Pub Date : 2022-07-18DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2087191
Danielle Casarez Lemi, Gabriel R. Sanchez
ABSTRACT Are Filipino Americans closer to Asian Americans or Latinos, politically? We argue that due to Spanish and American colonialism, this is an open question. We test hypotheses regarding Filipino American distinctiveness from other Asian Americans using data from two nationally representative surveys of Asian Americans. Discrimination drives Filipino Americans’ sense of pan-ethnic linked fate with Asian Americans, but not their perceptions of political commonality with Latinos. We find suggestive evidence that Millennial Filipino Americans are more likely to perceive political commonality with Latinos than non-Millennial Filipino Americans. Given these findings, we question what is implied when scholars study the political behavior of immigrant groups and their descendants.
{"title":"Spanish and American colonialism and Filipino American political commonality with Latinos","authors":"Danielle Casarez Lemi, Gabriel R. Sanchez","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2087191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2087191","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Are Filipino Americans closer to Asian Americans or Latinos, politically? We argue that due to Spanish and American colonialism, this is an open question. We test hypotheses regarding Filipino American distinctiveness from other Asian Americans using data from two nationally representative surveys of Asian Americans. Discrimination drives Filipino Americans’ sense of pan-ethnic linked fate with Asian Americans, but not their perceptions of political commonality with Latinos. We find suggestive evidence that Millennial Filipino Americans are more likely to perceive political commonality with Latinos than non-Millennial Filipino Americans. Given these findings, we question what is implied when scholars study the political behavior of immigrant groups and their descendants.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"89 1","pages":"1158 - 1180"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75903813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-07DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2097097
Mohsen Joshanloo
{"title":"A global index of anti-immigrant xenophobia: associations with cultural dimensions, national well-being, and economic indicators in 151 nations","authors":"Mohsen Joshanloo","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2097097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2097097","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90421138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2092015
J. Grumbach, Hahrie Han, D. Warren
{"title":"Getting out the vote in the projects: lessons from a community organizing experiment","authors":"J. Grumbach, Hahrie Han, D. Warren","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2092015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2092015","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"56 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88209558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-27DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2087192
Yoshikuni Ono, Hirofumi Miwa
ABSTRACT Growing evidence reveals that candidate issue engagement differs between men and women. However, recent research suggests that individual-level differences among candidates should be small under the strategic incentives inherent in single-member district elections that encourage party rather than personal-vote seeking. We examine whether men and women candidates emphasize different issues in their electoral campaigns and if the magnitude of the gender gap varies under different electoral rules. Our analysis of 7497 Japanese election manifestos spanning more than 20 years, from 1986 to 2009, reveals significant gender differences in the issues candidates emphasize in their electoral campaigns, regardless of party affiliation or other attributes. Moreover, these differences remain salient after an extensive change from a multi-member district to single-member district electoral system.
{"title":"Gender differences in campaigning under alternative voting systems: analysis of election manifestos","authors":"Yoshikuni Ono, Hirofumi Miwa","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2087192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2087192","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Growing evidence reveals that candidate issue engagement differs between men and women. However, recent research suggests that individual-level differences among candidates should be small under the strategic incentives inherent in single-member district elections that encourage party rather than personal-vote seeking. We examine whether men and women candidates emphasize different issues in their electoral campaigns and if the magnitude of the gender gap varies under different electoral rules. Our analysis of 7497 Japanese election manifestos spanning more than 20 years, from 1986 to 2009, reveals significant gender differences in the issues candidates emphasize in their electoral campaigns, regardless of party affiliation or other attributes. Moreover, these differences remain salient after an extensive change from a multi-member district to single-member district electoral system.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"90 1","pages":"1203 - 1211"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85719656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-26DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2086470
Adaugo Pamela Nwakanma
ABSTRACT Variations in perceptions of and attitudes towards justice animate how different people decide to engage in politics. In the US, political attitudes typically vary across salient identity markers such as race, gender, and socio-economic class. Drawing on insights from the Black Lives Matter movement, this research note advances a theoretical framework for understanding justice and political protests through a transnational Black feminist lens. Here, I consider political behavior through the Black feminist frame of interlocking identities and the notion of “the personal being political.” I examine the diverse ways in which Black feminism provides novel insights for better understanding justice and political behavior in terms of theory, methodology, and praxis.
