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Reflections on women’s activism in twentieth-century Britain 对20世纪英国女性激进主义的思考
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-27 DOI: 10.1080/09612025.2023.2248703
Paula Bartley
ABSTRACT This article is based on a talk I gave at the London School of Economics in March 2023. The talk was structured in a way to give me the freedom to reflect upon some of the key themes in my book Women’s Activism in Twentith Century Britain; making a difference across the political spectrum. I wrote the book during the pandemic. Archives were closed and even when they opened I could not use them as I had to shield because of health issues. Consequently, the material I relied on was what I could access on-line and on people who I could interview on Zoom. My book drew on my own experiences as an activist and my own theoretical development as a feminist. History and activism intertwined: my story as a former activist and my view that feminist historical scholarship is itself a type of activism came together to give direction and meaning both to my research and to my writing. In my talk, and in this Viewpoint, I want to show the heterogeneous nature of activism, of how individuals and groups from a range of different class and racial background sought to make a difference to their locality, their country and sometimes the world. I argue that women are not a homogenous group but are united—and divided—by class, ethnicity, gender and so on. For instance, not all female activists campaigned for progressive measures, indeed many promoted reactionary agendas.
本文改编自我于2023年3月在伦敦经济学院的一次演讲。这次演讲的目的是让我可以自由地思考我的书《二十世纪英国的妇女运动》中的一些关键主题;在政治光谱上有所作为。我在大流行期间写了这本书。档案是关闭的,即使它们打开了,我也不能使用它们,因为我必须保护它们,因为我有健康问题。因此,我所依赖的材料是我可以在网上访问的,以及我可以在Zoom上采访的人。我的书借鉴了我作为一名活动家的经历,以及我作为一名女权主义者的理论发展。历史和行动主义交织在一起:我作为一名前活动家的经历和我认为女权主义历史研究本身就是一种行动主义的观点结合在一起,为我的研究和写作提供了方向和意义。在我的演讲中,在这个观点中,我想展示行动主义的异质性,来自不同阶级和种族背景的个人和团体如何寻求改变他们的地方,他们的国家,有时是世界。我认为女性不是一个同质的群体,而是由阶级、种族、性别等因素联合起来的。例如,并非所有的女性活动家都为进步措施而竞选,事实上,许多人推动了反动议程。
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引用次数: 0
The Patriarchs: The Origins of Inequality 《族长:不平等的起源
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1080/09612025.2023.2248574
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引用次数: 0
The women’s refuge as ‘homeplace’: Black and Asian women’s refuges in Britain as spaces of community and resistance (1980–2000) 作为“家园”的妇女庇护所:作为社区和抵抗空间的英国黑人和亚裔妇女庇护所(1980-2000)
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1080/09612025.2023.2245661
Charlotte James Robertson
Black Feminist theorist bell hooks has written of the way in which Black women construct ‘ homeplaces ’ as ‘ spaces of care and nurturance in the face of the brutal harsh reality of racist oppression. ’ But what happens when the home is not a place of safety for Black women? Beginning in the late 1970s, groups of Black women in Britain began to establish women ’ s refuges designed to meet the needs of Black and Asian women who were experiencing domestic abuse. In so doing, they were providing an alternative homeplace where women could be safe, not only from abusive partners, but also from racism they sometimes experienced in mainstream women ’ s refuges. This paper argues that specialist refuges were important spaces where Black women could heal from abuse, foster community, and fi nd their political voices.
黑人女权主义理论家贝尔·胡克斯(bell hooks)曾写过,黑人女性在面对种族主义压迫的残酷现实时,如何将“家园”构建为“关怀和养育的空间”。“但如果家对黑人女性来说不是一个安全的地方,会发生什么呢?”从20世纪70年代末开始,英国的黑人妇女团体开始建立妇女避难所,旨在满足遭受家庭虐待的黑人和亚洲妇女的需要。在这样做的过程中,她们为妇女提供了另一个安全的家园,不仅可以免受虐待伴侣的伤害,而且可以免受她们在主流妇女避难所有时经历的种族主义的伤害。本文认为,专家避难所是黑人妇女从虐待中康复、培养社区和寻找政治声音的重要空间。
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引用次数: 0
Mrs Pankhurst’s bodyguard: on the trail of ‘Kitty’ Marshall and the met police ‘Cats’ 潘克赫斯特夫人的保镖:追踪“基蒂”马歇尔和大都会警察“猫”
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1080/09612025.2023.2248575
Maureen Wright
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引用次数: 0
The representation of women in ZANU and ZAPU propaganda during the Zimbabwe War of Liberation 津巴布韦解放战争期间妇女在非洲民族联盟和非洲民族解放联盟宣传中的代表性
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-09 DOI: 10.1080/09612025.2023.2242640
Hugh Pattenden
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引用次数: 0
The hidden half: the double lives of Chinese migrant women in post-war Britain 隐藏的一半:战后英国中国移民妇女的双重生活
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-30 DOI: 10.1080/09612025.2023.2241936
Shan Zhou
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引用次数: 0
Contentious catalysts: beguines, place, and identity in late medieval Mainz 有争议的催化剂:中世纪晚期美因茨的贝京因、地点和身份
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-30 DOI: 10.1080/09612025.2023.2240561
Lucy C. Barnhouse
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引用次数: 0
Illegitimacy: family & stigma in England, 1660–1834 非法行为:英国的家庭与耻辱,1660–1834
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-28 DOI: 10.1080/09612025.2023.2240525
S. Fox
as her interviewees’. The power of these conversations, or ‘critical dialogues’ as Littler puts it, is rooted in this orality. One drawback, however, is Littler’s neglect to include any in-depth explanation of oral history method and theory. More insight may have also been achieved through a life story method or placing the interviews in dialogue with her own critical analysis, perhaps providing more background on some of the lesser-known interviewees. However, this would go beyond the scope of the book and what the interviews were intended for: as an accessible resource for readers to ‘read, reflect and draw their own conclusions’. Left Feminisms is an ideal starting point for any reader looking to explore different strands of socialist-feminist theory and practice, past and present, as well as the lived experience of these. It is by no means a comprehensive study of left feminisms, which Littler admits, but it succeeds as a resource for encouraging readers to think through the ‘developments and difficulties, promise and potential of feminism and left politics’. Although slightly geared towards the already converted, the text’s engaging and accessible format will ensure it is used as a springboard for further research and activism by a wide readership.
