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Weathering the Geopolitical Storms: The Ever-elusive Success of EU Policy towards Iran 经受地缘政治风暴:欧盟对伊朗政策的难以捉摸的成功
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/03932729.2023.2273852
Riccardo Alcaro
Between 2003 and 2022, European Union policy towards Iran was the result of continuous course corrections made by EU institutions and member states to dodge internal disagreements and navigate the agitated waters of a region – the Middle East and the Gulf – mired in multipolar competition and beset by fragmented governance arrangements. A comprehensive review of official documents, relevant literature and interviews conducted with Iranian and European officials and experts demonstrates that a combination of prioritisation, compartmentalisation and multilateralisation kept EU foreign and security policy towards Iran on a fairly proactive and coherent course for almost twenty years. However, the forces unleashed by the United States’ withdrawal from the 2015 nuclear deal and more recently by Iran’s collusion in Russia’s war on Ukraine as well as the turmoil inside the Islamic Republic itself put the limits of the EU’s capacity to mitigate the effects of geopolitical rivalries, Middle Eastern fragmentation and intra-EU contestation on its Iran policy in sharp relief.
2003年至2022年期间,欧盟对伊朗的政策是欧盟机构和成员国不断修正路线的结果,目的是避免内部分歧,并在中东和海湾地区的动荡水域中航行。中东和海湾地区陷入多极竞争的泥潭,并受到支离破碎的治理安排的困扰。对官方文件、相关文献的全面审查以及对伊朗和欧洲官员和专家的采访表明,优先化、分区化和多边化的结合使欧盟对伊朗的外交和安全政策在近20年的时间里保持了相当积极和连贯的进程。然而,美国退出2015年核协议、最近伊朗勾结俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争以及伊朗伊斯兰共和国内部的动荡所释放的力量,使欧盟在缓解地缘政治对抗、中东分裂和欧盟内部争论对其伊朗政策的影响方面的能力受到限制。
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引用次数: 0
Opposing Nuclear Weapons Testing in the Global South: A Comparative Perspective 反对发展中国家的核武器试验:比较视角
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/03932729.2023.2270899
Exequiel Lacovsky
During the Cold War, nuclear weapon states outsourced their nuclear testing programmes to their hinterlands or overseas territories. Countries such as the United States (US), the United Kingdom (UK), France and the Soviet Union conducted more than 750 nuclear tests in the Marshall Islands, Australia, the Algerian Sahara, French Polynesia and Kazakhstan, respectively. In these cases, nuclear activities did not go unchallenged as they affected people’s health and the environment. To different extents, nuclear testing met with opposition from local, regional and international actors. A comparative perspective on anti-nuclear movements – in different regions and time frameworks – that struggled against nuclear colonialism in the form of nuclear testing highlights the impact left by anti-nuclear movements in the Global South, which is relevant to discussions on how the non-proliferation regime is structured today.
冷战期间,核武器国家将核试验项目外包给内陆地区或海外领土。美国、联合王国、法国和苏联等国分别在马绍尔群岛、澳大利亚、阿尔及利亚撒哈拉、法属波利尼西亚和哈萨克斯坦进行了750多次核试验。在这些情况下,核活动并非没有受到挑战,因为它们影响到人民的健康和环境。核试验在不同程度上遭到了地方、区域和国际行动者的反对。对在不同地区和时间框架内与核试验形式的核殖民主义作斗争的反核运动的比较观点突出了全球南方反核运动留下的影响,这与今天如何构建不扩散制度的讨论有关。
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引用次数: 1
Oops! … EU Did It Again! The EU’s Preference for Global Treaties vis-a-vis the Reality of WHO Politics 哦!欧盟又来了!欧盟对全球条约的偏好与世卫组织政治的现实
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/03932729.2023.2263350
Emanuela Bozzini, Daniela Sicurelli
