Pub Date : 2022-05-19DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2065319
R. Moskowitz
ABSTRACT Using an original survey experiment, this paper explores voter preference formation on competing dimensions of educational equality. In March 2012, residents of Evanston, IL voted on a ballot referendum that would levy taxes earmarked for building a new school in a historically Black neighborhood that has not had a neighborhood school since racial integration of the school district in the late 1960s. Competing visions of equality as either integration or community control were at the heart of the Evanston referendum debate; maintaining city-wide racial integration of all schools was pitted against providing equal access for all to a local school in their own neighborhood. This paper specifically focuses on how white voters, who often hold undue influence in education policy-making, form their preferences on an issue that has a significant racial impact. I find that priming and shifting context affect preference formation on both equality and this local policy question.
{"title":"Educational equality in the twenty-first century: white voter conflict over integration and community control","authors":"R. Moskowitz","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2065319","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2065319","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using an original survey experiment, this paper explores voter preference formation on competing dimensions of educational equality. In March 2012, residents of Evanston, IL voted on a ballot referendum that would levy taxes earmarked for building a new school in a historically Black neighborhood that has not had a neighborhood school since racial integration of the school district in the late 1960s. Competing visions of equality as either integration or community control were at the heart of the Evanston referendum debate; maintaining city-wide racial integration of all schools was pitted against providing equal access for all to a local school in their own neighborhood. This paper specifically focuses on how white voters, who often hold undue influence in education policy-making, form their preferences on an issue that has a significant racial impact. I find that priming and shifting context affect preference formation on both equality and this local policy question.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"21 1","pages":"954 - 978"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84107414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-10DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2071304
Rissa Reist
ABSTRACT This article considers the historical and ongoing use of gendered anthropomorphic metaphors in Canadian political humor. It asks how national and sub-national identities have been articulated through gendered bodies in Canadian political humor and what types of underlying cultural and ideological assumptions about citizenship are expressed in these metaphors? Two case studies of Canadian political humor were conducted and analysed through the lens of feminist critical discourse analysis. The findings reveal a tendency for political humor to use anthropomorphic metaphors to enforce cultural understandings of acceptable and unacceptable forms of citizenship. These discussions are highly gendered and often exist in conversation with intersectional issues such as race and class. Overall, these metaphors enforce the acceptability of white masculinity in Canadian social, political, and cultural rhetoric while framing femininity as a precursor to undesirable forms of citizenship.
{"title":"Gender, morality and violence in anthropomorphic metaphors depicted in Canadian political humor","authors":"Rissa Reist","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2071304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2071304","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article considers the historical and ongoing use of gendered anthropomorphic metaphors in Canadian political humor. It asks how national and sub-national identities have been articulated through gendered bodies in Canadian political humor and what types of underlying cultural and ideological assumptions about citizenship are expressed in these metaphors? Two case studies of Canadian political humor were conducted and analysed through the lens of feminist critical discourse analysis. The findings reveal a tendency for political humor to use anthropomorphic metaphors to enforce cultural understandings of acceptable and unacceptable forms of citizenship. These discussions are highly gendered and often exist in conversation with intersectional issues such as race and class. Overall, these metaphors enforce the acceptability of white masculinity in Canadian social, political, and cultural rhetoric while framing femininity as a precursor to undesirable forms of citizenship.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"1998 1","pages":"1041 - 1059"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88213481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-09DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2070075
Romelia Solano
ABSTRACT This essay reflects on Claire Jean Kim’s racial triangulation theory in light of the 20-year convergence between the US immigration system and the carceral state. Drawing on a non-probability sample of 70 in-depth interviews with individuals who had direct and vicarious immigrant detention experiences, I argue that immigrant detention depends on anti-Blackness to manage race-class subjugated groups’ demands for de-carceration. Interviews expose how Latinx immigrant subgroups and other immigrant subgroups are differently subjected to carceral logics in ways that compel or suppress their resistance to racial triangulation. Finally, by recentering the agency of directly impacted individuals, the essay complicates Latinx politics and sheds light on an emerging dignity politics in immigrant detention with implications for intergroup relations.
