Politics Groups and Identities最新文献

{"title":"A nation of immigrants? The case for a politically influential and intersectional immigrant identity in the United States","authors":"Stephanie Chan, Michelangelo Landgrave","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2023.2266710","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2266710","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTDo Americans identify as immigrants and, if so, what are the political implications? We argue that many Americans hold an immigrant identity, and that the strength of immigrant identity varies by race and immigrant generation. We find that an immigrant identity exists, that it is associated with several political outcomes, and that it is distinct from racial identity and a country-of-origin identity. We used the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Study to provide an in-depth, cross-racial, and cross-generation analysis of immigrant identity in the United States. We hope this initial work creates more space for work on the political consequences of the United States’ complex identity as a nation of immigrants.KEYWORDS: Immigration politicsAAPI politicsLatino/a politicsidentity politicsracecountry of origin Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Based on CMPS survey item 713. We count migrant identifiers as individuals who self-identify as immigrants at least “sometimes”.2 The 2020 American Community Survey estimates that approximately 13.5% of United States residents are foreign-born.3 There are 1402 respondents who do not primarily identify as white, AAPI, Black or Latinx. These respondents are not included in our analyses.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136069692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Viewers like you: the effect of elite co-identity reinforcement on U.S. immigration attitudes","authors":"Tyler Reny, Justin Gest","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2023.2265906","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2265906","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTAs the political salience of immigrant-origin minorities continues to increase in the United States and Europe, researchers are increasingly focused on understanding what interventions reduce exclusionary attitudes. While several recent studies have examined the effect of different narrative and interpersonal communication techniques, few have focused on the role of the “messenger” that delivers these techniques. Drawing from psychological research on persuasion, we hypothesize that anti-exclusionary messages are more persuasive when delivered by elite messengers who reinforce shared identities. To test this, we conduct a large, pre-registered survey experiment exposing a sample of American adults to audio messages on immigration from persuasive elites performed by professional voice actors. We find that a persuasive message only shifts attitudes about immigration when elites include co-identity reinforcement primes. These findings offer additional nuance to the literature on immigration attitudes, persuasion, and elite-led public opinion, and have important implications for immigration advocacy work.KEYWORDS: Immigration attitudespersuasionelitespublic opinionidentity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 While this study focuses on explicit prejudice, researchers have studied interventions for reducing implicit prejudice as well. For a thorough comparative investigation of these techniques, see Lai (Citation2014).2 This is consistent with recent research on elites and attitudes related to race, ethnicity, and immigration.3 https://immigrationforum.org/landing_page/bibles-badges-business/4 There is evidence that generic elite/party cues – those from “Republicans,” “Democrats,” or fictional candidates (see Arcenueax 2008; Bullock 2011; Ciuk and Yose 2016; Druckman et al 2013) – are often not powerful enough to persuade co-partisans to update their attitudes. Instead, evidence suggests that cues from known elites like the president of the United States, are the most persuasive (Agadjanian 2020; Lenz 2012; Nicholson 2012; Barber and Pope Citation2019). We suspect that generic party cues are often weak because of issues of informational equivalence where the respondent might project onto the elite their perception of the elite’s strength of partisan identity or core political values, for example.5 We pre-registered our design and analyses with OSF.io on August 7, 2020, before full data collection commenced on August 10, 2020. Full pre-analysis plan is included in Appendix B. IRB approval was acquired for all pilot tests and the full survey experiment at each of the authors’ institutions.6 We discuss our decision to measure our moderator before treatment in Appendix A.7 In Appendix A, we also display tests for non-random attrition and show balance for pre-registered pre-treatment covariates across treatment conditions.8 We ensured compliance with the treatment in a few different ways. First","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"137 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136068685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"White candidate support continues amidst explicit and implicit white identity cues","authors":"Sean Long, Charles Crabtree","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2023.2266699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2266699","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTTo what extent are appeals to pro-white sentiment effective in American politics? Does it matter if such appeals are implicit or explicit? We investigate the degree to which white Americans are less likely to vote for candidates that use explicit appeals to white identity than they are to those who use more implicit appeals to white identity or to out-group animus. In doing so, we provide a crucial supplement to recent work on this topic, which finds that the implicit/explicit model is becoming less relevant for whites, as well as to research on the increased relevance of white in-group attitudes for white voter behavior. To examine the effect of such white identity appeals, we conduct a survey experiment with a national sample of 2746 white Americans. We find that respondents accept both explicit and implicit white identity appeals at the same rate as out-group appeal. Additionally, we see evidence that those who identify strongly as white are more likely to support candidates who engage in racial messaging. Our findings have broad implications for our evolving understanding of racial appeals in American politics, as well as the role of white identity in contemporary political discourse.KEYWORDS: Racial politicscommunicationsocial identitywhite identity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 https://www.cnn.com/2016/01/22/politics/donald-trump-retweet-white-genocide/index.html2 https://www.npr.org/2018/08/23/641181345/heres-the-story-behind-that-trump-tweet-on-south-africa-and-why-it-sparked-outra3 https://www.npr.org/2020/09/30/918483794/from-debate-stage-trump-declines-to-denounce-white-supremacy4 https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/powerpost/wp/2017/12/27/ryans-pro-white-primary-foe-denounced-by-breitbart-after-his-anti-semitic-tweets/5 https://www.washingtonpost.com/magazine/2022/01/04/jd-vance-hillbilly-elegy-radicalization/6 Specifically, we dropped from the survey all those respondents who completed it in less than one third of the median time. This was in line with Lucid's recommendations about how to deal with speeders, satisficers, and inattentive respondents. However, results are substantively the same regardless of whether speeders are included as shown in Appendix 5.7 To check the robustness of our results, we also collapsed this variable into a binary indicator that coded replies as 0 if respondents indicated “Not at all likely” and 1 otherwise. Our results are robust to this alternative measurement strategy.