Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2268437
Putri Nurjayana Muin, None Nurmawan
{"title":"Vicegerency in Islamic Thought and Scripture: Towards a Qur’anic Theory of Human Existential Function <b>Vicegerency in Islamic Thought and Scripture: Towards a Qur’anic Theory of Human Existential Function</b> , by Chauki Lazhar, London, Routledge, 2023, 284 pp., £90.00 (hardback) £35.09 eBook, ISBN: 9781032372211, eBook ISBN: 9781003335948","authors":"Putri Nurjayana Muin, None Nurmawan","doi":"10.1080/13530194.2023.2268437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2268437","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46267,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies","volume":"182 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135616454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2022.2087598
Dina Matar
ABSTRACT The Palestine Liberation Organization has been extensively studied and researched in a variety of disciplines and perspectives. However, little attention has been paid to its media and/or political communication strategies that went hand in hand with its political evolution and aims from 1969 to 1982, a period marked by flux and political uncertainty as well intensive PLO state-building processes. This paper seeks to partially fill the gap by addressing political communication not only as a fundamental political practice and strategy but also as an arena in which political elites compete to achieve media legitimacy and ensure support for their objectives and ideologies. Drawing on archival research of the PLO mass media platforms during the period under review, primary sources and interviews with former PLO media personnel, the paper begins with an overview of the PLO’s investment in mass media institutions and other cultural genres before discussing its political communication strategy and its aims in the period from 1969 to 1982. The paper then addresses how the late PLO chairman Yasser Arafat actively competed in the political communication arena to achieve media legitimacy and secure public consent for the PLO’s ideologies and aims. In doing so, the paper does not suggest Arafat achieved total domination of the political communication space nor that other guerrilla leaders, Arab and other actors did not compete in this arena. Rather, the approach emphasizes the relationship between political agency and structure during moments of flux and change, thus complementing dominant approaches in political communication research that focus on framing and discourse.
{"title":"The PLO’s political communication arena; Arafat and the struggle for media legitimacy","authors":"Dina Matar","doi":"10.1080/13530194.2022.2087598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2022.2087598","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Palestine Liberation Organization has been extensively studied and researched in a variety of disciplines and perspectives. However, little attention has been paid to its media and/or political communication strategies that went hand in hand with its political evolution and aims from 1969 to 1982, a period marked by flux and political uncertainty as well intensive PLO state-building processes. This paper seeks to partially fill the gap by addressing political communication not only as a fundamental political practice and strategy but also as an arena in which political elites compete to achieve media legitimacy and ensure support for their objectives and ideologies. Drawing on archival research of the PLO mass media platforms during the period under review, primary sources and interviews with former PLO media personnel, the paper begins with an overview