Pub Date : 2023-01-09DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2023.2164928
Salvatore Giusto
{"title":"Statement of Removal","authors":"Salvatore Giusto","doi":"10.1080/02757206.2023.2164928","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2023.2164928","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46201,"journal":{"name":"History and Anthropology","volume":"110 1","pages":"352 - 352"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78710396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2022.2060217
P. Buc
ABSTRACT Building and elaborating on the dossier’s five articles on East Africa, the Maghreb and Islamic Spain, Western Europe, the Aztec Mesoamerica, and the native American Northeast (plus Japanese and Byzantine history), this introduction discusses quandaries about comparison in the intertwined disciplines of History and Anthropology and suggests some hypotheses as to the relation between premodern warfare and religions. Side-switching was demonized (and punished as a quasi-religious sin) in Western Christianity, not so as a rule in the other societies here compared. It was ‘treason’. Sexual violence and rape was inhibited by religious conceptions in the same society, and among the natives of the American Northeast. Non-human powers might help or intervene in warfare, but there is no general pattern. As for the presence or absence of holy war, there may be correlation with the type of polity concerned. Established empires may be averse to the emergence of charismatic figures and sacral practices, as one sees with China and Byzantium. Central imperial elites may also dislike miracles, especially in offensive warfare. Evidently, while religion might shape this or that aspect of warfare, it was not the sole provider of ‘conditions of possibility’.
{"title":"Introduction to premodern war and religions: comparison, issues and results","authors":"P. Buc","doi":"10.1080/02757206.2022.2060217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2022.2060217","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Building and elaborating on the dossier’s five articles on East Africa, the Maghreb and Islamic Spain, Western Europe, the Aztec Mesoamerica, and the native American Northeast (plus Japanese and Byzantine history), this introduction discusses quandaries about comparison in the intertwined disciplines of History and Anthropology and suggests some hypotheses as to the relation between premodern warfare and religions. Side-switching was demonized (and punished as a quasi-religious sin) in Western Christianity, not so as a rule in the other societies here compared. It was ‘treason’. Sexual violence and rape was inhibited by religious conceptions in the same society, and among the natives of the American Northeast. Non-human powers might help or intervene in warfare, but there is no general pattern. As for the presence or absence of holy war, there may be correlation with the type of polity concerned. Established empires may be averse to the emergence of charismatic figures and sacral practices, as one sees with China and Byzantium. Central imperial elites may also dislike miracles, especially in offensive warfare. Evidently, while religion might shape this or that aspect of warfare, it was not the sole provider of ‘conditions of possibility’.","PeriodicalId":46201,"journal":{"name":"History and Anthropology","volume":"1 1","pages":"1 - 19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76876232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2022.2139252
L. Solivetti
{"title":"US Social scientists of the 1950s in the Mezzogiorno and Ernesto de Martino: Two divergent approaches to history and development","authors":"L. Solivetti","doi":"10.1080/02757206.2022.2139252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2022.2139252","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46201,"journal":{"name":"History and Anthropology","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88223065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-28DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2022.2139251
Laura Tradii
{"title":"‘Everywhere’ and ‘on the spot’: locality and attachments to the fallen ‘out of place’ in contemporary rural Germany","authors":"Laura Tradii","doi":"10.1080/02757206.2022.2139251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2022.2139251","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46201,"journal":{"name":"History and Anthropology","volume":"477 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78626691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2022.2060212
A. Strathern
ABSTRACT This chapter draws on the papers in this volume to help develop a global comparative perspective on religion and war. It proceeds by establishing two forms of religiosity: immanentism, versions of which may be found in every society; and transcendentalism, which captures what is distinctive about salvific, expansionary religions such as Christianity, Islam, and Buddhism. This chapter does not suggest that either immanentism or transcendentalism enhance the likelihood of collective violence in themselves. It does, however, argue that these types of religiosity are distinctive in how they drive war, allow enemies to be identified, and rationalize or legitimize collective violence. Some of the paths by which societies may become more bellicose (prone to war) or martial (heavily shaped by a military ethos) are sketched out and certain elective affinities between imperial expansion and transcendentalist systems are proposed. The place of Confucianism in this interpretative schema is discussed towards the end. Many scales of comparison are considered throughout, especially whether the categories of ‘transcendentalism’, ‘monotheism’ or ‘Christianity’/‘Islam’ afford the most comparative insight in understanding patterns of violence.