{"title":"Theorizing justice from the margins: Black feminist insights on political (protest) behavior","authors":"Adaugo Pamela Nwakanma","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2086470","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2086470","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Variations in perceptions of and attitudes towards justice animate how different people decide to engage in politics. In the US, political attitudes typically vary across salient identity markers such as race, gender, and socio-economic class. Drawing on insights from the Black Lives Matter movement, this research note advances a theoretical framework for understanding justice and political protests through a transnational Black feminist lens. Here, I consider political behavior through the Black feminist frame of interlocking identities and the notion of “the personal being political.” I examine the diverse ways in which Black feminism provides novel insights for better understanding justice and political behavior in terms of theory, methodology, and praxis.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"58 1","pages":"1190 - 1202"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78541416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-23DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2086471
Ngoc Phan, Natasha Altema McNeely, Edward D. Vargas
ABSTRACT We test the possibility that social contact through interracial marriage impacts racial attitudes. We assume that interracial couples experience intergroup contact that is meaningfully different from same-race couples. Little research examines the impact of mate selection and reproduction on political and racial attitudes. In this paper, we advance the research on the potential impact of mate selection and reproduction on couples’ racial attitudes. Using racialized socialization theory, we test whether interracial couples hold similar views to other multiracial couples compared to same-race couples. A secondary hypothesis concerns whether interracial couples with children hold distinct racial and political attitudes. We use the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS). We find that non-Hispanic whites, Blacks, and Asians in interracial relationships are more likely to indicate that these groups experience discrimination compared to their co-ethnic counterparts who are in relationships with co-ethnics. We also find some support for our expectation that having children in an interracial marriage has an impact on the racial attitudes of non-Hispanic whites. Our results contribute to the growing research on the political attitudes of interracial couples as well as the impact of their having children upon their political preferences.
{"title":"Married with children: do intermarriage and children impact political orientations?","authors":"Ngoc Phan, Natasha Altema McNeely, Edward D. Vargas","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2086471","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2086471","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We test the possibility that social contact through interracial marriage impacts racial attitudes. We assume that interracial couples experience intergroup contact that is meaningfully different from same-race couples. Little research examines the impact of mate selection and reproduction on political and racial attitudes. In this paper, we advance the research on the potential impact of mate selection and reproduction on couples’ racial attitudes. Using racialized socialization theory, we test whether interracial couples hold similar views to other multiracial couples compared to same-race couples. A secondary hypothesis concerns whether interracial couples with children hold distinct racial and political attitudes. We use the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS). We find that non-Hispanic whites, Blacks, and Asians in interracial relationships are more likely to indicate that these groups experience discrimination compared to their co-ethnic counterparts who are in relationships with co-ethnics. We also find some support for our expectation that having children in an interracial marriage has an impact on the racial attitudes of non-Hispanic whites. Our results contribute to the growing research on the political attitudes of interracial couples as well as the impact of their having children upon their political preferences.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"24 1","pages":"1098 - 1119"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77797392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-15DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2086472
J. Jordan, Nazita Lajevardi, J. Waller
ABSTRACT Women of color report high levels of discrimination in politics, healthcare, and the labor market. Numerous studies have found contact to be a powerful means of lessening prejudice. But a growing consensus argues that broad generalizations about the efficacy of intergroup interaction are untenable and that we need to study separately the effects of different varieties of contact between different racial, social, political, and gender groups. To date, studies have not explored how contact affects the ability of different groups of Americans—whites, people of color, Democrats and Republicans—to empathize with and take the perspective of women of color. The present study fills this gap and examines whether more diverse personal contacts with women of color are linked to how Americans grasp the discrimination that they face. It pools several large, original surveys of Americans and measures whether different levels of contact correlate with awareness of discrimination against women of color. We find that there is indeed a positive association. Consistent with several studies, we present evidence of a strong ceiling effect: people of color and Democrats were less affected by knowing additional women of color, likely because they tend to start from a higher level of empathetic awareness.
{"title":"How contact is related to awareness of discrimination against women of color","authors":"J. Jordan, Nazita Lajevardi, J. Waller","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2086472","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2086472","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Women of color report high levels of discrimination in politics, healthcare, and the labor market. Numerous studies have found contact to be a powerful means of lessening prejudice. But a growing consensus argues that broad generalizations about the efficacy of intergroup interaction are untenable and that we need to study separately the effects of different varieties of contact between different racial, social, political, and gender groups. To date, studies have not explored how contact affects the ability of different groups of Americans—whites, people of color, Democrats and Republicans—to empathize with and take the perspective of women of color. The present study fills this gap and examines whether more diverse personal contacts with women of color are linked to how Americans grasp the discrimination that they face. It pools several large, original surveys of Americans and measures whether different levels of contact correlate with awareness of discrimination against women of color. We find that there is indeed a positive association. Consistent with several studies, we present evidence of a strong ceiling effect: people of color and Democrats were less affected by knowing additional women of color, likely because they tend to start from a higher level of empathetic awareness.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"1 1","pages":"1120 - 1137"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82360918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-15DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2080081
Kaitlin Senk
ABSTRACT A longstanding assumption in the literature on women’s representation is that, once elected, descriptive representatives will legislate on behalf of women’s substantive interests. While the literature finds support for the notion that women representatives prioritize women’s substantive interests in their legislative behavior, considerable variation exists across women within countries. In this paper, I explore one factor that explains why some women focus more on women’s rights than others: sense of political security and establishment within the legislature. I argue that women legislators with more security within the legislature, measured as seniority, may be more likely to introduce women’s rights policies when compared with more junior women. Seniority provides legislators freedom to deviate from the party platform without fear of backlash from party leadership. I test this using data on bills initiated by legislators in Argentina (1983–2013). I find that more senior women introduce more women’s rights legislation.