{"title":"Dignity politics in immigrant detention","authors":"Romelia Solano","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2070075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2070075","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay reflects on Claire Jean Kim’s racial triangulation theory in light of the 20-year convergence between the US immigration system and the carceral state. Drawing on a non-probability sample of 70 in-depth interviews with individuals who had direct and vicarious immigrant detention experiences, I argue that immigrant detention depends on anti-Blackness to manage race-class subjugated groups’ demands for de-carceration. Interviews expose how Latinx immigrant subgroups and other immigrant subgroups are differently subjected to carceral logics in ways that compel or suppress their resistance to racial triangulation. Finally, by recentering the agency of directly impacted individuals, the essay complicates Latinx politics and sheds light on an emerging dignity politics in immigrant detention with implications for intergroup relations.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"129 1","pages":"481 - 486"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73761979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-02DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2070076
R. Cravens
ABSTRACT Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) candidates for public office generally perform better among traditional Democratic voters including women, progressives, young people, People of Color (POC), and the non-religious. Yet, LGBT candidates represent only a fraction of elected officials even in “liberal” states such as California. Using data from a representative sample of California voters, I examine the relationship between Christian nationalism and support for LGBT political candidates. I hypothesize Christian nationalism consolidates hetero- and cisnormative boundaries around American identity which exclude LGBT people and extend across groups who are traditionally supportive of LGBT rights. While the research design cannot demonstrate causation, I find adherence to Christian nationalism is associated with opposition to both lesbian/gay and transgender candidates. Furthermore, the negative effects of Christian nationalism are invariant across measures of partisanship, race, and religious affiliation. Other variables including gender identity, education, and age also predict support for LGBT candidates, but the results suggest Christian nationalism likely represents a stained-glass ceiling for candidates among potential constituents, even constituents from traditionally supportive groups.
{"title":"Christian nationalism: a stained-glass ceiling for LGBT candidates?","authors":"R. Cravens","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2070076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2070076","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) candidates for public office generally perform better among traditional Democratic voters including women, progressives, young people, People of Color (POC), and the non-religious. Yet, LGBT candidates represent only a fraction of elected officials even in “liberal” states such as California. Using data from a representative sample of California voters, I examine the relationship between Christian nationalism and support for LGBT political candidates. I hypothesize Christian nationalism consolidates hetero- and cisnormative boundaries around American identity which exclude LGBT people and extend across groups who are traditionally supportive of LGBT rights. While the research design cannot demonstrate causation, I find adherence to Christian nationalism is associated with opposition to both lesbian/gay and transgender candidates. Furthermore, the negative effects of Christian nationalism are invariant across measures of partisanship, race, and religious affiliation. Other variables including gender identity, education, and age also predict support for LGBT candidates, but the results suggest Christian nationalism likely represents a stained-glass ceiling for candidates among potential constituents, even constituents from traditionally supportive groups.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"25 1","pages":"1016 - 1040"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83449016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-02DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2065317
Thaddieus W. Conner
ABSTRACT Understanding why public officials engage certain actors in the external environment has received considerable attention in studies of politics and administration. Building from the extensive body of research on how individual preferences influence policy decisions and behavior, I examine how attitudes towards Native American communities impacts levels of stakeholder engagement. Using social construction theory, I explore the relationship between the perceived deservingness of stakeholders in the external environment and self-reported levels of engagement using a survey of Indian education directors in Oklahoma and New Mexico public school districts. I find that public officials who view Native American communities as more deserving report more frequent interactions with Tribal officials and Native parents compared to those that perceive Native American communities as less deserving. I also find that public managers who view Native American communities as either contenders or outsiders have the lowest level of self-reported interactions with Native American stakeholders, while those that perceive the target population as vulnerable or advantaged tend to have higher levels of self-reported engagement. This research has important implications for broadening our understanding of how individual attitudes influence engagement with Native American communities through the lens of social construction theory.
{"title":"Deserving and engaged: how individual attitudes influence stakeholder engagement","authors":"Thaddieus W. Conner","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2065317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2065317","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Understanding why public officials engage certain actors in the external environment has received considerable attention in studies of politics and administration. Building from the extensive body of research on how individual preferences influence policy decisions and behavior, I examine how attitudes towards Native American communities impacts levels of stakeholder engagement. Using social construction theory, I explore the relationship between the perceived deservingness of stakeholders in the external environment and self-reported levels of engagement using a survey of Indian education directors in Oklahoma and New Mexico public school districts. I find that public officials who view Native American communities as more deserving report more frequent interactions with Tribal officials and Native parents compared to those that perceive Native American communities as less deserving. I also find that public managers who view Native American communities as either contenders or outsiders have the lowest level of self-reported interactions with Native American stakeholders, while those that perceive the target population as vulnerable or advantaged tend to have higher levels of self-reported engagement. This research has important implications for broadening our understanding of how individual attitudes influence engagement with Native American communities through the lens of social construction theory.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"38 4","pages":"899 - 915"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72467118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-28DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2065320
A. Bracic, Mackenzie Israel-Trummel, Allyson F. Shortle
ABSTRACT The revelation that the Trump administration separated immigrant children from their families at the U.S.–Mexico border and placed them in detention facilities sparked protests across the country in 2018. While the policy received swift backlash from the public and was widely derided as running counter to American values and the rule of law, a segment of the American public supports the policy. We argue that ethnocultural forms of nationalism—beliefs about religious, ethnic, and gendered criteria for “true Americanness”—help explain support for family separations. We test this argument using two surveys collected 2 years apart. In both data sets, we find substantial evidence that ethnocultural forms of nationalism are linked to support for family separation, while generalized nationalism is not.
