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How Jewish Orthodoxy Became a State: Isaac Breuer and the Invention of the Statist Theocracy 犹太正统如何成为一个国家:艾萨克·布鲁尔和中央集权神权的发明
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0017816023000068
Itamar Ben Ami
Abstract This article traces the incorporation of the modern state and the notion of sovereignty into Jewish Orthodox thought, culminating in the idea that the role of Orthodoxy is to establish a statist theocracy. Unlike narratives that emphasize the continuation of theocratic thought from ancient to modern Judaism on the one hand, and the relationship between religious Zionism and contemporary forms of Jewish theocracy on the other, my research reveals a fundamentally anti-Zionist, ultra-Orthodox layer in the doctrine of statist theocracy, through a novel reading of the early writings of one of the leaders of Agudath Israel, Isaac Breuer (1883–1946). During the 1920s, Breuer coined terms such as Gottesstaat and Torastaat, which informed broader theocratic discussions into the 1930s. The article examines the intellectual history of this discourse and the grammar of this doctrine, identifying in it ultra-Orthodox reasoning such as an aversion to secularism and modern nationalism, resistance to a redemptive, kookian philosophy of history, and adherence to the “Rule of Torah.”
本文追溯了现代国家和主权概念融入犹太正统思想的过程,最终得出正统思想的作用是建立一个中央集权的神权政治。与强调从古代到现代犹太教的神权思想的延续,以及宗教犹太复国主义与当代犹太神权形式之间的关系的叙述不同,我的研究通过对Agudath Israel的一位领导人Isaac Breuer(1883-1946)的早期著作的小说阅读,揭示了国家神权主义教义中一个根本上反犹太复国主义,极端正统的层面。在20世纪20年代,布鲁尔创造了诸如“政府”和“政府”这样的术语,这些术语在20世纪30年代为更广泛的神权讨论提供了信息。本文考察了这种话语的思想史和这种教义的语法,并在其中识别出极端正统的推理,如对世俗主义和现代民族主义的厌恶,对救赎的抵制,对历史哲学的kookian,以及对“Torah规则”的坚持。
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引用次数: 0
HTR volume 116 issue 1 Cover and Back matter HTR第116卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0017816023000093
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引用次数: 0
Prooftexting from Other People’s Scriptures? “Prophets and Patriarchs” in Acts of Philip 5–7 根据别人的经文校对?《腓力传》第5章至第7章中的“先知和族长”
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0017816023000044
J. Snyder
Abstract What role has the “Old Testament” played in the self-understanding of Christians over the centuries, and what can we learn from the fact that Israel’s scriptures are often cited in early Christian texts? Using the Acts of Philip as a case study, this article argues that we should not assume all early Christian writers thought of these as “my own scriptures.” When we encounter citations from Israel’s scriptures in Christian texts, a variety of interpretive options should be considered, including the possibility that some writers saw Israel’s scriptures as “other people’s scriptures, not ours,” or would have consigned them a limited role in the Christian life, treating them as relevant for apologetics and evangelism—or for talking about apologetics and evangelism—but not for ongoing Christian discipleship. The article offers a new interpretation of Acts Phil. 5–7 and also examines Qur’anic citations in the Dialogue of Timothy I and the Caliph.
