Abstract This paper argues that a core component of root meaning is the distinction between body parts versus the body conceived as a whole. This distinction is shown to be relevant in the acceptability of motion sentences in English with whole-body roots like dance$sqrt {textsc{dance}} $ and body-part roots like smile$sqrt {textsc{smile}} $. In keeping with the assumption that roots lack syntactic category, I argue that verbal roots occur freely in syntactic structures but that some root-structure combinations are degraded (or unacceptable), and that this is due to an incompatibility between conceptual root content and interpreted syntactic structure.
{"title":"How do you smile along a path?","authors":"Patricia Irwin","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2019-2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2021","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper argues that a core component of root meaning is the distinction between body parts versus the body conceived as a whole. This distinction is shown to be relevant in the acceptability of motion sentences in English with whole-body roots like dance$sqrt {textsc{dance}} $ and body-part roots like smile$sqrt {textsc{smile}} $. In keeping with the assumption that roots lack syntactic category, I argue that verbal roots occur freely in syntactic structures but that some root-structure combinations are degraded (or unacceptable), and that this is due to an incompatibility between conceptual root content and interpreted syntactic structure.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"36 1","pages":"343 - 363"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/tlr-2019-2021","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48087486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Japanese is full of syntactic phenomena that are not found in English and other European languages. The papers in this issue examine those phenomena in Minimalist perspective. The Minimalist Syntax as proposed in Chomsky (2013, 2015) consists of two basic components. One is the fundamental operation Merge, which takes two elements α, β and forms a constituent γ= {α, β}. It accompanies a labeling algorithm that specifies the nature of the formed object γ. For example, when α is verbal and β is nominal, the algorithm decides which property γ inherits. The other is Transfer, which sends the structures constructed by Merge to the interpretive components. The standard hypothesis is that Transfer does not take place all at once after a derivation is completed but applies throughout the derivation in units called phases. Merge and Transfer are indeed two operations that are minimally required of syntactic theory. One of the main goals of research in Minimalism is to eliminate stipulated syntactic principles. Thus, the distribution of DPs and the obligatory application of movement (Internal Merge) as well as its last resort property, for example, are argued to follow from the nature of Merge and the accompanying labeling algorithm. Transfer, on the other hand, is claimed to be responsible for the locality observed in movement as well as anaphor binding. (See, for example, Quicoli (2008) and Charnavel and Sportiche (2016) for attempts to derive Condition (A) effects from Transfer.) This makes the analysis of parametric variation among languages more challenging and poses new problems to be addressed in language acquisition. A unique property of a language or of a group of languages cannot be accounted for by a parameter attached to a stipulated principle. It must be derived from the universal mechanisms of Merge and Transfer. On the other hand, the Minimalist Program makes investigation into parametric variation more rewarding as well. An analysis of a unique property of a language in Minimalist perspective is automatically a proposal on the fundamentals of the general syntactic theory. The papers in this issue are all on Japanese but aim at this goal. They concern how Merge applies, how ellipsis takes place in a derivation, how movement chains are interpreted, what labels are for, and how the labeling mechanism is acquired by children.