{"title":"Religion and war: A synthesis","authors":"A. Strathern","doi":"10.1080/02757206.2022.2060212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2022.2060212","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This chapter draws on the papers in this volume to help develop a global comparative perspective on religion and war. It proceeds by establishing two forms of religiosity: immanentism, versions of which may be found in every society; and transcendentalism, which captures what is distinctive about salvific, expansionary religions such as Christianity, Islam, and Buddhism. This chapter does not suggest that either immanentism or transcendentalism enhance the likelihood of collective violence in themselves. It does, however, argue that these types of religiosity are distinctive in how they drive war, allow enemies to be identified, and rationalize or legitimize collective violence. Some of the paths by which societies may become more bellicose (prone to war) or martial (heavily shaped by a military ethos) are sketched out and certain elective affinities between imperial expansion and transcendentalist systems are proposed. The place of Confucianism in this interpretative schema is discussed towards the end. Many scales of comparison are considered throughout, especially whether the categories of ‘transcendentalism’, ‘monotheism’ or ‘Christianity’/‘Islam’ afford the most comparative insight in understanding patterns of violence.","PeriodicalId":46201,"journal":{"name":"History and Anthropology","volume":"38 1","pages":"145 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86775897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2022.2060965
Peter A. Lorge
ABSTRACT The Martial Temple during China's Song dynasty (960–1279) was the locus of the government's efforts to define the scope of correct martial activity with the entire empire. Correct martial behaviour was defined by the selection of 72 martial exemplars, generals and strategists from history, as well as men who helped found the dynasty. These exemplars were the counterpoint to the Civil Temple that faced it, where Confucius and his 72 close disciples were worshipped. Although the Civil and Martial Temples were sites for worship by the emperor, there is some evidence that there were branch temples around the empire. While the civil exemplars were historically fixed, the martial exemplars were fluid and the subject of regular debate. The martial exemplars, unlike the civil exemplars, were often men from non-elite backgrounds who were far more accessible to the non-elite population of the Song. As such, they were paradigmatic models of non-elite, male service to the state. The Martial Temple was a ritual site that established universal guidelines for legitimate martial practice. Exemplary figures would receive sacrifices not only from the Song state but also quite possibly from subsequent dynastic governments. Some of the chosen exemplars were later absorbed into popular culture through theatre and novels because of that ritual status. Others proceeded in the opposite direction, raised to prominence in literature, and then moved into the Martial Temple.