ABSTRACTThe European Union (EU) emerged as an agenda-setter in the World Health Organization (WHO) negotiations for a Pandemic Treaty. However, rather than endorsing the EU proposal of a binding treaty, the negotiators agreed upon a two-track process, aimed both at negotiating a Framework Convention and revising existing WHO regulations. Why did the EU achieve only partial results in the ongoing negotiations? Concerns for the defence of national sovereignty and uncertainties around its potential to effectively deliver equal access to health resources informed the position of states that vetoed the EU’s proposal. Furthermore, the EU’s principled preference for international treaties, despite the crisis of multilateral governance, has demonstrated lack of flexibility in the way the EU addresses global challenges. Instead of streamlining WHO operations, the two-track process is expected to increase the complexity of the organisation’s response to future pandemics.KEYWORDS: World Health OrganizationEuropean UnionPandemic Treatynormative power AcknowledgementsThe authors express their gratitude to Marco Pertile, Irene Landini and the two anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments on the article.Notes1 A review of PT definitions goes beyond the scope of this paper. See George and Bennet Citation2005; Beach and Pedersen Citation2013; Blatter and Haverland (Citation2014).2 In detail: 74th World Health Assembly (May 2021), World Health Assembly Special Session (November 2021); 1st INB meeting (March 2022); 75th World Health Assembly (May 2022); 2nd INB meeting (July 2022); 3rd INB meeting (November 2022).3 Article 2 of the WHO's constitution provides a detailed list of its competences and establishes that it shall “act as the directing and co-ordinating authority on international health work”. See: https://apps.who.int/gb/bd/PDF/bd47/EN/constitution-en.pdf.4 The non-EU signatory countries were: Fiji, Britain, Rwanda, Kenya, Korea, Chile, Costa Rica, Albania, South Africa, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Senegal, Norway, Serbia, Indonesia and Ukraine. The EU signatory countries were Portugal, Italy, Romania, France, Germany, Greece, Croatia, the Netherlands and Spain.5 See: https://www.who.int/about/governance/world-health-assembly/seventy-fourth-world-health-assembly.6 Other areas were: nomenclature of diseases, standards for diagnostic procedures, standards for and advertising and labelling of biological and pharmaceutical products in international commerce.7 A special WHA session was convened on the premature death of the WHO Director-General, Dr Lee Jong-wook, to facilitate the procedure to elect the next Director-General.Additional informationFundingResearch for this article was carried out within the 2020_Covid 19 project, funded by the University of Trento, “L’Organizzazione Mondiale della Sanità nell’emergenza Covid-19: funzioni, limiti e impatto sul territorio”.Notes on contributorsEmanuela BozziniEmanuela Bozzini is Professor of Political So
摘要欧盟(EU)在世界卫生组织(WHO)大流行条约谈判中成为议程制定者。然而,谈判代表没有赞同欧盟提出的一项具有约束力的条约,而是商定了一个双轨进程,旨在谈判一项框架公约和修订现有的世卫组织条例。为什么欧盟在正在进行的谈判中只取得了部分成果?对捍卫国家主权的关切以及其能否有效提供平等获得卫生资源的不确定性,决定了否决欧盟提案的国家的立场。此外,尽管面临多边治理的危机,但欧盟对国际条约的原则性偏好表明,欧盟应对全球挑战的方式缺乏灵活性。这种双轨程序预计将增加世卫组织应对未来大流行的复杂性,而不是简化世卫组织的业务。作者感谢Marco Pertile、Irene Landini和两位匿名审稿人对本文提出的有见地的评论。注1对PT定义的回顾超出了本文的范围。参见《乔治与班纳特引文》2005;Beach and Pedersen Citation2013;布拉特和哈弗兰(Citation2014) 2详情:第七十四届世界卫生大会(2021年5月)、世界卫生大会特别会议(2021年11月);第一次INB会议(2022年3月);第七十五届世界卫生大会(2022年5月);第二次INB会议(2022年7月);国际货币基金组织第三次会议(2022年11月)世卫组织组织法第2条详细列出了其职权范围,并规定世卫组织应“作为国际卫生工作的指导和协调机构”。见:https://apps.who.int/gb/bd/PDF/bd47/EN/constitution-en.pdf.4非欧盟签署国为:斐济、英国、卢旺达、肯尼亚、韩国、智利、哥斯达黎加、阿尔巴尼亚、南非、特立尼达和多巴哥、突尼斯、塞内加尔、挪威、塞尔维亚、印度尼西亚和乌克兰。欧盟签署国为葡萄牙、意大利、罗马尼亚、法国、德国、希腊、克罗地亚、荷兰和西班牙。5见:https://www.who.int/about/governance/world-health-assembly/seventy-fourth-world-health-assembly.6其他领域为:疾病命名法、诊断程序标准、国际商业中生物和医药产品的标准、广告和标签就世卫组织总干事李钟郁博士过早死亡召开了一次世界卫生大会特别会议,以促进选举下一任总干事的程序。本文的研究是在特伦托大学资助的2020_Covid -19项目中进行的,该项目名为“L 'Organizzazione Mondiale della sanit 'emergenza Covid-19: funzioni, limite impatto sul territorio”。作者简介:emanuela Bozzini,意大利特伦托大学政治社会学教授。daniela Sicurelli,意大利特伦托大学政治学教授。