日语中充满了英语和其他欧洲语言所没有的句法现象。这期论文从极简主义的角度来审视这些现象。乔姆斯基(2013,2015)提出的极简语法由两个基本组成部分组成。一种是基本的合并操作，它采用两个元素α， β并形成一个组成γ= {α， β}。它伴随着一个标记算法，该算法指定了形成的对象γ的性质。例如，当α是口头的，β是名义的，算法决定哪个属性γ继承。另一个是Transfer，它将Merge构造的结构发送给解释组件。标准假设是，在推导完成后，转移不会立即发生，而是以称为阶段的单位在整个推导过程中应用。合并和转移确实是语法理论中最低要求的两个操作。极简主义研究的主要目标之一是消除规定的句法原则。因此，dp的分布和运动的强制应用(内部合并)以及它的最后手段属性，例如，被认为是从合并的本质和伴随的标记算法中得出的。另一方面，迁移被认为是在运动中观察到的位置以及隐喻结合的原因。(例如，参见Quicoli(2008)和Charnavel and Sportiche(2016)试图从迁移中得出条件(A)效应。)这使得语言间参数变化的分析更具挑战性，并提出了语言习得中需要解决的新问题。一种语言或一组语言的独特属性不能用附加在规定原则上的参数来解释。它必须来自合并和转移的通用机制。另一方面，极简程序也使对参数变化的研究更有意义。从极简主义的角度分析一种语言的独特属性，自然是对一般句法理论基础的提出。这期的文章都是关于日语的，但都是为了这个目的。它们涉及如何应用Merge，在派生中如何发生省略号，如何解释运动链，标签的目的是什么，以及儿童如何获得标签机制。
{"title":"Introduction","authors":"M. Saito","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2019-2038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2038","url":null,"abstract":"Japanese is full of syntactic phenomena that are not found in English and other European languages. The papers in this issue examine those phenomena in Minimalist perspective. The Minimalist Syntax as proposed in Chomsky (2013, 2015) consists of two basic components. One is the fundamental operation Merge, which takes two elements α, β and forms a constituent γ= {α, β}. It accompanies a labeling algorithm that specifies the nature of the formed object γ. For example, when α is verbal and β is nominal, the algorithm decides which property γ inherits. The other is Transfer, which sends the structures constructed by Merge to the interpretive components. The standard hypothesis is that Transfer does not take place all at once after a derivation is completed but applies throughout the derivation in units called phases. Merge and Transfer are indeed two operations that are minimally required of syntactic theory. One of the main goals of research in Minimalism is to eliminate stipulated syntactic principles. Thus, the distribution of DPs and the obligatory application of movement (Internal Merge) as well as its last resort property, for example, are argued to follow from the nature of Merge and the accompanying labeling algorithm. Transfer, on the other hand, is claimed to be responsible for the locality observed in movement as well as anaphor binding. (See, for example, Quicoli (2008) and Charnavel and Sportiche (2016) for attempts to derive Condition (A) effects from Transfer.) This makes the analysis of parametric variation among languages more challenging and poses new problems to be addressed in language acquisition. A unique property of a language or of a group of languages cannot be accounted for by a parameter attached to a stipulated principle. It must be derived from the universal mechanisms of Merge and Transfer. On the other hand, the Minimalist Program makes investigation into parametric variation more rewarding as well. An analysis of a unique property of a language in Minimalist perspective is automatically a proposal on the fundamentals of the general syntactic theory. The papers in this issue are all on Japanese but aim at this goal. They concern how Merge applies, how ellipsis takes place in a derivation, how movement chains are interpreted, what labels are for, and how the labeling mechanism is acquired by children.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"37 1","pages":"1 - 6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/tlr-2019-2038","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46992876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract It is challenging to make empirical arguments either for or against the existence of verb-raising in head-final languages like Japanese since word order facts are not informative in such languages unlike in head-initial languages such as English and French. This article aims to make a novel argument for the existence of verb-raising in Japanese, based on facts about VP-fronting.
{"title":"Verb-raising and VP-fronting in Japanese","authors":"Kenshi Funakoshi","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2019-2036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2036","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It is challenging to make empirical arguments either for or against the existence of verb-raising in head-final languages like Japanese since word order facts are not informative in such languages unlike in head-initial languages such as English and French. This article aims to make a novel argument for the existence of verb-raising in Japanese, based on facts about VP-fronting.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"37 1","pages":"117 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/tlr-2019-2036","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46916673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Sentences with the verb exist and with a lexical DP in subject position show no definiteness effect. This suggests that the definiteness effect is keyed in English to the presence of expletive there. More strongly put, a definiteness effect is invariably found whenever expletive there (or a counterpart of it in other languages, whether pronounced or not) is present. This effect may in some languages be limited to the case of unstressed pronouns. Expletive there and its counterparts originate within the associate (in a way that accounts for the expletive being there, and not then). In part, this conclusion is driven by anti-homophony. Freeze noted that English is exceptional in having expletive there in subject position. The proposal will be that this is related to English allowing preposition-stranding under A-movement. The definiteness effect itself results from a blocking effect, probably not specific to existential sentences, that certain determiners such as the impose on the movement of expletive there from its DP-internal position up to a sentential subject position.