{"title":"Ethnocultural or generalized? Nationalism and support for punitive immigration policy","authors":"A. Bracic, Mackenzie Israel-Trummel, Allyson F. Shortle","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2065320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2065320","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The revelation that the Trump administration separated immigrant children from their families at the U.S.–Mexico border and placed them in detention facilities sparked protests across the country in 2018. While the policy received swift backlash from the public and was widely derided as running counter to American values and the rule of law, a segment of the American public supports the policy. We argue that ethnocultural forms of nationalism—beliefs about religious, ethnic, and gendered criteria for “true Americanness”—help explain support for family separations. We test this argument using two surveys collected 2 years apart. In both data sets, we find substantial evidence that ethnocultural forms of nationalism are linked to support for family separation, while generalized nationalism is not.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"43 1","pages":"979 - 996"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80838817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-26DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2061361
Thomas E. Nelson, Darlley Joselus
ABSTRACT How do people explain persistent inequality between whites and blacks? Research has focused on two dimensions of explanation, or attribution: internal (regarding shortcomings in black motivation and capability); and external (regarding the socioeconomic context). We argue that a third type of attribution – cultural – augments internal attributions, making them more compelling. A survey-based experiment with a white sample showed that internal attributions elicited greater agreement when framed in cultural terms – that is, when black character and behavior were linked to a distinct black culture. High knowledge participants responded more strongly to framing than low knowledge participants. Culturally framed internal attributions predicted issue attitudes more powerfully than traditional internal attributions. The results indicate that we should change how we conceptualize and measure public beliefs about racial inequality.
{"title":"Cultural attributions for racial inequality","authors":"Thomas E. Nelson, Darlley Joselus","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2061361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2061361","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do people explain persistent inequality between whites and blacks? Research has focused on two dimensions of explanation, or attribution: internal (regarding shortcomings in black motivation and capability); and external (regarding the socioeconomic context). We argue that a third type of attribution – cultural – augments internal attributions, making them more compelling. A survey-based experiment with a white sample showed that internal attributions elicited greater agreement when framed in cultural terms – that is, when black character and behavior were linked to a distinct black culture. High knowledge participants responded more strongly to framing than low knowledge participants. Culturally framed internal attributions predicted issue attitudes more powerfully than traditional internal attributions. The results indicate that we should change how we conceptualize and measure public beliefs about racial inequality.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"5 1","pages":"876 - 898"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86642603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-31DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2056491
Michael Hoffman, E. Rosenberg
ABSTRACT Do societal religious practices affect European policies towards Muslim veils? We argue that public religious behavior has a substantial effect on European countries’ and regions’ decisions regarding whether or not to ban the wearing of the veil in public spaces. Using data from the European Social Survey, we find that countries with higher levels of religious attendance are substantially less likely to enact veil bans than those where religious attendance is less common. We augment these findings with data from Switzerland, where variation across subnational units parallels the patterns witnessed in Europe more broadly: aggregate religious attendance decreases the likelihood of both voting on veil bans and actually enacting them. In environments characterized by a salient secular-religious divide, high levels of religious attendance lead to greater support for the public expression of religion – even for religious outgroups – and this support is often channeled into more accommodating policies towards religious expression.
社会宗教习俗会影响欧洲对穆斯林面纱的政策吗?我们认为，公共宗教行为对欧洲国家和地区关于是否禁止在公共场所佩戴面纱的决定具有实质性影响。根据欧洲社会调查(European Social Survey)的数据，我们发现，与那些参加宗教活动较少的国家相比，参加宗教活动较多的国家颁布面纱禁令的可能性要小得多。我们用来自瑞士的数据增强了这些发现，瑞士次国家单位的差异与欧洲更广泛地看到的模式相似:总的宗教出席率降低了投票通过面纱禁令和实际实施禁令的可能性。在世俗与宗教分歧显著的环境中，高水平的宗教出席率导致对公开表达宗教的更大支持——甚至对宗教外群体也是如此——而这种支持往往被引导为对宗教表达更宽容的政策。
{"title":"Religious behavior and European veil bans","authors":"Michael Hoffman, E. Rosenberg","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2056491","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2056491","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Do societal religious practices affect European policies towards Muslim veils? We argue that public religious behavior has a substantial effect on European countries’ and regions’ decisions regarding whether or not to ban the wearing of the veil in public spaces. Using data from the European Social Survey, we find that countries with higher levels of religious attendance are substantially less likely to enact veil bans than those where religious attendance is less common. We augment these findings with data from Switzerland, where variation across subnational units parallels the patterns witnessed in Europe more broadly: aggregate religious attendance decreases the likelihood of both voting on veil bans and actually enacting them. In environments characterized by a salient secular-religious divide, high levels of religious attendance lead to greater support for the public expression of religion – even for religious outgroups – and this support is often channeled into more accommodating policies towards religious expression.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"13 1","pages":"854 - 875"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85194053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-30DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2055481
Elizabeth Jordie Davies
ABSTRACT In this essay, I argue that the “insider/ foreigner” vector of racial triangulation misnames the Black American experience and obscures the fraught nature of Black American citizenship. Though Kim [1999. “The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans.” Politics & Society.27 (1): 105–138, Kim, Claire Jean. 2000. Bitter Fruit: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City. Yale University Press] recognizes that the insider status of Black Americans is constructed on foundations of anti-Blackness, I argue that we must actively name anti-Blackness as the organizing principle of US politics. This more accurately describes the racial hierarchy in the US, given the way so-called foreign populations are evaluated based on their perceived proximity to Blackness, their ability to appeal to whiteness, and their culture compared to Black Americans. I argue that racialization could be productively understood through sites of white supremacist harm – from the carceral state to restrictive immigration policies. Politically, we can more adequately resist the common problem of white supremacy by lending cross-racial support to the systemic struggles that Black, Asian, and Latinx groups face in the US. This perspective decenters proximity to whiteness, emphasizes the proximity of Black and Asian Americans, and reveals opportunities to build solidarity.
