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EU–Central Asian interactions: perceptions, interests and practices 欧盟与中亚的互动:观念、利益和实践
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02634937.2022.2134300
Rick Fawn, Karolina Kluczewska, O. Korneev
ABSTRACT By shifting the study of European Union (EU)–Central Asian relations from its fixed category of black-boxing both the EU and Central Asia, this article advances the case for the approach of examining multi-level and multi-actor interactions that identify the dynamic processes of reciprocal action and meaning-making that characterize the mutual cooperation. It distinguishes perceptions, interests and practices, pointing to the rationales and modes of behaviour of multiple EU and Central Asian actors. The article also advances five reasons why EU studies should take more interest in Central Asia, given that the EU’s larger external relations and security agenda extends to this region. Similarly, it shows that Central Asian studies can benefit from the analysis of the region’s interactions with external actors, including the EU, given that external actors contribute to reshaping national policy agendas and influence everyday life.
摘要通过将对欧盟-中亚关系的研究从其固定的黑匣子类别——欧盟和中亚——转移到欧盟和中亚,本文提出了一种研究多层次和多参与者互动的方法,该方法确定了相互合作的互动和意义形成的动态过程。它区分了观念、利益和做法,指出了欧盟和中亚多个行为者的理由和行为模式。鉴于欧盟更大的对外关系和安全议程延伸到中亚地区,文章还提出了欧盟研究应该对中亚更感兴趣的五个原因。同样,它表明,中亚研究可以受益于对该地区与包括欧盟在内的外部行为者互动的分析,因为外部行为者有助于重塑国家政策议程并影响日常生活。
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引用次数: 1
Soviet policy in Xinjiang: Stalin and the national movement in Eastern Turkistan 苏联新疆政策:斯大林与东突民族运动
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/02634937.2022.2123157
A. Kamalov
view. The Soviet system worked on dual tracks, celebrating diversity while embedding Russian superiority. The structural embedding was the stronger force. Edgar is more concerned with the messiness of lives lived than with theory, which is a great strength of the book. Her informants span generations, from those whomet in the chaos of the Second World War to the children of perestroika. Marriages between Muslims and non-Muslims were rare, and when they occurred they were almost always between Muslim men and Slavic women. Edgar considers the minefields of relations with the in-laws, cultural identity and language as well as marriages that were happy or unhappy in general. While Edgar stresses that the data are not systematic enough to support rigorous analysis, broad patterns do emerge. Families tended to be hostile to the idea of mixed marriage, except for the most dedicated communists. The appearance of grandchildren usually fixed that problem, but not always. A major concern for Kazakh and especially Tajik families was that the Slavic bride would not fulfil expected duties to her in-laws with the appropriate deference. While some brides did indeed chafe at the model of the selfless ‘Eastern woman’, others embraced it as providing a more supportive network than Soviet Russian family dysfunction. Meanwhile the few Central Asian women who married Slavs were attracted to their husbands’ less patriarchal demeanour. Raising children posed many dilemmas: What to name them? Whose language should they speak? Whose nationality should they claim on their passports when they turned 16? Like mixed couples everywhere, parents made choices depending on practical considerations and family and personal opinions. However, the Soviet insistence on distinct, stable national categories forced particular choices. While few multi-ethnic children reported being harassed by their peers, a child with an Islamic name and a Slavic appearance, or vice versa, caused consternation. Parents tried to match names with physiognomy. Many of these children were raised with Russian as their first language, but if neither of their parents were Russian they could not claim ‘Russian’ on their passports, no matter how much Pushkin they had imbibed. If they did not identify with the nationality of either parent, or if they believed they were Soviet citizens first and foremost, the state did not allow them to choose ‘both’ or ‘none’. The Communist Party said it was working toward a world without nations, but underneath its actions were driven by older ideas of fixed racial and gender hierarchies that permeated Soviet society. Edgar’s study provides a fascinating window into these contradictions.