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引用次数: 0
The Falklands/Malvinas as an Identity Dispute: A Constructivist Analysis of the British and Argentinian Positions 福克兰群岛/马尔维纳斯群岛作为身份争议:英国和阿根廷立场的建构主义分析
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/03932729.2023.2253728
Magdalena Lisińska
ABSTRACTWhy is the Falklands/Malvinas case so prominent in the Argentine political narrative? Why is it almost absent in Britain? How can Britain afford to ignore United Nations General Assembly Resolutions calling for negotiations without the risk of being ostracised by the international community? The key to understanding the dispute lies in looking beyond material factors and examining the ideas behind the actions of the two actors involved. The Falklands/Malvinas case can thus be better examined as an identity dispute; a constructivist analysis highlights how the impasse between Britain and Argentina is the result of their different perceptions of the history of the islands, the international legal principles that apply to the case and the role Britain plays in the world system. Such diverging perceptions, in turn, prevent the parties from settling the dispute.KEYWORDS: Falkland IslandsIslas Malvinasconstructivismidentity AcknowledgmentsThe author would like to thank two anonymous reviewers and the editors of the journal for their valuable comments which helped to improve the paper.Notes1 The terms ‘South Atlantic War’ and ‘Falklands/Malvinas War’ are used interchangeably to refer to the 1982 armed conflict between Argentina and the United Kingdom.2 As Tony Ingesson (Citation2009, 15) notes, in a bipolar international system, a country planning a war must take into account the attitudes of the two superpowers. Indeed, in the face of the 1982 Falklands/Malvinas operation, Argentine military officials sought US neutrality. However, when President Ronald Reagan called his Argentine counterpart, General Leopoldo Galtieri, on the eve of the military operation, the latter failed to heed Reagan's warnings that the US could not support Argentina in a possible armed invasion of the islands (Clark Citation1982, 276-81)3 Anthony Cary, the 5th Viscount Falkland (1656-94) was a treasurer of the Navy from 1681 to 1689. He sponsored the South Atlantic expedition led by John Strong which landed in the islands in 1690.4 French explorers established their colony of Port St Luis on the East Falkland Island in 1764. However, in 1766, under a treaty between France and Spain, the French agreed to leave the South Atlantic and cede territory to the Spanish, who claimed the islands as their own. The Spanish took formal control of Port St Louis in 1767 and renamed the settlement Puerto Soledad.5 Indigenismo was a socio-political and cultural movement that called for the inclusion of indigenous peoples in nation-building projects. It emerged in Latin America at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, particularly in Mexico and Peru.6 An expression of the two countries' dichotomous approach to the sovereignty issue is the existence of competing publications presenting the British and Argentine interpretations, respectively. In 2008 and 2012, British authors Graham Pascoe and Peter Pepper published two online articles outlining Britain's rights to the islands. The respo