摘要几个世纪以来,《旧约》在基督徒的自我理解中发挥了什么作用?我们可以从早期基督教文本中经常引用以色列的经文这一事实中学到什么?本文以《腓力行传》为例,认为我们不应该认为所有早期的基督教作家都认为这些是“我自己的经文”。当我们在基督教文本中遇到以色列经文的引用时,应该考虑各种解释选项,包括一些作家可能将以色列的经文视为“其他人的经文,而不是我们的经文”,或者会让它们在基督教生活中发挥有限的作用,将它们视为与辩护学和福音派有关——或者与谈论辩护学和传福音有关——但与正在进行的基督教门徒训练无关。这篇文章提供了一个新的解释使徒行传第5-7章,并审查了在蒂莫西一世和哈里发的对话中古兰经的引用。
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引用次数: 0
The Religions of Human Rights 人权的宗教
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-11-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0017816022000372
James Loeffler
Abstract The modern human rights movement arose during a moment of unprecedented encounter between global religions in the mid-twentieth century. Yet attempts to parse the historical relationship between human rights and religious thought have almost exclusively taken the form of case studies of individual religious traditions. This focus on intellectual genealogies obscures the fact that much of human rights doctrine emerged from interreligious contacts and conflicts between Judaism and Christianity, particularly in the context of the decolonizing Middle East. This article retraces this interreligious encounter through the writings of Amnesty International founder Peter Benenson, diplomat and theologian Charles Malik, and rabbi and activist Maurice Perlzweig. Together they represent three different theopolitical responses to the problem of religious pluralism after global empire: minoritarian human rights, majoritarian human rights, and cosmopolitan human rights. Recovering these interrelated human rights conceptions exposes the frames of religious difference embedded in the modern Western human rights imagination.
现代人权运动兴起于二十世纪中叶全球宗教之间前所未有的相遇。然而,分析人权与宗教思想之间的历史关系的尝试几乎完全采取了对个别宗教传统进行个案研究的形式。这种对知识谱系的关注掩盖了这样一个事实,即许多人权学说是在宗教间接触和犹太教与基督教之间的冲突中产生的,特别是在中东非殖民化的背景下。本文通过国际特赦组织创始人彼得·本南森、外交家和神学家查尔斯·马利克以及拉比和活动家莫里斯·佩尔茨威格的著作,回顾了这次宗教间的相遇。它们共同代表了对全球帝国后宗教多元化问题的三种不同的神学政治回应:少数主义人权、多数主义人权和世界性人权。恢复这些相互关联的人权概念,暴露了现代西方人权想象中嵌入的宗教差异框架。
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引用次数: 0
Paul the Middle Platonist? Exegetical Traditions on Timaeus 28c and the Characterization of Paul in Acts 17:16–31 中间柏拉图主义者保罗?关于帖马约28c的训诫传统和使徒行传17:16-31中保罗的性格
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0017816022000281
J. M. Hubbard
Abstract Paul’s speech to the Areopagus in Acts 17 places the apostle in philosophical dialogue with Stoics and Epicureans. This article identifies important points of contact between Paul’s speech and Middle Platonic exegesis of a famous Platonic phrase from Timaeus 28c. There, the philosopher declares that the maker and father of the world is hard to find, and even more difficult to talk about. Many later interpreters of Plato commented on the dictum. Middle Platonists such as Plutarch mused about the theological implications of naming god both “maker” and “father.” Jewish and Christian interpreters like Philo and Justin employed Plato’s phrase to describe their access to divine revelation. The first portion of this article argues that the Areopagus speech contains evidence of similar exegesis, both in its references to god’s roles as maker and father and in Paul’s claim to declare the unknown god. These resonances do more than clarify the author’s philosophical background; they also have previously unexplored implications for our understanding of Paul’s characterization in Acts 17. The second half of the article argues that in aligning Paul with the Platonic tradition, the author participates in an established Greco-Roman practice of depicting the Platonists, Stoics, and Epicureans in theological dialogue.