作为她的受访者。这些对话的力量,或利特勒所说的“批判性对话”,根植于这种口语化。然而,一个缺点是利特勒忽略了对口述历史方法和理论的任何深入解释。通过生活故事的方法或将访谈与她自己的批判性分析进行对话,也许可以为一些不太知名的受访者提供更多的背景信息,也可以获得更多的见解。然而,这超出了这本书的范围,也超出了采访的本意:作为读者“阅读、反思和得出自己结论”的可访问资源。左派女权主义是一个理想的起点,任何读者希望探索不同的社会主义女权主义理论和实践,过去和现在,以及他们的生活经验。利特勒承认,这本书绝不是对左翼女权主义的全面研究,但它成功地作为一种资源,鼓励读者思考“女权主义和左翼政治的发展和困难,希望和潜力”。虽然稍微面向已经转换,文本的引人入胜和易于访问的格式将确保它被广泛的读者用作进一步研究和行动主义的跳板。
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引用次数: 0
Left Feminisms: Conversations on the personal and political 左派女权主义:关于个人和政治的对话
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/09612025.2023.2239656
Rachel Collett
permit the use of the contraceptive pill and deemed artificial birth control as ‘intrinsically evil’. There was a growing defiance, which Kelly covers ably, to both government and Church restrictions on contraception. The Irish Women’s Liberation Movement played a significant role in this campaign, and Family Planning clinics began to appear around the country between 1969 and 1978. New legislation was introduced, and the 1979 Family Plannning Act attempted to ensure that even non-medical contraceptives were available only to married couples. In relation to access to contraceptives one female activist observed ‘you would think they are explosives the way they are treated’ (p. 299). The Customs service sometimes turned a blind eye to the importation of contraceptives. One activist was stopped at a border checkpoint returning from the North of Ireland where he had collected forty thousand condoms then held in the boot of his car. When questioned about them he replied, ‘They are for my own personal use’ and he was told by the police to ‘Have a nice weekend’ (p. 206). For all the activism and campaigns there was also a considerable and well-organised opposition to these liberal developments. The Irish Family League, a group of Catholic campaigners, was one of the most prominent organisations to campaign against contraception. It was only in 1985 that a prescription was no longer needed to acquire condoms but even in the 1980s and 1990s, class, where you lived, the presence in a town of sympathetic doctors or chemists shaped access to contraception. By the mid-1990s contraception was fully liberalised by the law. Kelly provides us with a fascinating account of people’s private sexual lives, and reveals how complex the relationships were among married couples around contraceptive practices. It reveals how many negotiated their religious beliefs with their desires to rationalise the number of children they had. There was moral complexity among citizens of the State regarding the legislation that shaped access to contraceptives and further complexity about how individuals and couples reconciled their beliefs with the dictates of the Catholic church. Kelly has engaged in extensive research in church archives, court records and the records of campaigning organisations. The oral histories illuminate all of this research material and infuse it with humanity. This is a very fine and necessary study.
允许使用避孕药,并认为人工节育“本质上是邪恶的”。凯利巧妙地掩盖了人们对政府和教会避孕限制的反抗。爱尔兰妇女解放运动在这场运动中发挥了重要作用,1969年至1978年间,计划生育诊所开始在全国各地出现。出台了新的立法,1979年的《计划生育法》试图确保即使是非医疗避孕药具也只能提供给已婚夫妇。关于获得避孕药具的问题,一位女性活动家观察到,“你会认为她们受到的待遇是爆炸物”(第299页)。海关有时对进口避孕药具视而不见。一名活动人士在从北爱尔兰返回的边境检查站被拦下,他在那里收集了四万个避孕套,然后放在汽车后备箱里。当被问及它们时,他回答说,“它们是我个人使用的”,警察告诉他“周末愉快”(第206页)。对于所有的激进主义和运动,也有相当多的、组织良好的反对这些自由主义的发展。爱尔兰家庭联盟是一个由天主教活动家组成的团体,是反对避孕运动最著名的组织之一。直到1985年,购买避孕套才不再需要处方,但即使在20世纪80年代和90年代,阶级、你居住的地方,在一个富有同情心的医生或化学家的小镇上的存在,也影响了避孕的机会。到20世纪90年代中期,法律完全放开了避孕。Kelly为我们提供了一个关于人们私人性生活的引人入胜的描述,并揭示了已婚夫妇之间围绕避孕措施的关系是多么复杂。它揭示了有多少人通过协商他们的宗教信仰来合理化他们的孩子数量。国家公民在制定获得避孕药具的立法方面存在道德复杂性,个人和夫妇如何将自己的信仰与天主教会的指示相调和的问题也更加复杂。凯利对教堂档案、法庭记录和竞选组织的记录进行了广泛的研究。口述历史阐明了所有这些研究材料,并为其注入了人性。这是一项非常精细和必要的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Women’s activism in twentieth-century Britain: making a difference across the political spectrum 二十世纪英国的女性激进主义:在政治光谱中产生影响
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/09612025.2023.2240526
Amy Longmuir
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WOMENS HISTORY REVIEW
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