of the PLO’s investment in mass media institutions and other cultural genres before discussing its political communication strategy and its aims in the period from 1969 to 1982. The paper then addresses how the late PLO chairman Yasser Arafat actively competed in the political communication arena to achieve media legitimacy and secure public consent for the PLO’s ideologies and aims. In doing so, the paper does not suggest Arafat achieved total domination of the political communication space nor that other guerrilla leaders, Arab and other actors did not compete in this arena. Rather, the approach emphasizes the relationship between political agency and structure during moments of flux and change, thus complementing dominant approaches in political communication research that focus on framing and discourse.","PeriodicalId":46267,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"1320 - 1336"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139316200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2266653
Hülya Taflı Düzgün, Haydar Akçadağ
"The Crusade of 1456 Texts and Documentation in Translation." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
1456年十字军东征的文本和文献翻译《英国中东研究杂志》，印前版，第1-2页
{"title":"The Crusade of 1456 Texts and Documentation in Translation <b>The Crusade of 1456 Texts and Documentation in Translation</b> , Mixson James D, Boston, University of Toronto Press, 2022, 324 pp., $94.53 (hardback), ISBN: 978-148750 5769","authors":"Hülya Taflı Düzgün, Haydar Akçadağ","doi":"10.1080/13530194.2023.2266653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2266653","url":null,"abstract":"\"The Crusade of 1456 Texts and Documentation in Translation.\" British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2","PeriodicalId":46267,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135883864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-04DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2266651
Francesco Cavatorta
"Classless Politics. Islamist movements, the left, and authoritarian legacies in Egypt." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
“没有阶级的政治。伊斯兰运动、左翼和埃及的威权主义遗产。”《英国中东研究杂志》，印前版，第1-2页
{"title":"Classless Politics. Islamist movements, the left, and authoritarian legacies in Egypt <b>Classless Politics. Islamist movements, the left, and authoritarian legacies in Egypt</b> , by Hesham Sallam, New York, United States of America, Columbia University Press, 2022, ix-xviii+454 pp., $35 .00 (paperback), ISBN 978-0-231-203258","authors":"Francesco Cavatorta","doi":"10.1080/13530194.2023.2266651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2266651","url":null,"abstract":"\"Classless Politics. Islamist movements, the left, and authoritarian legacies in Egypt.\" British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2","PeriodicalId":46267,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies","volume":"97 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135645704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-04DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2266652
Ehssan Hanif
"“Revolution of things; the Islamism and Post-Islamism of objects in Tehran”." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
{"title":"“Revolution of things; the Islamism and Post-Islamism of objects in Tehran” <b>“Revolution of things; the Islamism and Post-Islamism of objects in Tehran”</b> , by Kusha Sefat, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, May 23 2023, 184 pp., $29.95 (paperback)","authors":"Ehssan Hanif","doi":"10.1080/13530194.2023.2266652","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2266652","url":null,"abstract":"\"“Revolution of things; the Islamism and Post-Islamism of objects in Tehran”.\" British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.","PeriodicalId":46267,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies","volume":"97 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135646270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-30DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120
