Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8661822
Chris Montgomery
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Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8220988
F. Blanchette, Paul E Reed, Erin Flannery, Carrie N. Jackson
This study investigates how American English speakers from within and outside the Appalachian region interpret negative auxiliary inversion (NAI). Previously observed in Appalachian and other English varieties, NAI has surface syntax similar to yes-no questions but receives a declarative interpretation (e.g., Didn’t everybody watch Superbowl 53, meaning ‘not everybody watched’). Previous work shows that NAI is associated with a reading in which some but not all people participated in an event, as opposed to one in which no one participated. Results from an interpretation task revealed that Appalachian participants tended to obtain the ‘not all’ and not the ‘no one’ reading for NAI. In contrast, non-Appalachian participants’ interpretations exhibited greater inter- and intraspeaker variability. Appalachian participants with more ‘not all’ interpretations reported positive attitudes toward NAI use, and they also distinguished between attested and unattested syntactic subject types (e.g., everybody, many people, *few people) in a naturalness rating task. Appalachian participants with more ‘no one’ interpretations had more negative attitudes toward NAI use and made no distinction between subject types. These results highlight how individuals from Appalachia interpret NAI differently than individuals from outside the region and suggest that language attitudes may impact semantic interpretation within a nonmainstream speaker group.
本研究探讨了阿巴拉契亚地区内外的美国英语使用者如何解读否定辅助倒装(NAI)。以前在阿巴拉契亚语和其他英语变体中观察到，NAI的表面语法类似于是-否问题，但会得到声明性的解释(例如，did not everyone watch Superbowl 53，意思是“不是每个人都看了”)。先前的研究表明，NAI与一些人(但不是所有人)参与的阅读活动有关，而不是与没有人参与的阅读活动有关。口译任务的结果显示，阿巴拉契亚地区的参与者倾向于获得“不是所有人”而不是“没有人”的NAI阅读。相比之下，非阿巴拉契亚参与者的解释表现出更大的说话者之间和内部的差异。有更多“不是所有”解释的阿巴拉契亚参与者报告了对NAI使用的积极态度，他们还在自然度评级任务中区分了已证实和未证实的句法主语类型(例如，每个人，许多人，*少数人)。阿巴拉契亚地区的参与者对NAI的使用态度更消极，并且对受试者类型没有区别。这些结果突出了来自阿巴拉契亚地区的个体与来自该地区以外的个体对NAI的不同解释，并表明语言态度可能影响非主流说话群体的语义解释。
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Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1215/00031283-7706542
R. Burdin
This article investigates intonation’s place in what Sarah Bunin Benor calls the American Jewish English repertoire, a collection of features that speakers can use to index Jewish identity. Results from a perceptual experiment show variation in which intonational contours listeners associate with Jewishness. Jewish listeners, particularly those with connections with Yiddish speakers, pick out a phonetically distinct rise-fall as indicating Jewishness; however, non-Jewish listeners hear a different set of contours—a less phonetically distinct rise-fall and a rise—as sounding Jewish. The author proposes that there is a unifying feature being perceived as “Jewish”: specifically, more macro-rhythmic contours (with regular alternations of high and low pitch) are heard as more Jewish. For Jewish speakers, only the contour with the greatest degree of macro-rhythm (the rise-fall with higher peaks) is heard as Jewish; for non-Jewish speakers, a lower degree of macro-rhythm suffices. Intonation thus behaves much like other parts of the sound system in that the social meaning of a particular linguistic feature is highly dependent on an individual’s linguistic and social history.