看法苏联的体制走上了双轨制,既庆祝多样性,又嵌入了俄罗斯的优势。结构嵌入是更强的力量。埃德加更关心生活的混乱,而不是理论,这是本书的一大优势。她的线人跨越了几代人,从第二次世界大战混乱中的人到改革的孩子。穆斯林和非穆斯林之间的婚姻很少见,当发生时,几乎总是穆斯林男性和斯拉夫女性之间的婚姻。埃德加考虑了与姻亲、文化身份和语言的关系雷区,以及总体上幸福或不幸福的婚姻。Edgar强调,这些数据不够系统,无法支持严格的分析,但确实出现了广泛的模式。除了最忠诚的共产主义者外,家庭往往对混合婚姻持敌对态度。孙辈的出现通常解决了这个问题,但并不总是如此。哈萨克家庭,尤其是塔吉克家庭的一个主要担忧是,斯拉夫新娘不会在适当尊重的情况下履行对姻亲的期望义务。虽然一些新娘确实对无私的“东方女性”模式感到恼火,但其他新娘则认为这是一个比苏俄家庭功能障碍更具支持性的网络。与此同时,少数嫁给斯拉夫人的中亚妇女被丈夫不那么重男轻女的举止所吸引。养育孩子带来了许多难题:给他们起什么名字?他们应该说谁的语言?当他们年满16岁时,他们应该在护照上申请谁的国籍?就像世界各地的混血夫妇一样,父母根据实际考虑、家庭和个人意见做出选择。然而,苏联坚持不同的、稳定的国家类别,迫使他们做出特殊的选择。虽然很少有多民族儿童报告称受到同龄人的骚扰,但一个有伊斯兰名字和斯拉夫血统的儿童,或反之亦然,引起了恐慌。家长们试着把名字和面相搭配起来。这些孩子中的许多人是以俄语为第一语言长大的,但如果他们的父母都不是俄罗斯人,他们就不能在护照上声称自己是“俄罗斯人”,无论他们喝了多少普希金酒。如果他们不认同父母中任何一方的国籍,或者他们认为自己首先是苏联公民,国家不允许他们选择“两者都有”或“没有”。共产党表示,它正在努力建设一个没有国家的世界,但其行动的背后是苏联社会中根深蒂固的种族和性别等级观念。埃德加的研究为了解这些矛盾提供了一扇迷人的窗口。
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引用次数: 0
The interplay of narratives on regionness, regionhood and regionality: European Union and Central Asia 区域性、区域性与区域性叙事的相互作用:欧盟与中亚
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/02634937.2022.2117134
Selbi Hanova

ABSTRACT

This paper identifies the interplay between narratives on Central Asia as a region. It compares European Union (EU) narratives with those of the five post-Soviet states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. By doing so, it investigates the manifestations of narratives, stories and narrators who continue to construct and convey certain discourses about the region, comparing EU discourse and that of the local political elites in Central Asia, respectively. By looking at official discourse conveyed by the presidents of the countries and in key foreign policy documents, the interplay of narratives as dialogues between narrators is analysed, thus expanding into ideational analysis, an emerging trend in the literature on post-Soviet Central Asia.

摘要本文探讨了中亚地区叙事的相互影响。它将欧盟的叙事与哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦、土库曼斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦这五个后苏联国家的叙事进行了比较。通过这样做,它调查了叙事、故事和叙述者的表现形式,他们继续构建和传达有关该地区的某些话语,并分别比较了欧盟的话语和中亚当地政治精英的话语。通过观察各国总统传达的官方话语和关键的外交政策文件,本文分析了叙述者之间对话的叙事相互作用,从而扩展到观念分析,这是后苏联中亚文献中的一种新兴趋势。
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引用次数: 2
Exploring civil society perspectives on the situation of human rights defenders in the Commonwealth of Independent States 探讨民间社会对独立国家联合体人权维护者处境的看法
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/02634937.2022.2113034
Paul Chaney
ABSTRACT This first pan-regional analysis of civil society organizations’ perspectives on the contemporary situation of human rights defenders (HRDs) in the Commonwealth of Independent States uses United Nations’ Universal Periodic Review (UPR) data and reveals a shrinking civil space as HRDs face a raft of rights pathologies, including threats, violence and murder. Their work is curtailed by increasing state restrictions on freedom of association and expression. The analysis reveals how women HRDs are particularly subject to discrimination and gender-based oppression. The malaise is compounded by impunity for offenders, corruption and government inaction following earlier UPR recommendations. The findings are theorized with reference to Weissbrodt’s causal typology and Hollyer and Rosendorf’s model of authoritarian government treaty accession.