Alireza Raisi
ABSTRACTDespite a growing body of analyses on sectarian tensions in the MENA, few have examined the impact of sectarian attitudes on public opinion towards the regional powers. Drawing from a statistical analysis of public opinion polls and the case study of Egypt and Sudan, the paper examines determinants of public attitudes towards Iran in the post-Arab spring era. The analysis indicates that public attitudes towards the regional player, i.e. Iran influenced by the alliance in the MENA. Although the Arab spring fuelled the negative sentiments towards Iran in the allies of Saudi Arabia, strong ties between Iran and the Islamist rule shaped positive attitudes towards Iran in Sudan. The analysis further reveals the impact of Salafi’s anti-Iran campaigns in Egypt. This campaign utilizes negative symbolism and ethnoreligious myths to depict Shias as an enemy and construct an existential threat from Iran. In this environment, the symbolic politics and emotionally laden hatred in the Arab countries explain the sectarian attitudes towards Shias and Iran. AcknowledgmentsThe author would like to thank Nukhet Sandal, and Aisha Ahmad for their cogent comments on the earlier draft of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120.Notes1 This growing body of analysis led some scholar to argue that term of sectarianism has lost its analytic effectiveness. As a result, sectarianism needs more specific adjectives such as doctrinal, subnational, national, transnational Haddad, F. (2020). Understanding ‘Sectarianism’: Sunni-Shi’a Relations in the Modern Arab World, Oxford University Press, U.S.A.2 This meta-study of new studies of sectarianism in the MENA develops a typology of three groups of studies. The first group completely rejects the existing primordialism and instrumentalism views. The second approach tries to adopt certain elements from each of these existing views, and the third view calls for analytical eclecticism. Valbjørn, M. (2020). ‘Beyond the beyond (s): On the (many) third way (s) beyond primordialism and instrumentalism in the study of sectarianism’. Nations and Nationalism 26(1): 91–107.3 Köse, T., et al. (2016). ‘A comparative analysis of soft power in the MENA region: the impact of ethnic, sectarian, and religious identity on soft power in Iraq and Egypt’. Foreign Policy Analysis 12(3): 354–373.4 Ciftci, S. and G. M. Tezcür (2016). ‘Soft power, religion, and anti-Americanism in the Middle East’. Foreign Policy Analysis 12(3): 374–394.5 Telhami, S. (2013). The world through Arab eyes: Arab public opinion and the reshaping of the Middle East, Basic Books (AZ).6 Kamrava, M. and Dorzadeh, H. (2020). Arab Opinion Toward Iran 2019/2020. Doha Qatar, The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.7 Ibid.8 Tajfel, H., et al. (1979). ‘An integrative theory of intergroup confli