{"title":"Notes on Expletive There","authors":"Richard S. Kayne","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2019-2042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2042","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Sentences with the verb exist and with a lexical DP in subject position show no definiteness effect. This suggests that the definiteness effect is keyed in English to the presence of expletive there. More strongly put, a definiteness effect is invariably found whenever expletive there (or a counterpart of it in other languages, whether pronounced or not) is present. This effect may in some languages be limited to the case of unstressed pronouns. Expletive there and its counterparts originate within the associate (in a way that accounts for the expletive being there, and not then). In part, this conclusion is driven by anti-homophony. Freeze noted that English is exceptional in having expletive there in subject position. The proposal will be that this is related to English allowing preposition-stranding under A-movement. The definiteness effect itself results from a blocking effect, probably not specific to existential sentences, that certain determiners such as the impose on the movement of expletive there from its DP-internal position up to a sentential subject position.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"74 4","pages":"209 - 230"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/tlr-2019-2042","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41304501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract We investigate how saturation of different theta-roles by the non-head constituent correlates with derivational suffixes and, in turn, with the event structures compatible with those suffixes. We also investigate XP realisations of themes, causers and instruments in deverbal nominal and participial constructions and which ±agentive and/or ±process/episodic sub-readings allow which type of argument. It turns out that for each theta-role, the contexts that allow an XP realisation are exactly the complement of the contexts that would allow compounding of that same theta-role. We take this complementarity to be an indirect argument in favour of (i) divorcing argument licensing from argument selection and (ii) dissociating argument introduction from event-structure-related heads, which then potentially reaffirms the role of roots in (first phase) syntax.
{"title":"Selecting roots: the view from compounding","authors":"Dimitris Michelioudakis, Nikos Angelopoulos","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2019-2023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2023","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We investigate how saturation of different theta-roles by the non-head constituent correlates with derivational suffixes and, in turn, with the event structures compatible with those suffixes. We also investigate XP realisations of themes, causers and instruments in deverbal nominal and participial constructions and which ±agentive and/or ±process/episodic sub-readings allow which type of argument. It turns out that for each theta-role, the contexts that allow an XP realisation are exactly the complement of the contexts that would allow compounding of that same theta-role. We take this complementarity to be an indirect argument in favour of (i) divorcing argument licensing from argument selection and (ii) dissociating argument introduction from event-structure-related heads, which then potentially reaffirms the role of roots in (first phase) syntax.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"36 1","pages":"389 - 410"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/tlr-2019-2023","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43039755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The present article is concerned with two important observations about argument ellipsis. One is that it may apply to arguments that do not enter into agreement relationship with functional categories but not to those that do; the other is that extraction out of elided arguments is possible in Japanese. In order to account for these properties, I adopt the theory of derivational ellipsis, according to which elliptic constituents are marked as such as early as in the syntactic component, and the hypothesis that v, V, and an internal argument can be combined in different ways in different languages. The proposed analysis does not only account for the relevant facts about argument ellipsis in Japanese, but also extends to other languages that exhibit slightly different behaviors with regard to null arguments.
{"title":"Derivational argument ellipsis","authors":"Daiko Takahashi","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2019-2034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2034","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present article is concerned with two important observations about argument ellipsis. One is that it may apply to arguments that do not enter into agreement relationship with functional categories but not to those that do; the other is that extraction out of elided arguments is possible in Japanese. In order to account for these properties, I adopt the theory of derivational ellipsis, according to which elliptic constituents are marked as such as early as in the syntactic component, and the hypothesis that v, V, and an internal argument can be combined in different ways in different languages. The proposed analysis does not only account for the relevant facts about argument ellipsis in Japanese, but also extends to other languages that exhibit slightly different behaviors with regard to null arguments.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"37 1","pages":"47 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/tlr-2019-2034","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42581978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Edward Keenan coined the term “existential-have” for have-sentences containing a relational noun in object position that present a definiteness effect (DE) similar to the one in there be-sentences. We begin this paper by showing in detail that the DE in these sentences is in fact different from the one found with there be-sentences. We then explain how these contrasts reflect differences in the semantics of the two sorts of sentences that we have independently argued for in previous work. We will specifically challenge two assumptions that are frequently made about the definiteness effect in have-sentences: (1) that it is related to any version of the so-called “weak”/“strong” distinction that has been used to characterize the effect in there be-sentences; and (2) that it is limited to relational nouns like handle and follows from treating such nouns as two-place predicates. Finally, we show how our account is superior to other accounts that have been offered of the definiteness effect in have-sentences.