摘要:这是对独立国家联合体民间社会组织对人权维护者当代处境的看法进行的首次泛区域分析,使用了联合国的普遍定期审议数据,揭示了随着人权维护者面临包括威胁、暴力和谋杀在内的一系列权利病态,公民空间正在缩小。他们的工作因国家对结社和言论自由的限制而受到限制。该分析揭示了女性人力资源开发人员如何特别容易受到歧视和基于性别的压迫。罪犯有罪不罚、腐败和政府在早期普遍定期审议建议后无所作为,加剧了这种不适。这些发现是参考魏斯布罗德的因果类型学以及霍耶和罗森多夫的威权政府条约加入模型进行理论化的。
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引用次数: 0
The EU and China: how do they fit in Central Asia? 欧盟和中国如何适应中亚?
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1080/02634937.2022.2115009
S. Krivokhizh, E. Soboleva
ABSTRACT Since the collapse of the USSR, the European Union (EU) and China have launched a range of leadership initiatives in Central Asia. Focusing on non-traditional security, connectivity and water management cooperation, this paper contributes to the special issue by highlighting the evolution of the EU's goals and practices in Central Asia, contrasting them with China's leadership strategy, and discussing implications for states in the region. The EU and China have diverging approaches to Central Asia due to differences in foreign policy goals and domestic politics. Nevertheless, as of now there seems to be no rivalry between their projects, as neither claims sole leadership nor builds formal institutions with exclusive membership. The presence of two very different leaders is beneficial for Central Asian states as it has allowed them to draw more material resources, generate new ideas, diversify partners and balance external influence.
摘要自苏联解体以来,欧盟和中国在中亚地区发起了一系列领导行动。本文围绕非传统安全、互联互通和水管理合作,重点介绍了欧盟在中亚的目标和做法的演变,将其与中国的领导战略进行了对比,并讨论了对该地区国家的影响。由于外交政策目标和国内政治的差异,欧盟和中国对中亚的态度存在分歧。然而,到目前为止,他们的项目之间似乎没有竞争,因为他们既没有声称拥有唯一的领导权,也没有建立具有独家成员资格的正式机构。两位截然不同的领导人的出现对中亚国家有利,因为这使他们能够获得更多的物质资源,产生新的想法,使合作伙伴多样化,并平衡外部影响。
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引用次数: 3
We need to talk about political society: subaltern resistances beyond civil society in Eastern Europe and Eurasia 我们需要谈谈政治社会:东欧和欧亚大陆超越公民社会的下层抵抗
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1080/02634937.2022.2113033
L. Rekhviashvili
ABSTRACT This article points out the need to talk about the political society, or the politics and resistances, of subaltern groups in Eastern Europe and Eurasia. Existing literature frames diversity marginalized struggles as civil society struggles or decries the weakness of donor-driven, disembedded civil societies, reproducing the understanding of political life in the region in terms of absences, voids and deficiencies. Challenging this subsumption or dismissal of subaltern struggles, I advance two arguments. First, I argue against broadening the civil society concept to include various subaltern struggles as this approach risks overwriting differences between those groups that mobilize as rights-bearing citizens and the ones that are not recognized or treated as civil society. Instead, I propose acknowledging the historically and spatially contingent character of civil society and the defining role of the state and other actors in shaping which struggles fall within or beyond institutional and discursive frameworks of legality and legitimacy. Second, I argue that Patra Chatterjee’s concept of ‘political society’ can serve better as a meta-vocabulary to account for a diversity of struggles shunted as backwards, premodern and uncivilized, and to refocus research from what is absent to what is present, towards understanding counter-hegemonic discourses and practices.