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135732313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Envisioning a world without prisons: group concept mapping as a collective strategy for justice and dignity","authors":"Migrantes Unidos, Adriano Udani, Maria Torres Wedding, Ángel Flores Fontanez, Sara John, Allie Seleyman","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2023.2266721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2266721","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTPeople with lived experiences of violence have minimal opportunities to address policies that affect them, which poses challenges to producing relevant results beyond academia. In this paper, we ask: in what ways can groups formulate a collective plan to address policy decisions that harm them? We used a framework called group concept mapping (GCM) with Central American and Mexican asylum seekers (named Migrantes Unidos), who are committed to ending the use of ankle monitors and other forms of detention in immigration enforcement. They identified distinct actions and group values, providing mutual support to each other, developing leadership skills, and receiving strength and knowledge to navigate the immigration system as top priorities. Our field work also showed how GCM participation led to actual subsequent political activism. Our results uncover new attitudes and ideas that add more depth to immigrant political behavior and advocacy. While our results demonstrate that GCM is a useful method to center voices of impacted community members’ ideas for change, we also argued that academics and their partners must value reciprocity regardless of the method or framework chosen to answer empirical questions.KEYWORDS: Asylum seekersparticipatory researchgroup concept mappingLatino political behaviorcivic engagement Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 A person must prove that they have (1) a well-founded fear of persecution, (2) based on past persecution or risk of future persecution, (3) because of their membership in a particular social group, and (4) by a persecutor who the government is unwilling or unable to control.2 The support team consists of a second-generation Filipino American male, Mexican woman, Afro-Caribbean male, and two white women. They are immigrants or children of immigrants with no personal experience of digital surveillance or detention, but who are passionate about immigrant justice and developing best practices in centering impacted communities in advocacy.3 Group Wisdom can be used to collect data electronically. Users are invited to create personal accounts and can perform the sorting, rating, and answer other survey questions at their own pace. After a considerable number of MU members expressed hesitation to do the sorting activity online, we elected to use a paper-and-pencil approach to collect sorting data. MU members also wanted the support team to be available for questions during the in-person activity.4 One member who was present did not feel comfortable reading or writing. The member’s partner (non-MU member) worked with them to describe the statements to facilitate the sorting and naming of piles.5 The only exceptions were “sustaining a better future” and “immigrant ally work,” which the researcher and service provider created after reviewing the statements.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by University of Missouri System Tier 3 Strate","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"117 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135759106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Trump’s African Americans? Racial resentment and Black support for Trump in the 2020 elections","authors":"Udi Sommer, Idan Franco","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2023.2265899","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2265899","url":null,"abstract":"The juxtaposition of the 2016 and 2020 elections reveals that despite articulating prejudiced positions as a candidate and then as president, Donald Trump broadened his support among minorities. Particularly perplexing is the fact that support for Trump grew among African Americans. We propose a counterintuitive explanation: racial resentment among Blacks accounted for Trump’s increased support. Our highly robust results motivate a reevaluation of standard understandings of the role of race in American politics writ large and in American elections more specifically. Blacks show considerably more variance in voting behavior than what would be expected given accounts focused on their linked fate; Blacks behave not just in the mold of Stacey Abrams, but more than commonly thought also in the mold of Clarence Thomas. As racially resentful Blacks reside disproportionately in certain swing states, our account portrays Blacks as citizens with political agency, who may be pivotal in determining election outcomes, sometimes in unexpected ways.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"103 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136014415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Race, electoral pressure, expected judicial ideology, and the vote to confirm Justice Clarence Thomas","authors":"Jacob Smith","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2023.2266715","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2266715","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe paper “Courting Constituents? An Analysis of the Senate Confirmation Vote on Justice Clarence Thomas” tests the theory that electoral pressure from Black constituents played a role in the confirmation of Justice Clarence Thomas to the United States Supreme Court (Overby, L. Marvin, Beth M. Henschen, Michael H. Walsh, and Julie Strauss. 