{"title":"There be- and have-sentences: Different semantics, different definiteness effects","authors":"Toni Bassaganyas-Bars, L. McNally","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2019-2041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2041","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Edward Keenan coined the term “existential-have” for have-sentences containing a relational noun in object position that present a definiteness effect (DE) similar to the one in there be-sentences. We begin this paper by showing in detail that the DE in these sentences is in fact different from the one found with there be-sentences. We then explain how these contrasts reflect differences in the semantics of the two sorts of sentences that we have independently argued for in previous work. We will specifically challenge two assumptions that are frequently made about the definiteness effect in have-sentences: (1) that it is related to any version of the so-called “weak”/“strong” distinction that has been used to characterize the effect in there be-sentences; and (2) that it is limited to relational nouns like handle and follows from treating such nouns as two-place predicates. Finally, we show how our account is superior to other accounts that have been offered of the definiteness effect in have-sentences.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"37 1","pages":"179 - 208"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/tlr-2019-2041","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47653086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper is concerned with a conditional construction in Spanish, which we call echoic contrastive conditional, ecc for short. In eccs, the consequent is entailed, the antecedent echoes the content of a previous assertion, and both antecedent and consequent are marked with a Contrastive Topic. Our goal is to fit these properties in a formal explanation compatible with a simple analysis of conditionals. We claim that eccs are a subtype of biscuit conditional, in that antecedent and consequent are independent (i.e. do not express a hypothetical relation). Additionally, we assume that pragmatic reasoning has to explain why a conditional is used to express an adversative relation between the two clauses. First, a proposition that has already been proposed to increase the Common Ground is placed in the antecedent of a conditional in which there is no hypothetical relation between p and q. Thus, the addressee needs to reason as to the pragmatic function the speaker wants to achieve. Second, the Contrastive Topic marking signals that both conjuncts are answers to a multiple wh-question, proposed by the speaker as the current Question Under Discussion (QUD). Third, the answer provided by the second conjunct is a stronger argument for the speaker’s communicative goal than the one provided by the first conjunct. The joint occurrence of echoicity, lack of dependence and Contrastive Topic marking leads to an adversative rhetorical relation between the conjuncts.