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Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8186892
Aaron J. Dinkin
In 2013, Dinkin reported an unexpectedly sharp dialect boundary in northern New York between the communities of Ogdensburg and Canton in St. Lawrence County: Ogdensburg exhibited the Northern Cities Vowel Shift (NCS) and very little evidence of the low back merger, while Canton showed low back merger nearing completion and no NCS. This article investigates the nature of this dialect boundary via new sociolinguistic interview data from eight neighboring communities: four along the St. Lawrence River and four 25 miles south of it. An east-west division is observed in merger incidence: the four communities to the west, including Ogdensburg, show relatively robust lot-thought distinction, though apparent-time trends toward merger exist; east of Ogdensburg, the merger is much more advanced. A similar sharp boundary may hold for the NCS raising of trap (though the data are spottier due to the NCS’s obsolescence). The geographical sharpness of this boundary suggests that it is not due merely to socioeconomic differences between communities. It may be due to historical patterns of transportation: in the nineteenth century, Ogdensburg was the easternmost navigable point of the upper St. Lawrence River, meaning communities east of Ogdensburg were not directly accessible to the Great Lakes shipping network. keywords: low back merger, Northern Cities Shift, dialect geography, Inland North, North Country The inland north of the United States is a dialect region in flux. Labov, Ash, and Boberg’s Atlas of North American English (2006) portrayed the region, stretching along the Great Lakes from Upstate New York to Wisconsin, as maintaining or even increasing its distinctiveness from other dialect regions. While the merger of the low back lot and thought vowel phonemes was in progress or complete in the majority of North American dialect regions, the Inland North appeared to show “stable resistance” to the merger in the Atlas data, collected in the 1990s. The characteristic chain shift of the region, the Northern Cities Shift (NCS), involving the fronting of lot, the fronting and raising of trap, the lowering of thought, and other changes, was in progress in apparent time to the extent that it was one of Labov, Ash, and Boberg’s most prominent examples of North American dialect regions diverging from each other. Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/american-speech/article-pdf/95/3/321/815823/0950321.pdf by SAN DIEGO STATE UNIV, ajd@post.harvard.edu on 07 August 2020 american speech 95.3 (2020) 322 In the years since the publication of Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006), however, it has become clear that the Inland North’s stable distinctiveness was short-lived. The backing of lot across all of Upstate New York, documented in Dinkin (2011), is both a retreat from the NCS and progress toward the low back merger. Driscoll and Lape (2015) find nearly all of the NCS features retreating in apparent time in Syracuse, New York; Milholland (2018) finds the same in Buffal
2013年，Dinkin报告了纽约北部在圣劳伦斯县的Ogdensburg和Canton社区之间出人意料的明显方言边界:Ogdensburg表现出北部城市元音移位(NCS)，几乎没有证据表明低背合并，而Canton表现出低背合并接近完成，没有NCS。本文通过来自八个相邻社区的新的社会语言学访谈数据来调查这种方言边界的本质:四个沿着圣劳伦斯河，四个在其以南25英里。在合并发生率上观察到东西分裂:西部的四个社区，包括奥格登斯堡，表现出相对强烈的多思想差异，尽管明显的合并趋势存在;在奥格登斯堡以东，合并更为先进。类似的清晰边界可能适用于NCS的陷阱提升(尽管由于NCS的过时，数据更加模糊)。这一边界在地理上的鲜明性表明，这不仅仅是由于社区之间的社会经济差异。这可能是由于历史上的交通模式:在19世纪，奥格登斯堡是圣劳伦斯河上游最东端的通航点，这意味着奥格登斯堡以东的社区不能直接进入五大湖的航运网络。关键词:低背合并，北方城市转移，方言地理，内陆北部，北部国家美国内陆北部是一个不断变化的方言地区。Labov, Ash和Boberg的北美英语地图集(2006)描绘了这个地区，沿着五大湖从纽约州北部延伸到威斯康星州，保持甚至增加了与其他方言地区的独特性。虽然在大多数北美方言地区，低背元音和思想元音音素的合并正在进行或完成，但在20世纪90年代收集的Atlas数据中，内陆北部似乎对合并表现出“稳定的抵抗”。该地区的典型连锁转移，即北方城市转移(NCS)，包括lot的前沿，陷阱的前沿和上升，思想的下降以及其他变化，在明显的时间内进行，它是Labov, Ash和Boberg关于北美方言区域彼此分化的最突出的例子之一。然而，在Labov, Ash和Boberg(2006)发表之后的几年里，很明显，内陆北部稳定的独特性是短暂的。