在使徒行传17章中,保罗对亚略巴古的演讲将使徒置于与斯多葛派和伊壁鸠鲁派的哲学对话中。这篇文章确定了保罗的演讲和中期柏拉图对《提麦约》28c中柏拉图著名短语的注释之间的重要联系。在那里,哲学家宣称世界的创造者和父亲很难找到,更难以谈论。后来许多柏拉图的诠释者对这句格言进行了评论。普鲁塔克(Plutarch)等中世纪柏拉图主义者思考了将上帝命名为“创造者”和“父亲”的神学含义。犹太教和基督教的诠释者,如斐洛和犹斯丁,使用柏拉图的这句话来描述他们获得神圣启示的途径。这篇文章的第一部分认为亚略巴古的演讲包含了类似的注释证据,无论是在它提到上帝作为创造者和父亲的角色,还是在保罗声称宣布未知的上帝。这些共鸣不仅阐明了作者的哲学背景;它们对我们理解使徒行传17章中保罗的性格特征也有以前未被探索过的影响。文章的后半部分认为,在将保罗与柏拉图主义传统结合起来时,作者参与了一种既定的希腊罗马实践,即在神学对话中描绘柏拉图主义者、斯多葛派和伊壁鸠鲁派。
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引用次数: 0
Interfaith Dialogue and Mystical Consciousness 宗教间对话与神秘意识
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0017816022000335
Isaac Portilla
Abstract This article focuses on the meeting of faith traditions—interfaith dialogue—from the perspective of mystical consciousness. In doing so, it aims to understand the dynamics and potentialities of interfaith mysticism. The contribution of this article to religious studies, in combination with theological inquiry, is threefold: first, it illuminates how the Trinity is directly experienced in interfaith contexts; second, it provides an interfaith framework that accounts for the possibilities, complexity, and challenges of interfaith encounters; third, it shows how Gavin Flood’s three orders of discourse—traditions’ experience and texts, interpretation within traditions, and academic inquiry—can be applied to the study of interfaith mysticism, employing a phenomenological emphasis on hermeneutics. The inquiry is located within the context of representatives of Hindu mystical consciousness (Sri Ramana Maharshi, Sri Aurobindo) and the Christian interfaith tradition (Henri Le Saux, Bede Griffiths, David Steindl-Rast), in conversation with Raimon Panikkar’s and Francis X. Clooney’s approaches to interreligious studies.
摘要本文从神秘意识的角度探讨信仰传统的交汇——信仰间对话。通过这样做,它旨在了解宗教间神秘主义的动态和潜力。本文对宗教研究的贡献,结合神学探究,有三个方面:首先,它阐明了三一是如何在不同信仰的背景下直接体验的;其次,它提供了一个宗教间框架,说明了宗教间遭遇的可能性、复杂性和挑战;第三,它展示了加文·弗洛德的三种话语秩序——传统的经验和文本、传统中的解释和学术探究——如何应用于宗教间神秘主义的研究,采用现象学对解释学的强调。调查是在印度教神秘意识代表(Sri Ramana Maharshi、Sri Aurobindo)和基督教信仰间传统代表(Henri Le Saux、Bede Griffiths、David Steindl Rast)的背景下进行的,与Raimon Panikkar和Francis X.Clooney的宗教间研究方法进行了对话。
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引用次数: 0
Hide the Outcasts: Isaiah 16:3–4 and Fugitive Slave Laws 隐藏被驱逐者:以赛亚书16:3-4和逃亡奴隶的法律
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s001781602200030x
J. B. Couey, J. Schipper
Abstract Isaiah 16:3–4, part of an obscure prophecy about ancient Moab, appeared frequently in nineteenth-century writings about slavery in the United States, particularly in the context of opposition to fugitive slave laws. The verses were linked with other biblical passages to create a network of proof texts to justify assisting persons who escaped slavery. Eventually, the line “hide the outcast” from verse 3 took on a life of its own as an abolitionist slogan, largely independently of its biblical context. Rebuttals of these uses of the texts by anti-abolitionist writers, which began to appear in the 1850s, criticized the decontextualization of the verses, and one novel response attempted to link the text to interracial intimacy. Despite these rebuttals, the use of the text continued apace throughout the 1850s–1860s in response to the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act and the execution of John Brown.