{"title":"When do women represent women’s rights: exploring seniority and political security","authors":"Kaitlin Senk","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2080081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2080081","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT A longstanding assumption in the literature on women’s representation is that, once elected, descriptive representatives will legislate on behalf of women’s substantive interests. While the literature finds support for the notion that women representatives prioritize women’s substantive interests in their legislative behavior, considerable variation exists across women within countries. In this paper, I explore one factor that explains why some women focus more on women’s rights than others: sense of political security and establishment within the legislature. I argue that women legislators with more security within the legislature, measured as seniority, may be more likely to introduce women’s rights policies when compared with more junior women. Seniority provides legislators freedom to deviate from the party platform without fear of backlash from party leadership. I test this using data on bills initiated by legislators in Argentina (1983–2013). I find that more senior women introduce more women’s rights legislation.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"28 1","pages":"1077 - 1097"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73884371","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-06DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2080566
Peter T. McLaughlin, Sarina Rhinehart
ABSTRACT The US Congress is unrepresentative of the people it serves, and reforming campaign finance law may be a path toward a more representative institution. We examine public opinion toward allowing candidates to use campaign funds for child care, theorizing gender conditions support due to the unequal burden child care places on women. Using an experiment, we find people are more supportive of candidates using campaign funds for child care when the hypothetical candidates are women. Women respondents are especially likely to vary their support for the policy based on candidate gender. This project is the first to explore public support for allowing candidates to use campaign funds for personal expenses, contributing to our understanding of support for reform that could transform the types of candidates willing to run.
{"title":"Paying for child care on the campaign trail: attitudes toward the use of campaign finances for personal expenses","authors":"Peter T. McLaughlin, Sarina Rhinehart","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2080566","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2080566","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The US Congress is unrepresentative of the people it serves, and reforming campaign finance law may be a path toward a more representative institution. We examine public opinion toward allowing candidates to use campaign funds for child care, theorizing gender conditions support due to the unequal burden child care places on women. Using an experiment, we find people are more supportive of candidates using campaign funds for child care when the hypothetical candidates are women. Women respondents are especially likely to vary their support for the policy based on candidate gender. This project is the first to explore public support for allowing candidates to use campaign funds for personal expenses, contributing to our understanding of support for reform that could transform the types of candidates willing to run.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"59 1","pages":"1181 - 1189"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84780780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-25DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2078219
Doga Can Atalay, U. Korkut
ABSTRACT The fundamental principles of integration are increasingly criticized while indicator-informed-integration (III) remains an aspiration for policymakers. In contrast, we argue that integration and in particular its social variant cannot be measured through indicators. It is even a fallacy to qualify one’s integration journey through indicators. Instead, migrant integration is an everyday phenomenon that relates to the course of one’s life in their new home country. We propose that we need to understand the narratives that this process involves and the intimacies and convivial experiences that it generates. Our main argument is that migration or integration research should pay more attention to the foundations of social interactions covering their essence, processes, and nature that make the migrant and established communities communicate with each other. The data for this article originate from an EU-funded multi-national research project looking into joint belongingness and migration including young people.
{"title":"Narrativizing the self: how do the migrant experiences matter for joint belongingness?","authors":"Doga Can Atalay, U. Korkut","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2078219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2078219","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The fundamental principles of integration are increasingly criticized while indicator-informed-integration (III) remains an aspiration for policymakers. In contrast, we argue that integration and in particular its social variant cannot be measured through indicators. It is even a fallacy to qualify one’s integration journey through indicators. Instead, migrant integration is an everyday phenomenon that relates to the course of one’s life in their new home country. We propose that we need to understand the narratives that this process involves and the intimacies and convivial experiences that it generates. Our main argument is that migration or integration research should pay more attention to the foundations of social interactions covering their essence, processes, and nature that make the migrant and established communities communicate with each other. The data for this article originate from an EU-funded multi-national research project looking into joint belongingness and migration including young people.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"1 1","pages":"1060 - 1076"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88771491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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