Dinkin(2011)记录了整个纽约州北部地区的土地支持情况，这既是对NCS的撤退，也是对低背合并的进展。Driscoll和Lape(2015)发现，在纽约锡拉丘兹，几乎所有的NCS特征都在视时间上后退;米尔霍兰德(2018)在布法罗发现了同样的情况。Wagner et al.(2016)、Morgan et al.(2017)和Nesbitt(2018)等人报道了密歇根州凸起陷阱和前置地块的撤退情况。McCarthy (2011)， D 'Onofrio和Benheim(2018)，以及Durian和Cameron(2018)都报道了芝加哥至少在一些说话者群体中部分或全部NCS特征的丧失。包括Driscoll和Lape(2015)、Nesbitt和Mason(2016)以及Thiel和Dinkin(2017)在内的几项研究表明，从NCS特征中退缩是由于对其特征的负面社会评价越来越多。关于地块，我已经提出(Dinkin 2011)，地块的支持正在从低背合并建立良好的邻近地区蔓延到内陆北部，如加拿大;这一论点是基于2006 - 2008年收集的数据，这些数据显示，最明显的低背合并正在进行的内陆北部社区是那些最靠近加拿大边境的社区，位于纽约州的北部边缘。在纽约的北部边缘还有一个方言区叫做北部地区，1那里没有NCS是纽约州北部唯一一个方言区在田野调查的时候合并似乎很好地建立起来了。NCS方言中一个突出的难题是内陆北部和北部国家之间边界的性质。在2008年收集的数据中，我在纽约州的圣劳伦斯县(Dinkin 2013)发现了一条明显的方言边界，位于纽约州北部边界附近的奥格登斯堡市和坎顿村之间。奥格登斯堡是一个内陆北部城市，大部分被抽样的说话人都表现出大量的NCS的陷阱抬高和抽签前，没有人表现出抽签和思想的完全融合。在广东，几乎所有被抽样的说话者都至少部分地将“lot”和“thought”融合在最小对判断中，而且没有证据表明NCS提高陷阱;在此基础上，将广州划归北方。 这两个群体之间明显的方言边界非常明显;奥登斯堡和广州相距只有20英里，在一个人口稀少的农村地区，两者之间没有明显规模的定居点，因此不可能从内陆北部模式逐渐过渡到北部乡村模式。在之前的一篇文章(Dinkin 2013)中，我无法完全解释这种尖锐的方言边界的存在，我将其描述为一个“将受益于额外的数据收集”的主题(28)。在纽约州的其他地方，内陆北部方言地区的地理界限被发现为:圣地亚哥州立大学下载自http://read.dukeupress.edu/american-speech/article-pdf/95/3/321/815823/0950321.pdf, ajd@post.harvard.edu 2020年8月7日湖脚323由19世纪早期的定居模式决定:主要由新英格兰西部向西移民建立的社区表现出NCS(参见Boberg 2001年关于新英格兰西部与NCS之间关系的文章)，而新英格兰定居点几乎没有发挥作用的社区属于一个不同的方言地区，哈德逊河谷。然而，这种解释对于奥格登斯堡和广州之间的边界并不完全令人满意，因为他们的定居点显然都来自新英格兰西部。2既然NCS的逐渐消失已经在整个内陆北部地区得到了记录，然而，另一种可能性出现了:也许奥格登斯堡和广州之间的方言边界是虚幻的。如果NCS正在消失，低背合并的趋势在整个内陆北部开始，也许广州曾经也是一个内陆北部社区，只是一个早期的采集者，现在开始在整个地区可见。如果NCS的消失是由于与之相关的社会耻辱，或者与来自非内陆北部地区的人接触所致，那么广州作为一个大学城，中产阶级人口更多，这可能是2008年NCS消失的原因。本文的主要研究问题是:奥登斯堡和广州方言差异的性质和原因是什么?他们在语言上的不同是因为他们确实位于不同的地区，还是因为一个地区内的社会经济和人口差异?为了回答这个问题，我们必须考察一下奥登斯堡和广州周围的地区。第二个值得关注的问题是，纽约北部的多思融合的进步是否是邻近加拿大传播的结果，因此本文分析的主要焦点将是多思元音和多思元音;但NCS最显著的特征，即陷阱的提高，也将被研究。
{"title":"The Foot of the Lake","authors":"Aaron J. Dinkin","doi":"10.1215/00031283-8186892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-8186892","url":null,"abstract":"In 2013, Dinkin reported an unexpectedly sharp dialect boundary in northern New York between the communities of Ogdensburg and Canton in St. Lawrence County: Ogdensburg exhibited the Northern Cities Vowel Shift (NCS) and very little evidence of the low back merger, while Canton showed low back merger nearing completion and no NCS. This article investigates the nature of this dialect boundary via new sociolinguistic interview data from eight neighboring communities: four along the St. Lawrence River and four 25 miles south of it. An east-west division is observed in merger incidence: the four communities to the west, including Ogdensburg, show relatively robust lot-thought distinction, though apparent-time trends toward merger exist; east of Ogdensburg, the merger is much more advanced. A similar sharp boundary may hold for the NCS raising of trap (though the data are spottier due to the NCS’s obsolescence). The geographical sharpness of this boundary suggests that it is not due merely to socioeconomic differences between communities. It may be due to historical patterns of transportation: in the nineteenth century, Ogdensburg was the easternmost navigable point of the upper St. Lawrence River, meaning communities east of Ogdensburg were not directly accessible to the Great Lakes shipping network. keywords: low back merger, Northern Cities Shift, dialect geography, Inland North, North Country The inland north of the United States is a dialect region in flux. Labov, Ash, and Boberg’s Atlas of North American English (2006) portrayed the region, stretching along the Great Lakes from Upstate New York to Wisconsin, as maintaining or even increasing its distinctiveness from other dialect regions. While the merger of the low back lot and thought vowel phonemes was in progress or complete in the majority of North American dialect regions, the Inland North appeared to show “stable resistance” to the merger in the Atlas data, collected in the 1990s. The characteristic chain shift of the region, the Northern Cities Shift (NCS), involving the fronting of lot, the fronting and raising of trap, the lowering of thought, and other changes, was in progress in apparent time to the extent that it was one of Labov, Ash, and Boberg’s most prominent examples of North American dialect regions diverging from each other. Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/american-speech/article-pdf/95/3/321/815823/0950321.pdf by SAN DIEGO STATE UNIV, ajd@post.harvard.edu on 07 August 2020 american speech 95.3 (2020) 322 In the years since the publication of Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006), however, it has become clear that the Inland North’s stable distinctiveness was short-lived. The backing of lot across all of Upstate New York, documented in Dinkin (2011), is both a retreat from the NCS and progress toward the low back merger. Driscoll and Lape (2015) find nearly all of the NCS features retreating in apparent time in Syracuse, New York; Milholland (2018) finds the same in Buffal","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"95 1","pages":"321-355"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43388381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-26DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8620511
Isaac L. Bleaman, D. Duncan
Corpus studies of regional variation using raw language data from the internet focus predominantly on lexical variables in writing. However, online repositories such as YouTube offer the possibility of investigating regional differences using phonological variables, as well. This article demonstrates the viability of constructing a naturalistic speech corpus for sociophonetic research by analyzing hundreds of recitations of Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address. We first replicate a known result of phonetic research, namely, that English vowels are longer in duration before voiced obstruents than before voiceless ones. We then compare /æ/-tensing in recitations from the Inland North and New York City dialect regions. Results indicate that there are significant regional differences in the formant trajectory of the vowel, even in identical phonetic environments (e.g., before nasal codas). This calls into question the uniformity of “/æ/-tensing” as a cross-dialectal phenomenon in American English. We contend that the analysis of spoken data from social media can and should supplement traditional methods in dialectology and variationist analysis to generate new hypotheses about socially conditioned speech patterns.
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Pub Date : 2020-06-21DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8661833
Karlien Franco, Sali A. Tagliamonte
English has many words to refer to an adult man (e.g., man, guy, dude), and these are undergoing change in the Ontario dialects. This article analyzes the distribution of these and related forms using data collected in Ontario, Canada. In total, 6,788 tokens for 17 communities were extracted and analyzed with a comparative sociolinguistics methodology for social and geographic factors. The results demonstrate a substantive language change in progress with two striking patterns. First, male speakers in Ontario were the leaders of this change in the past. However, as guy gained prominence across the twentieth century, women started using it as frequently as men. Second, these developments are complicated by the complexity of the sociolinguistic landscape. There is a clear urban versus peripheral division across Ontario communities that also involves both population size and distance from the large urban center, Toronto. Further, social network type and other local influences are also important. In sum, variation in third-person singular male referents in Ontario dialects provides new insight into the co-occurrence and evolution of sociolinguistic factors in the process of language change.