《以赛亚书》16:3-4是关于古代摩押的一个模糊预言的一部分,经常出现在19世纪关于美国奴隶制的著作中,特别是在反对逃亡奴隶法的背景下。这些经文与其他圣经段落联系在一起,创造了一个证明文本网络,以证明帮助逃离奴隶制的人是合理的。最终,第3节中的“隐藏被遗弃的人”这句话作为废奴主义者的口号,在很大程度上独立于其圣经背景,成为了废奴主义者的口号。19世纪50年代开始出现的反废奴主义作家对这些文本使用的反驳,批评了这些诗句的非语境化,一种新颖的回应试图将文本与种族间的亲密关系联系起来。尽管有这些反驳,但在整个19世纪50年代至60年代,为了回应1850年的《逃奴法案》和约翰·布朗的处决,这篇文章的使用继续迅速发展。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the Underdog Mentality: Philo-Semitism amongst Protestant Rescuers in Wartime Ukraine 超越被压迫者心态:战时乌克兰新教救助者中的犹太主义
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0017816022000311
R. Ostapenko
Abstract In Ukraine, as was the case across occupied Europe, while most residents of any given locality divided into bystanders, collaborators, and accomplices during the Holocaust, a minority turned to rescue work. Faith-motivated rescue work by large institutions or individuals representing prominent branches of Christianity is well documented; its prevalence exemplifies the critical role that the altruism of individual members of the clergy, laity, and religious orders played in the survival of many Jews. However, rescuers from less prominent denominations of Christianity, amongst them Baptists, Evangelicals, Seventh-day Adventists, and Sabbatarians, are less spoken about, although these rescuers were often equally as motivated to rescue and more poorly resourced to do so due to disadvantageous political circumstances. Some scholars suggest that it was their “underdog” identity that made such groups empathize with persecuted Jews, but primary testimony offers an even more intriguing perspective: it was the philo-Semitic underpinnings of some members of the minority Protestant denominations in question that provided a broad theological basis for rescuing Jews, transcending the sociopolitical phenomenon of the common underdog mentality and even more widespread ecumenical obligations for being a good Christian.
在乌克兰,就像在整个被占领的欧洲一样,在大屠杀期间,任何特定地区的大多数居民都分为旁观者、合作者和同谋,少数人转向救援工作。由代表基督教重要分支的大型机构或个人开展的以信仰为动机的救援工作有据可查;它的盛行体现了神职人员、俗人和宗教团体的个人成员的利他主义在许多犹太人的生存中所起的关键作用。然而,来自不太突出的基督教教派的救援者,其中包括浸信会、福音派、基督复临安息日会和安息日会的救援者,很少被提及,尽管这些救援者往往同样有救援的动机,但由于不利的政治环境,他们的资源更少。一些学者认为,正是他们的“受压迫者”身份使这些群体同情受迫害的犹太人,但主要证据提供了一个更有趣的观点:正是这些少数派新教教派的一些成员的哲学-闪米特主义基础,为拯救犹太人提供了广泛的神学基础,超越了普遍的受压迫者心态的社会政治现象,甚至超越了作为一个好基督徒的更广泛的普世义务。
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引用次数: 0
A Dramatic Heist of Epic Proportion: Iphigenia among the Taurians in the Acts of the Apostles 史诗般的戏剧性抢劫:《使徒行传》中的伊菲革涅亚
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0017816022000293
M. Bilby, Anna Lefteratou
Abstract While scholars have explored the profound influence of Iphigenia among the Taurians (IT) on Greco-Roman fiction, including Christian apocryphal Acts, the play has yet to be considered seriously as a potential inspiration on the canonical Acts of the Apostles. A close comparison of IT with the story of the Ephesian riot (Acts 19:21–20:1) reveals a compelling relationship in matters of plot, setting, characterization, purpose, and themes. The Ephesus saga in Acts achieves a creatively miniaturized and satirized recasting of this famous Euripidean play.
虽然学者们已经探讨了《伊菲革涅亚》对希腊罗马小说(包括基督教伪使徒行传)的深刻影响,但这部戏剧是否对《使徒行传》有潜在的启发,还没有得到认真的考虑。将它与以弗所骚乱的故事(使徒行传19:21-20:1)进行比较,可以发现在情节、背景、人物塑造、目的和主题方面有着令人信服的关系。《使徒行传》中的《以弗所传奇》对这部著名的欧里庇德斯戏剧进行了创造性的小型化和讽刺式的重新演绎。
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引用次数: 0
Jesus and John Wayne and the Shifting Grounds of Evangelical Historiography 耶稣与约翰·韦恩与福音史学的变迁
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0017816022000347
Helen Kim
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引用次数: 0
期刊
HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
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