本文指出,有必要谈谈东欧和欧亚大陆下层群体的政治社会,或政治和抵抗。现有文献将多样性边缘化的斗争定义为民间社会的斗争,或谴责捐助者驱动的、被孤立的民间社会的软弱,再现了对该地区政治生活的缺席、空洞和不足的理解。对于这种对下级斗争的包容或驳回,我提出了两个论点。首先,我反对将民间社会的概念扩大到包括各种次级斗争,因为这种方法有可能掩盖那些作为有权利的公民动员起来的群体与那些不被承认或视为民间社会的群体之间的差异。相反,我建议承认民间社会的历史和空间偶然性,以及国家和其他行为者在塑造哪些斗争属于或超出合法性和合法性的制度和话语框架方面的决定性作用。其次,我认为Patra Chatterjee的“政治社会”概念可以更好地作为一个元词汇来解释被视为倒退、前现代和未文明的斗争的多样性,并将研究从不存在的东西重新集中到存在的东西,以理解反霸权的话语和实践。
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引用次数: 1
Correction 修正
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1080/02634937.2022.2121488
Published in Central Asian Survey (Vol. 42, No. 1, 2023)
发表于《中亚调查》(2023年第42卷第1期)
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引用次数: 0
Learning in, about and from the field? Symbolic functions of EU knowledge production on Central Asia 在这个领域学习,了解这个领域,从这个领域学习?欧盟知识生产对中亚的象征作用
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-05 DOI: 10.1080/02634937.2022.2095352
O. Korneev, Karolina Kluczewska
ABSTRACT Examining the European Union’s (EU) engagement with Central Asia since the early 1990s, we see an increased commitment to context sensitivity. Arguably, in order to design ‘better’ interventions, the EU needs to know more about this region. This article explores three means of EU learning: in the field – through EU officials’ first-hand experience of working at EU Delegations in Central Asia; about the field – through programmed channels of external expert knowledge, and in particular think tanks; and from the field – during institutionalized consultations with multiple local actors, such as academics, journalists and non-governmental organizations. It is argued that despite this complex learning infrastructure, EU knowledge production on Central Asia has a predominantly performative character. Rather than leading to changes in its relations with Central Asia, new knowledge produced by the EU aims at legitimizing this organization’s pre-existing frameworks of engagement and practices of interactions with the region, and substantiating existing policy priorities.
摘要回顾自20世纪90年代初以来,欧盟(EU)与中亚的接触,我们发现人们越来越重视环境敏感性。可以说,为了设计“更好”的干预措施,欧盟需要更多地了解这个地区。本文探讨了欧盟学习的三种方式:实地——通过欧盟官员在欧盟驻中亚代表团工作的第一手经验;关于该领域——通过外部专家知识的程序化渠道,特别是智囊团;以及在与学者、记者和非政府组织等多个地方行动者进行制度化协商期间,从实地出发。有人认为,尽管有这种复杂的学习基础设施,但欧盟对中亚的知识生产主要具有表演性。欧盟产生的新知识不是导致其与中亚关系的变化,而是旨在使该组织先前存在的参与框架和与该地区互动的做法合法化,并证实现有的政策优先事项。
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引用次数: 1
Intermarriage and the friendship of the peoples: Ethnic mixing in Soviet Central Asia 通婚与民族友谊:苏联中亚地区的民族融合
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/02634937.2022.2110357
Shoshana Keller
Imankulov, J., and K. Konkobaev. 2014. Arkhitektura Turkestana Epokhi Karakhanidov: Istoriko-Teoreticheskoe Issledovanie. Ankara: Kurultai po Injenerii, Arkhitektury i Gradostroitelstvu Tiurkskogo Mira. Kochnev, B. 2006. Numizmaticheskaia Istoriia Karakhanidskogo Kaganata (991–1209 Gg). Moscow: Sofia. McClary, R. 2020. Medieval Monuments of Central Asia: Qarakhanid Architecture of the 11th and 12th Centuries. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Imankulov,J.和K.Konkobaev。2014年,土耳其总统卡拉汉尼多夫:Istoriko Teoreticheskoe Issledovanie。安卡拉:Kurultai po Injenerii,Arkhitektury i Gradostroitelstvu Tiurkskogo Mira。Kochnev,B.2006。Numizmaticheskaia Istoria Karakhanidskogo Kaganata(991–1209 Gg)。莫斯科:索菲亚。麦克拉里,R.2020。中亚中世纪遗迹:卡拉汗王朝11世纪和12世纪的建筑。爱丁堡:爱丁堡大学出版社。