{"title":"Echoicity and contrast in Spanish conditionals","authors":"E. Castroviejo, Laia Mayol","doi":"10.1515/TLR-2019-2039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/TLR-2019-2039","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper is concerned with a conditional construction in Spanish, which we call echoic contrastive conditional, ecc for short. In eccs, the consequent is entailed, the antecedent echoes the content of a previous assertion, and both antecedent and consequent are marked with a Contrastive Topic. Our goal is to fit these properties in a formal explanation compatible with a simple analysis of conditionals. We claim that eccs are a subtype of biscuit conditional, in that antecedent and consequent are independent (i.e. do not express a hypothetical relation). Additionally, we assume that pragmatic reasoning has to explain why a conditional is used to express an adversative relation between the two clauses. First, a proposition that has already been proposed to increase the Common Ground is placed in the antecedent of a conditional in which there is no hypothetical relation between p and q. Thus, the addressee needs to reason as to the pragmatic function the speaker wants to achieve. Second, the Contrastive Topic marking signals that both conjuncts are answers to a multiple wh-question, proposed by the speaker as the current Question Under Discussion (QUD). Third, the answer provided by the second conjunct is a stronger argument for the speaker’s communicative goal than the one provided by the first conjunct. The joint occurrence of echoicity, lack of dependence and Contrastive Topic marking leads to an adversative rhetorical relation between the conjuncts.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"36 1","pages":"601 - 635"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/TLR-2019-2039","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47881047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper examines very early child grammars from the minimalist perspective. It discusses the well-known erroneous strings very young children produce such as Root Infinitives in English and their Japanese counterparts, preverbal object sentences in English, and sentences without Case markers in Japanese. The main question to be addressed is whether those sentences children produce are labeled, and if so, how the labeling takes place. Assuming that ϕ-feature agreement and suffixal Case markers play crucial roles for labeling in English and Japanese respectively (Chomsky 2013; Saito 2016), I consider two possibilities. One is that children are equipped with those almost from the outset although they are not phonetically realized. This means that even the erroneous strings children produced are properly labeled. The other is that those strings are not labeled in the adult way and that children at the relevant stage are still in the process of figuring out how the {XP, YP} structure is labeled in their respective languages. I argue that the latter is a viable possibility, given the parameterization in the labeling mechanism, and receives support from the child data as well. This conclusion implies that a main part of the acquisition of syntax is for a child to discover how her/his target language labels the {XP, YP} structure.
{"title":"Parameterization in labeling: Evidence from child language","authors":"Keiko Murasugi","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2019-2037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2037","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines very early child grammars from the minimalist perspective. It discusses the well-known erroneous strings very young children produce such as Root Infinitives in English and their Japanese counterparts, preverbal object sentences in English, and sentences without Case markers in Japanese. The main question to be addressed is whether those sentences children produce are labeled, and if so, how the labeling takes place. Assuming that ϕ-feature agreement and suffixal Case markers play crucial roles for labeling in English and Japanese respectively (Chomsky 2013; Saito 2016), I consider two possibilities. One is that children are equipped with those almost from the outset although they are not phonetically realized. This means that even the erroneous strings children produced are properly labeled. The other is that those strings are not labeled in the adult way and that children at the relevant stage are still in the process of figuring out how the {XP, YP} structure is labeled in their respective languages. I argue that the latter is a viable possibility, given the parameterization in the labeling mechanism, and receives support from the child data as well. This conclusion implies that a main part of the acquisition of syntax is for a child to discover how her/his target language labels the {XP, YP} structure.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"37 1","pages":"147 - 172"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/tlr-2019-2037","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46103828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper explores Merge and proposes a new form of sideward movement (double sideward movement) carried out by a new application of External Merge. Double sideward movement occurs in the following way: given a syntactic object S containing XP and YP, Merge applies to XP and YP, and creates {XP, YP} outside S, thus causing XP and YP to undergo sideward movement at the same time. It is argued that multiple clefts (cleft sentences with multiple phrases in the focus position) in Japanese are derived by double sideward movement of the multiple focus phrases and that this derivation is responsible for certain surprising properties of Japanese multiple clefts, some well known and others newly discovered, including the lack of island effects and the presence and absence of clausemate effects. Other consequences are discussed for the nature of operator movement and scrambling as well as for restrictions on the application of Merge.
{"title":"Exploring Merge: A new form of sideward movement","authors":"Yuji Takano","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2019-2033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2033","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores Merge and proposes a new form of sideward movement (double sideward movement) carried out by a new application of External Merge. Double sideward movement occurs in the following way: given a syntactic object S containing XP and YP, Merge applies to XP and YP, and creates {XP, YP} outside S, thus causing XP and YP to undergo sideward movement at the same time. It is argued that multiple clefts (cleft sentences with multiple phrases in the focus position) in Japanese are derived by double sideward movement of the multiple focus phrases and that this derivation is responsible for certain surprising properties of Japanese multiple clefts, some well known and others newly discovered, including the lack of island effects and the presence and absence of clausemate effects. Other consequences are discussed for the nature of operator movement and scrambling as well as for restrictions on the application of Merge.","PeriodicalId":46358,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Review","volume":"37 1","pages":"45 - 7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/tlr-2019-2033","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43981746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：