{"title":"The anti-Black axis: rethinking racial triangulation","authors":"Elizabeth Jordie Davies","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2055481","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2055481","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this essay, I argue that the “insider/ foreigner” vector of racial triangulation misnames the Black American experience and obscures the fraught nature of Black American citizenship. Though Kim [1999. “The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans.” Politics & Society.27 (1): 105–138, Kim, Claire Jean. 2000. Bitter Fruit: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City. Yale University Press] recognizes that the insider status of Black Americans is constructed on foundations of anti-Blackness, I argue that we must actively name anti-Blackness as the organizing principle of US politics. This more accurately describes the racial hierarchy in the US, given the way so-called foreign populations are evaluated based on their perceived proximity to Blackness, their ability to appeal to whiteness, and their culture compared to Black Americans. I argue that racialization could be productively understood through sites of white supremacist harm – from the carceral state to restrictive immigration policies. Politically, we can more adequately resist the common problem of white supremacy by lending cross-racial support to the systemic struggles that Black, Asian, and Latinx groups face in the US. This perspective decenters proximity to whiteness, emphasizes the proximity of Black and Asian Americans, and reveals opportunities to build solidarity.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"45 1","pages":"475 - 480"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91165258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-28DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2044870
Sonya G. Chen, Christian Hosam
Twenty years after the publication of Claire Jean Kim’s groundbreaking racial triangulation theory (1999) and her book Bitter Fruit: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City (2000), questions of interracial conflict and coalition, racial resistance, and racial power that animated the development of Kim’s work continue to reverberate present day. In Bitter Fruit, Kim’s observations and analysis of the 1990 Red Apple Boycott, where Black activists and community members in New York City protested the assault of Haitian customer Ghiselaine Felissaint by Korean store owner Bong Ok Jang, astutely pinpoint white racial power’s frequently invisibilized hand in setting the terms for interacial conflict:
克莱尔·金开创性的种族三角理论(1999年)和她的著作《苦果:纽约市黑人-朝鲜冲突的政治》(2000年)出版二十年后，种族间冲突和联盟、种族抵抗和种族权力等问题激发了金作品的发展，在今天仍然回响。在《苦果》(Bitter Fruit)一书中，金对1990年纽约的“红苹果抵制运动”(Red Apple Boycott)进行了观察和分析。当时，纽约市的黑人积极分子和社区成员抗议韩国店主Bong Ok Jang袭击海地顾客Ghiselaine Felissaint)，他敏锐地指出，白人种族权力在为种族冲突设定条件时，往往是看不见的。
{"title":"Claire Jean Kim's racial triangulation at 20: rethinking Black-Asian solidarity and political science","authors":"Sonya G. Chen, Christian Hosam","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2044870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2044870","url":null,"abstract":"Twenty years after the publication of Claire Jean Kim’s groundbreaking racial triangulation theory (1999) and her book Bitter Fruit: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City (2000), questions of interracial conflict and coalition, racial resistance, and racial power that animated the development of Kim’s work continue to reverberate present day. In Bitter Fruit, Kim’s observations and analysis of the 1990 Red Apple Boycott, where Black activists and community members in New York City protested the assault of Haitian customer Ghiselaine Felissaint by Korean store owner Bong Ok Jang, astutely pinpoint white racial power’s frequently invisibilized hand in setting the terms for interacial conflict:","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"75 1","pages":"455 - 460"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77201004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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