尽管对中东和北非地区宗派紧张局势的分析越来越多，但很少有人研究宗派态度对公众舆论对地区大国的影响。通过对民意调查的统计分析以及对埃及和苏丹的案例研究，本文探讨了后阿拉伯之春时代公众对伊朗态度的决定因素。分析表明，公众对地区参与者的态度，即受中东和北非联盟影响的伊朗。尽管阿拉伯之春在沙特阿拉伯的盟友中助长了对伊朗的负面情绪，但伊朗与伊斯兰统治之间的紧密联系在苏丹形成了对伊朗的积极态度。分析进一步揭示了萨拉菲反伊朗运动在埃及的影响。这场运动利用消极的象征主义和民族宗教神话，将什叶派描绘成敌人，并构建来自伊朗的生存威胁。在这种环境下，阿拉伯国家的象征性政治和充满情感的仇恨解释了对什叶派和伊朗的宗派态度。作者要感谢Nukhet Sandal和Aisha Ahmad对本文早期草稿提出的令人信服的意见。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。这篇文章的补充资料可以在https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120.Notes1网站上获得。越来越多的分析导致一些学者认为，宗派主义一词已经失去了分析的有效性。因此，宗派主义需要更具体的形容词，如教义的，次国家的，国家的，跨国的哈达德，F.(2020)。《理解“宗派主义”:现代阿拉伯世界的逊尼派-什叶派关系》，牛津大学出版社，美国，第2期本元研究的宗派主义的新研究在中东和北非地区发展了三组研究的类型学。第一派完全反对现存的原始主义和工具主义观点。第二种方法试图从这些现有的观点中采纳某些元素，第三种观点要求分析折衷主义。王晓明，王晓明(2020)。超越超越:宗派主义研究中超越原始主义和工具主义的(许多)第三条道路王晓东，王晓东等。民族与民族主义26(1):91-107.3 Köse。“中东和北非地区软实力的比较分析:种族、宗派和宗教认同对伊拉克和埃及软实力的影响”。李建军，张建军，张建军(2016).外交政策分析，第3期:354-373.4。“中东软实力、宗教和反美主义”。张国强，张国强。外交政策分析(3):374-394.5。《阿拉伯人眼中的世界:阿拉伯舆论与中东的重塑》，《基础图书》第6期Kamrava, M.和Dorzadeh, H.(2020)。阿拉伯对伊朗的看法2019/2020。多哈卡塔尔，阿拉伯研究与政策研究中心。同上。8 Tajfel, H.等(1979)。“群体间冲突的综合理论”。李建军，李建军(2001)。组织认同:一个读者56(65):97.9。“群体间关系中的社会认同视角:理论、主题和争议”。[11] Blackwell社会心理学手册:群体间过程4:133-152.10 Köse，软实力的比较分析西格尔，a.a.和V. Badaan(2020)。“# 2宗派主义:减少网上宗派仇恨言论的实验方法”。美国政治科学评论114(3):837-855.12规范谈话是指关于他们的群体是什么或不是什么的讨论Hogg, m.a.和m.j. Rinella(2018)。“社会身份和共同现实”。心理学的当前观点23:6-10.14西格尔，# 2宗派主义Edelman, M.(2013)。政治作为象征性行动:大众觉醒与沉默，爱思唯尔。[54.16] Valbjørn，超越超越(s)Edelman(1971)和Kaufman(2001)对SPT进行了更详细的解释。象征政治还是理性选择?检验极端种族暴力的理论。考夫曼:象征政治还是理性选择?[58.20]郭福刚，刘志刚(2014)。“超越宗派主义:新中东冷战”布鲁金斯多哈中心分析论文11:1-27.21西格尔，# no2宗派主义。22陈晓明，陈晓明(2011)。“作为反革命的宗派主义:沙特对阿拉伯之春的回应”。[3]张建军，张建军。民族与民族主义研究[j] .(2016): 513-526.23。海湾地区宗派主义的政治经济学，JSTOR24在一些国家，如巴林和沙特阿拉伯，宗派认同企业家将什叶派反对派描绘成第五纵队和外国势力(即伊朗)的代理人，以证明镇压的正当性除了这些策略之外，阿拉伯之春之后，针对伊朗的敌对谣言也很普遍。例如，有传言说伊朗向阿拉伯国家出口了有毒的西瓜，以屠杀阿拉伯公民。 迪拜警察局局长在推特上写道:“在伊朗人毒死西瓜之后，所有伊朗水果都是危险的。”《阿拉伯人关于伊朗西瓜的谣言》，伊朗伊斯兰通讯社，2015年5月3日，https://www.isna.ir/news/9402130734326埃德尔曼:《政治作为象征性行动》，P54.27阿布-艾尔-法德尔(2015)。开罗与华盛顿之间:后穆巴拉克时代埃及的宗派主义与反革命。革命的埃及，劳特利奇:227-253。Hassan, a.f.(2015)。《埃及的媒体、革命和政治:一场起义的故事》，Mohamed Bassam Yousef，“打击新萨法维(波斯)计划”，引自Ali Al-Ahmed，“官方沙特仇恨管道”，Pp12-13, 2020年9月。海湾事务研究所，29 IslamQA(以16种语言出版的最重要的萨拉菲派网站之一)，阿拉伯语“犹太人与深奥教派之间的关系”，(العلاقة بين اليهود وفرق الباطنية)， 2014年9月13日https://islamqa.info/ar/answers/22068730 Muhammad Saalih Al-Munajjid引用于Ali Al-Ahmed，“官方沙特仇恨管道”，P16, 2020年9月。《海湾事务研究所》。31同上。32阿卜杜。(2015)。《萨拉菲斯特与宗派主义:推特与中东社区冲突》，布鲁金斯学院中东政策研究中心。《全球化的伊斯兰:寻找新的伊斯兰世界》，哥伦比亚大学出版社，2019年第34期。谢赫·易卜拉欣·阿吉兰引用于阿里·艾哈迈德的《沙特官方仇恨管道》，2020年9月第13期。海湾事务研究所。阿布多、萨拉菲斯特和宗派主义KhosraviNik, M.和N. Sarkhoh(2017)。参与式网络平台上的阿拉伯主义和反波斯情绪:一项社会媒体批评话语研究。Buehler, M. and J. Schulhofer-Wohl(2021)。“对中东和北非什叶派偏见的国际根源:来自摩洛哥的原始调查证据”。地中海政治:1-29.38 Raisi, Alireza。(2019)。”伊朗选举政治中民粹主义的困惑。”李建平，李建平。民主化研究进展(6):916-934。(2021)。伊朗:现代什叶派政治意识形态的建构。《劳特利奇宗教、政治和意识形态手册》(314-327页)。Routledge40 Ünal, Y.(2016)。《伊朗的赛义德·库布:伊斯兰共和国中伊斯兰主义理论家的翻译》。伊斯兰与穆斯林研究杂志1(2):35-60.41 Shady Zalat and Hamama, mada, 7/9/2015，“沙特阿拉伯和爱兹哈尔对什叶派在埃及的侵占”https://www.madamasr.com/en/2015/07/09/feature/politics/wikileaks-saudi-arabia-and-azhar-on-the-shia-encroachment-in-egypt/42美国国务院，2012年国际宗教自由埃
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Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2251140
A. Szymański, A. Cihangiroğlu
{"title":"Deliberate polarization as a distractive political strategy in economic downturns: the case of Turkey","authors":"A. Szymański, A. Cihangiroğlu","doi":"10.1080/13530194.2023.2251140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2251140","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46267,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49250004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-29DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2251113
Mohammad Mesbahi
{"title":"Institutional resilience in Modern Iranian Shiʿism: solidification of the ḥawza ʿilmīya of Qum between 1961 and 1979","authors":"Mohammad Mesbahi","doi":"10.1080/13530194.2023.2251113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2251113","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46267,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42512503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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