{"title":"Interesting Fellow or Tough Old Bird?","authors":"Karlien Franco, Sali A. Tagliamonte","doi":"10.1215/00031283-8661833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-8661833","url":null,"abstract":"English has many words to refer to an adult man (e.g., man, guy, dude), and these are undergoing change in the Ontario dialects. This article analyzes the distribution of these and related forms using data collected in Ontario, Canada. In total, 6,788 tokens for 17 communities were extracted and analyzed with a comparative sociolinguistics methodology for social and geographic factors. The results demonstrate a substantive language change in progress with two striking patterns. First, male speakers in Ontario were the leaders of this change in the past. However, as guy gained prominence across the twentieth century, women started using it as frequently as men. Second, these developments are complicated by the complexity of the sociolinguistic landscape. There is a clear urban versus peripheral division across Ontario communities that also involves both population size and distance from the large urban center, Toronto. Further, social network type and other local influences are also important. In sum, variation in third-person singular male referents in Ontario dialects provides new insight into the co-occurrence and evolution of sociolinguistic factors in the process of language change.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-22"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49319717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-21DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8662137
James Stanford
{"title":"A Modern Update on New England Dialectology: Introducing the Dartmouth New England English Database (DNEED)","authors":"James Stanford","doi":"10.1215/00031283-8662137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-8662137","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48857973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-21DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8620506
David Zullo, S. Pfenninger, D. Schreier
Multiple modality is spread across the wider Atlantic region, both within individual varieties and across variety types. Based on corpus-based evidence, it is argued that first and second tiers of multiple modals carry high diagnostic value and that regionally separated Anglophone areas differ in their preference for first-and second-tier components in modal constructions. Semantics is a typological diagnostic, as there exists a continuum, the “Multiple Modal Belt,” that consists of three main clusters of varieties primarily differentiated by their respective compositional preferences: North American varieties favor epistemic ‘weak probability’ elements (e.g., might) as first-tier modals; Caribbean varieties favor ‘high probability’ or ‘certainty’ (e.g., must). Multiple causation and contact-induced change are offered as explanations for supra-and subregional variation in the Atlantic region, and there is strong evidence that the preference for second-tier components originally represented Scottish origin and subsequent diffusion with locally differing contact scenarios. Locally distinct preferences for semantic compositionality—particularly based on preference for first-tier ‘high-probability’ modals—are used to model a geo-typological clustering of varieties throughout the wider Atlantic region.
{"title":"A Pan-Atlantic “Multiple Modal Belt”?","authors":"David Zullo, S. Pfenninger, D. Schreier","doi":"10.1215/00031283-8620506","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-8620506","url":null,"abstract":"Multiple modality is spread across the wider Atlantic region, both within individual varieties and across variety types. Based on corpus-based evidence, it is argued that first and second tiers of multiple modals carry high diagnostic value and that regionally separated Anglophone areas differ in their preference for first-and second-tier components in modal constructions. Semantics is a typological diagnostic, as there exists a continuum, the “Multiple Modal Belt,” that consists of three main clusters of varieties primarily differentiated by their respective compositional preferences: North American varieties favor epistemic ‘weak probability’ elements (e.g., might) as first-tier modals; Caribbean varieties favor ‘high probability’ or ‘certainty’ (e.g., must). Multiple causation and contact-induced change are offered as explanations for supra-and subregional variation in the Atlantic region, and there is strong evidence that the preference for second-tier components originally represented Scottish origin and subsequent diffusion with locally differing contact scenarios. Locally distinct preferences for semantic compositionality—particularly based on preference for first-tier ‘high-probability’ modals—are used to model a geo-typological clustering of varieties throughout the wider Atlantic region.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43067921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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