为什么福克兰/马尔维纳斯案例在阿根廷政治叙事中如此突出?为什么在英国几乎没有?英国怎么能无视要求谈判的联合国大会决议而不冒被国际社会排斥的风险呢?理解这场纠纷的关键在于超越物质因素,审视双方行为背后的思想。因此,福克兰群岛/马尔维纳斯案件可以作为身份纠纷更好地加以审查;一篇建构主义的分析强调了英国和阿根廷之间的僵局是他们对岛屿历史、适用于此案的国际法原则以及英国在世界体系中扮演的角色的不同看法的结果。这种看法的分歧反过来又阻碍了各方解决争端。作者要感谢两位匿名审稿人和期刊编辑的宝贵意见,他们的意见有助于本文的改进。注1“南大西洋战争”和“福克兰/马尔维纳斯战争”这两个术语可以互换使用,指的是1982年阿根廷和英国之间的武装冲突。2正如托尼·英格森(引文2009,15)所指出的,在两极国际体系中,一个国家计划战争必须考虑到两个超级大国的态度。事实上,面对1982年的福克兰/马尔维纳斯行动,阿根廷军方官员曾寻求美国保持中立。然而,当罗纳德·里根总统在军事行动前夕致电阿根廷总统莱奥波尔多·加尔蒂里将军时,后者没有注意到里根的警告,即美国不能支持阿根廷武装入侵这些岛屿(Clark Citation1982, 276-81)。安东尼·卡里,第五代福克兰子爵(1656-94)在1681年至1689年期间担任海军财务。他赞助了由约翰·斯特朗(John Strong)率领的南大西洋探险队,于1690.4年登陆该群岛。法国探险家于1764年在东福克兰岛建立了他们的殖民地圣路易斯港。然而,在1766年,根据法国和西班牙之间的条约,法国同意离开南大西洋,并将领土割让给西班牙人,西班牙人声称这些岛屿是他们自己的。1767年,西班牙人正式控制了圣路易斯港,并将该定居点重新命名为索莱达港。土著主义是一场社会政治和文化运动,呼吁将土著人民纳入国家建设项目。它在19世纪和20世纪之交出现在拉丁美洲,特别是在墨西哥和秘鲁。这两个国家在主权问题上的二分方法的表现是存在相互竞争的出版物,分别提出了英国和阿根廷的解释。2008年和2012年,英国作家格雷厄姆·帕斯科(Graham Pascoe)和彼得·佩珀(Peter Pepper)在网上发表了两篇文章,概述了英国对这些岛屿的权利。对这些出版物的回应是马塞洛·科恩(Marcelo Kohen)和法昆多(Facundo Rodríguez)撰写的一本300多页的书,提出了阿根廷的论点。这反过来又导致了Pascoe和Pepper在2020年发表的另一篇论文(Kohen和Rodríguez Citation2016;帕斯科和佩珀引文,2020).7法律所有权是习惯国际法的一项原则,它规定新成立的主权国家应保留其独立前的边界。本出版物由克拉科夫雅盖隆尼亚大学“卓越倡议-研究型大学”项目资助。作者简介smagdalena LisińskaMagdalena Lisińska是波兰克拉科夫雅盖隆尼亚大学美国研究与波兰侨民研究所的助理教授。
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引用次数: 0
Kuwait as a Mediator in Regional Affairs: The Gulf Crises of 2014 and 2017 科威特作为地区事务的调解人:2014年和2017年的海湾危机
IF 1.7 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-22 DOI: 10.1080/03932729.2021.1982293
K. Ulrichsen
Kuwait has developed and earned a reputation as a mediator in regional affairs as leadership-level conceptions of ‘national’ and ‘regime’ security have intersected with pragmatic assessments of the...
科威特已经发展并赢得了作为地区事务调解人的声誉,因为领导层对“国家”和“政权”安全的概念与对局势的务实评估相交叉。
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引用次数: 1
Britain, Zionism and the Nimby Syndrome 英国,犹太复国主义和邻避综合症
IF 1.7 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-07-01 DOI: 10.1080/03932729.2020.1776016
R. Mazza
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引用次数: 1
Partnership‐building in the Mediterranean 在地中海建立伙伴关系
IF 1.7 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 1999-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/03932729908456889
C. Spencer
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引用次数: 9
US reluctance and UN revival 美国不情愿,联合国复兴
IF 1.7 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 1999-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/03932729908456884
Jeffrey Laurenti
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引用次数: 1
NATO's nuclear weapons policy and the no‐first‐use option 北约的核武器政策和不首先使用核武器的选择
IF 1.7 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 1999-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/03932729908456883
Thomas Graham, J. Mendelsohn
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引用次数: 0
Rugova and the UCK: Chronicle of a shifting balance Rugova和UCK:平衡转移的编年史
IF 1.7 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 1999-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/03932729908456886
Remzi Lani
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引用次数: 5
期刊
International Spectator
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