1992. “Courting Constituents? An Analysis of the Senate Confirmation Vote on Justice Clarence Thomas.” American Political Science Review 86 (4): 997–1003. https://do.org/10.2307/1964351). This paper reveals several methodological errors in the original paper and also provides a friendly critique of several of the underlying assumptions put forth in the 1992 paper. This paper then offers an alternative explanation that the expected judicial ideology of Clarence Thomas nomination was relatively more important than electoral pressure from Black voters.KEYWORDS: Supreme courtraceattitudinal modeldescriptive representationconfirmation votes AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Jonathan Spiegler, Isaac Unah, Elizabeth Menninga, Jonathan Green, Simon Hoellerbauer, Anthony Chergosky, Ryan Williams, Mary Willis Bode, Apurba Chakraborty, John Lappie, Jason Roberts, Jeffery Jenkins, and Valerie Martinez-Ebers for their comments and suggestions on this paper. I would also like to acknowedge Lyle Overby, Beth Henschen, Michael Walsh, and Julie Strauss for their important contribution to this area of study.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 In the case of the party variable, Republican senators are coded “-1” instead of “0”; senators not up for reelection are coded “-1” instead of “0.”2 While using much more recent data after the parties' electoral coalitions have shifted, Badas and Simas (Citation2021) demonstrate that Court appointments may be more important to Republican voters than it is to Democratic voters.3 For Sotomayor and Kagan, the authors use data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), while for Thomas, they use data from the American National Election Study: Pooled Senate Election Study (ASES).4 For recent nominees, see: http://www.stonybrook.edu/commcms/polisci/jsegal/QualTable.pdf.5 This idea of deference is similar to Stimson's (Citation2018, 22) notion of a “zone of acquiescence” for voters, who push back when the president proposes policies outside this zone. In the same way, in this era of Supreme Court nominees, a potential justice who was viewed as wholly outside the mainstream drew more opposition than the slightly more moderate Clarence Thomas. Admittedly, political elites do not behave the exact same way as mass publics, but I argue that the analogy used by Stimson is relatively analogous to the process of advise and consent in the partisan, but not as partisan as today 1980s and 1990.6 DW-Nominate Scores (see www.voteview.com) have the advantage of being calculated with all non-unanimous roll call votes. Importantly, ","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136212964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Black lives matter messaging across multiple congressional communication mediums","authors":"Lindsey Cormack, Jeff Gulati","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2023.2265896","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2265896","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTAfter the murder of George Floyd in May 2020 the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement had a second, large attention surge. Media focus intensified and public opinion of the movement was the most supportive it had ever been. Legislators got involved too, taking to their e-newsletters, Facebook, Twitter, and press releases to publicize support or opposition to the movement. Using those four mediums we ask which sorts of legislators were more or less likely to make public their position, and how these trends vary by medium. Partisanship drives the biggest differences, but that within parties, legislators with more extreme roll-call voting histories, and those from districts expressing greater perceptions of racism tend to be more likely to discuss their positions in explicit and oblique ways. Black legislators and those with greater shares of Black constituents do not seem to have distinct patterns of signaling support or opposition.KEYWORDS: Black Lives Matterpolitical communicationracemovementsCongress Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Will Hurd did not seek re-election in 2020.2 The manner of identifying the race of a user in this study was by visual determination made by the author, so the results ought to be taken with reasonable caution.3 CrowdTangle is the platform created by Facebook that permits academic and research work on the public groups and persons on Facebook by application on a case-by-case basis.4 ProPublica Represent Collection maintained by Derek Willis, Allison McCartney and Jeremy B. Merrill at: https://projects.propublica.org/represent/5 The six questions that comprise the perception of racism scale are: (1) Irish, Italians, Jewish and many other minorities overcame prejudice and worked their way up. Blacks should do the same without any special favors; (2) Generations of slavery and discrimination have created conditions that make it difficult for blacks to work their way out of the lower class; (3) Over the past few years, blacks have gotten less than they deserve; (4) It’s really a matter of some people not trying hard enough, if blacks would only try harder they could be just as well off as whites; (5) White people in the U.S. have certain advantages because of the color of their skin; and (6) Racial problems in the U.S. are rare, isolated situations.6 The Propublica legislator database of current and former legislators available here: https://github.com/unitedstates/congress-legislators7 The decision to assess additional words that are implicit anti-Black Lives Matters terms was made after the initial data collection and thus limited our analyses of these frames to the medium of e-newsletters which are continuously maintained at DCinbox.com. We thank an anonymous reviewer for this suggestion.8 Nine of these communications refer to the 1969 Stonewall riots because Pride month celebrations also take place annually during June which is in our time window.9 Though ","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135198612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Racial discrimination at the polls? The Canadian case of Jagmeet Singh","authors":"Matthew Polacko, Allison Harell","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2023.2251651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2251651","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73926218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Support for ranked choice voting across party and race: results from a national survey experiment","authors":"J. Anthony, David Kimball, Jack Santucci, Jamil Scott","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2023.2248715","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2248715","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"33 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81663427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Institutional opportunities and party position change: the case of LGBTQ+ rights in Canada","authors":"Elizabeth Baisley","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2023.2248075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2248075","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76584751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}