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引用次数: 1
Qarakhanid roads to China: A history of Sino-Turkic relations 喀喇汗通往中国的道路:中国与突厥关系史
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-30 DOI: 10.1080/02634937.2022.2110354
Dilrabo Tosheva
Dilnoza Duturaeva ’ s Qarakhanid Roads to China presents us with a challenge of breaking down epistemological barriers and the importance of bringing Chinese sources and scholarship together with Russian and Western works. She devotes her work to the role of the Qarakhanid dynasty of the tenth – twelfth centuries CE, and she o ff ers a model for how to study this dynasty ’ s history when the written sources are scant and court histories absent. Over three centuries of rule, the dynasty commissioned only two literary projects. Beyond these we are left to rely on the hostile information of neighbouring dynasties and the notes of travellers who often presented unreliable information. However, the dynasty gives us a sense of the men of action, rather than the men of court historians. This is why before any revised and fuller political history of the dynasty, we are presented with the history of Qarakhanid architectural endeavours by local and European architectural historians (Imankulov and Konkobaev 2014; McClary 2020), the history of coinage detailed by Soviet scholars (Kochnev 2006), and now the history of trade and exchange by Duturaeva. This book focuses on more than Qarakhanid trade and exchange as detailed via descriptions of Sino-Turkic relations. It also fea-tures the history of the Silk Road before the Mongol Empire ’ s globalization , and it is, indeed, the fi rst Silk Road account during the Qarakhanid period written in any language. By focusing on trade and diplomatic relations between Central Asia and China, Duturaeva deconstructs earlier Silk Road decline theories, which posited that trade substantially declined after the Tang dynasty only to revive after the Mongol conquest. The work contains six chapters, including an introduction and conclusion. Duturaeva begins with the discussion of the existing literature and earlier approaches in understanding the pre-Mongol history of Central Asia, which often relied on one sort of historical evidence, mainly Islamic sources.
迪尔诺扎·杜图拉耶娃的《卡拉哈尼通往中国的道路》向我们提出了打破认识论障碍的挑战,以及将中国的资源和学术与俄罗斯和西方作品结合起来的重要性。她致力于研究公元前10-12世纪卡拉汗王朝的角色,并为如何在书面资料匮乏、缺乏宫廷历史的情况下研究该王朝的历史提供了一个典范。在三个多世纪的统治中,王朝只委托了两个文学项目。除此之外,我们只能依赖邻国王朝的敌对信息和旅行者的笔记,他们经常提供不可靠的信息。然而,王朝给我们的感觉是实干家,而不是宫廷历史学家。这就是为什么在对该王朝进行任何修订和更全面的政治史之前,我们会看到当地和欧洲建筑历史学家对卡拉汗王朝建筑努力的历史(Imankulov和Konkobaev 2014;McClary 2020),苏联学者详细介绍的铸币史(Kochnev 2006),以及现在Duturaeva的贸易和交换史。这本书关注的不仅仅是卡拉汗王朝的贸易和交流,还通过对中土关系的描述进行了详细的阐述。它还描绘了蒙古帝国全球化之前的丝绸之路历史,事实上,它是卡拉汗王朝时期第一部用任何语言书写的丝绸之路上的记述。杜图拉耶娃通过关注中亚和中国之间的贸易和外交关系,解构了早期的丝绸之路衰落理论,该理论认为贸易在唐朝之后大幅衰落,但在蒙古征服之后才复兴。全文共分六章,包括引言和结语。Duturaeva首先讨论了现有的文献和理解中亚蒙古前期历史的早期方法,这些方法通常依赖于一种历史证据,主要是伊斯兰来源。
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引用次数: 0
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Central Asian Survey
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