用马拉地语写的“米尔”一词被用来形容信德省的塔尔普尔统治者,他们在1843.20年被英国征服之前。辛格哈罗村是巴基斯坦最低一级地方政府——联邦委员会的总部。塔尔煤田大部分位于Singharo联盟理事会。圣雄甘地创造了“Harijan”(上帝的孩子)一词来指代“不可接触的”种姓,后来被他们拒绝达利特这个词是由B.R.安贝德卡尔(1891-1956)创造的,他是这个群体的领袖,也起草了印度宪法。信德省的区被细分为talukas,并进一步划分为联邦委员会,这是地方政府的最低层级参见斯卡里亚(Citation1999)使用辛哈(Citation1995)的拉杰普特化概念,即“部落”群体会雇佣婆罗门祭司来创造可疑的家谱,暗示存在“真正的”拉杰普特。25 .参见Guha (Citation2021)对2500年来亚洲“部落”的短暂性质及其与国家形成过程的联系进行的简短而敏锐的长期研究《摩诃婆罗多》是一个印度神话,讲的是住在森林里的埃克拉维亚被他的婆罗门老师欺骗,因为他比其他刹帝利王子的学生射得更好。27 https://mainstreamweekly.net/article1537.html。参见Devy (Citation2011, 70-89)关于有文字的语言(如印地语)日益占主导地位的文章,即使那些经常被流动群体和农村人口使用的没有文字的语言正在消失。参见Parmar (Citation2015, 4)关于Jaipal Singh Munda(1903-1970)是如何被基督教传教士和来自今天贾坎德邦的“部落”团体的领导人所教育的,他希望在印度宪法中使用“阿迪瓦西”一词而不是ST。关于贾坎德邦精英最近在国际平台上倡导土著地位的做法,见Ghosh (Citation2006).28尽管在印度的比希尔精英和知识分子中很受欢迎,但在塔帕卡尔比希尔人中却不为人知。他们提到了在19世纪中叶与英国人作战并被处决的科利族领袖鲁普罗·科利关于辛格的批评,见查特吉(citation2004,37);参考:Sundar (Citation2016).30德维认为辛格的研究是她小说的来源32 .我们感谢Arpita Basu博士和Sikha Chattopadhyay提供了他们的任期日期值得注意的例外是关于喜马拉雅东北部的文章,它被标记为整个领土。参见Dubey (Citation1982).33但请参阅《Bhukya》(Citation2017),它赞同殖民建构的非艾莉亚分裂和贡德与社会其他部分的分离,他称之为“印度大陆”参见Fuchs (Citation1992),在殖民和早期后殖民时期,弥赛亚运动在印度的每个宗教团体中都有发生,而不仅仅是ST团体关于他作品的研究,见Jadhavar (Citation2010)。网址链接:http://hdl.handle.net/10603/96318(马拉地文论文;查阅于2022年7月20日)。本研究由欧盟第七框架计划(FP/2007-2013) [ERC资助协议第616393号穆斯塔法·汗]支持;2008年至2012年期间,耶鲁大学农业研究所、耶鲁大学麦克米伦中心、美国印度研究所,2014年至2016年期间,社会科学研究理事会和欧洲研究理事会(Vikramaditya Thakur博士获得了他们的资助)。
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History and Anthropology
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