{"title":"The Martial Temple in the Song","authors":"Peter A. Lorge","doi":"10.1080/02757206.2022.2060965","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2022.2060965","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Martial Temple during China's Song dynasty (960–1279) was the locus of the government's efforts to define the scope of correct martial activity with the entire empire. Correct martial behaviour was defined by the selection of 72 martial exemplars, generals and strategists from history, as well as men who helped found the dynasty. These exemplars were the counterpoint to the Civil Temple that faced it, where Confucius and his 72 close disciples were worshipped. Although the Civil and Martial Temples were sites for worship by the emperor, there is some evidence that there were branch temples around the empire. While the civil exemplars were historically fixed, the martial exemplars were fluid and the subject of regular debate. The martial exemplars, unlike the civil exemplars, were often men from non-elite backgrounds who were far more accessible to the non-elite population of the Song. As such, they were paradigmatic models of non-elite, male service to the state. The Martial Temple was a ritual site that established universal guidelines for legitimate martial practice. Exemplary figures would receive sacrifices not only from the Song state but also quite possibly from subsequent dynastic governments. Some of the chosen exemplars were later absorbed into popular culture through theatre and novels because of that ritual status. Others proceeded in the opposite direction, raised to prominence in literature, and then moved into the Martial Temple.","PeriodicalId":46201,"journal":{"name":"History and Anthropology","volume":"1 1","pages":"61 - 77"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91395456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2022.2060218
Nikola Balaš
{"title":"Through a peephole: Vladimír Karbusický, the secret police and the scholarly ethos in socialist Czechoslovakia","authors":"Nikola Balaš","doi":"10.1080/02757206.2022.2060218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2022.2060218","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46201,"journal":{"name":"History and Anthropology","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84648997","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-19DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2022.2060214
Pascal Buresi
ABSTRACT Studies bearing on the relationship between religion and violence in Islam are numerous. So are those on Ibn Khaldūn’s theory of the State, which bases the latter’s emergence on the ‘natural’ violence of peripheral tribes. This contribution aims to put the general theory that can be drawn from these studies into perspective by confronting it with some local examples: the Andalusian Taifas, the Almoravid emirate and the Almohad caliphate. These case studies highlight the diversity of forms taken by state violence and warfare in Islamic contexts. The integration of ´seculaŕ or profane patterns in the killing of enemies or in warfare, and the justification of violence sometimes by religion, sometimes by popular wisdom or common sense, contradict the fairly widespread essentialist discourses on the congenital relationship that Islam and violence maintained from the beginning. On the contrary, these processes highlight the complexity and diversity of the discursive justification of physical violence.
{"title":"Violence and warfare in Medieval Western Islam","authors":"Pascal Buresi","doi":"10.1080/02757206.2022.2060214","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2022.2060214","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Studies bearing on the relationship between religion and violence in Islam are numerous. So are those on Ibn Khaldūn’s theory of the State, which bases the latter’s emergence on the ‘natural’ violence of peripheral tribes. This contribution aims to put the general theory that can be drawn from these studies into perspective by confronting it with some local examples: the Andalusian Taifas, the Almoravid emirate and the Almohad caliphate. These case studies highlight the diversity of forms taken by state violence and warfare in Islamic contexts. The integration of ´seculaŕ or profane patterns in the killing of enemies or in warfare, and the justification of violence sometimes by religion, sometimes by popular wisdom or common sense, contradict the fairly widespread essentialist discourses on the congenital relationship that Islam and violence maintained from the beginning. On the contrary, these processes highlight the complexity and diversity of the discursive justification of physical violence.","PeriodicalId":46201,"journal":{"name":"History and Anthropology","volume":"5 1","pages":"39 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74249140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-19DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2022.2060216
P. Buc
ABSTRACT The contribution focuses on the ways in which medieval Catholic religion influenced warfare, not in terms of causality but in terms of conditions of possibility. After having looked at (1) the way in which the crusades, in particular, opened up the possibility to transfer attributes from monastic asceticism (the monks were spiritual ‘warriors of God’) to warriors (fighting as ‘warriors of God’), the article examines two examples. (2) Theology provided to the Western European culture of war the figure of the ‘false brother’, which, translated, yielded a script for the internal enemy, the political traitor and adversary in civil wars. Around this figure enormous fantasies crystallized themselves, arguably without equivalent in non-monotheistic cultures. One sees in the late medieval French civil wars the semi-secularized mobilization of this figure, with fantasies and execution of violent purge. (3) The ascetic values activated for warfare with the First Crusade meant that while in reality (as one would expect) sexual did transgressions occur, rape in war by one’s own side was hardly ever admitted, and arguably was in reality also inhibited.
{"title":"Christianity's stamp: Of hybrids, traitors, false peace, massacres and other horrors","authors":"P. Buc","doi":"10.1080/02757206.2022.2060216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2022.2060216","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The contribution focuses on the ways in which medieval Catholic religion influenced warfare, not in terms of causality but in terms of conditions of possibility. After having looked at (1) the way in which the crusades, in particular, opened up the possibility to transfer attributes from monastic asceticism (the monks were spiritual ‘warriors of God’) to warriors (fighting as ‘warriors of God’), the article examines two examples. (2) Theology provided to the Western European culture of war the figure of the ‘false brother’, which, translated, yielded a script for the internal enemy, the political traitor and adversary in civil wars. Around this figure enormous fantasies crystallized themselves, arguably without equivalent in non-monotheistic cultures. One sees in the late medieval French civil wars the semi-secularized mobilization of this figure, with fantasies and execution of violent purge. (3) The ascetic values activated for warfare with the First Crusade meant that while in reality (as one would expect) sexual did transgressions occur, rape in war by one’s own side was hardly ever admitted, and arguably was in reality also inhibited.","PeriodicalId":46201,"journal":{"name":"History and Anthropology","volume":"52 1","pages":"123 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88762043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-18DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2022.2060215
C. Pennock
ABSTRACT The Aztec-Mexica people of Tenochtitlan were, by their own definition, a ‘warlike’ culture, their collective identity closely tied to military ideals and behaviours. The values of war were dramatized and re-enacted at every level of society, and their shared warrior identity was widely understood by both men and women. This was also a culture in which religion and the supernatural were so deeply embedded in belief and behaviour that it is almost impossible to distinguish religious practice from everyday activities. Attempts to ‘rationalize’ Mesoamerican approaches to warfare often stem from a laudable desire to demystify Indigenous cultures, to recognize their sophistication, and to refute accusations of superstition and savagery. But any attempt to disentangle religion from practice deprives Aztec structures of the very logic scholars seek to instil. For the Indigenous peoples of Mexico, religion was rational: it provided explanations, motivations, structures and identities. One did not go to war solely for religious reasons, but the process of reasoning, of decision making, occurred within a universe in which the physical and metaphysical were interwoven. For the Aztecs, warfare was a sacred act performed in the service of the gods. They framed themselves as warriors, not only in tangible terms, but historically, mythically and metaphorically. Warfare was inextricable from belief in Tenochtitlan, and only by seeing the Aztecs within their own frame of reference, giving value and meaning to their rituals and histories, can we understand the conjunction of religion and war in their embracing and active vision of the cosmos.
{"title":"A warlike culture? Religion and war in the Aztec world","authors":"C. Pennock","doi":"10.1080/02757206.2022.2060215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2022.2060215","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Aztec-Mexica people of Tenochtitlan were, by their own definition, a ‘warlike’ culture, their collective identity closely tied to military ideals and behaviours. The values of war were dramatized and re-enacted at every level of society, and their shared warrior identity was widely understood by both men and women. This was also a culture in which religion and the supernatural were so deeply embedded in belief and behaviour that it is almost impossible to distinguish religious practice from everyday activities. Attempts to ‘rationalize’ Mesoamerican approaches to warfare often stem from a laudable desire to demystify Indigenous cultures, to recognize their sophistication, and to refute accusations of superstition and savagery. But any attempt to disentangle religion from practice deprives Aztec structures of the very logic scholars seek to instil. For the Indigenous peoples of Mexico, religion was rational: it provided explanations, motivations, structures and identities. One did not go to war solely for religious reasons, but the process of reasoning, of decision making, occurred within a universe in which the physical and metaphysical were interwoven. For the Aztecs, warfare was a sacred act performed in the service of the gods. They framed themselves as warriors, not only in tangible terms, but historically, mythically and metaphorically. Warfare was inextricable from belief in Tenochtitlan, and only by seeing the Aztecs within their own frame of reference, giving value and meaning to their rituals and histories, can we understand the conjunction of religion and war in their embracing and active vision of the cosmos.","PeriodicalId":46201,"journal":{"name":"History and Anthropology","volume":"16 1","pages":"99 - 122"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76538195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：