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Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding最新文献

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UN Reforms for an Era of Pragmatic Peacekeeping 务实维和时代的联合国改革
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-19 DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2022.2158427
Katelyn Cassin, Benjamin Zyla
ABSTRACT The era of liberal peacebuilding has passed, ushering in a turn toward pragmatic peacekeeping. Previously [Cassin, Katelyn, and Benjamin Zyla. 2021. “The End of the Liberal World Order and the Future of UN Peace Operations: Lessons Learned.” Global Policy 12 (4): 455–467] we argued that the UN must become less directive; accept a diffusion of control; and engage in more locally-driven approaches to peace interventions in light of this changing world order. In this article we posit that such reforms are contingent on change within liberal UN member states. We offer aligned strategic and operational recommendations for nations to reform their bureaucracies, training programmes, and framing strategies, to prepare for a fifth generation of UN peacekeeping that is normatively-flexible, collaborative, adaptive and relational.
自由主义建设和平的时代已经过去,开始转向务实的维和行动。前情提要[Cassin, Katelyn, and Benjamin Zyla] 2021。“自由世界秩序的终结和联合国和平行动的未来:经验教训。”《全球政策》12(4):455-467]我们认为联合国必须减少指导性;接受控制权的分散;并根据这种不断变化的世界秩序,采取更多以地方为导向的方式进行和平干预。在本文中,我们假设这些改革取决于自由的联合国成员国内部的变化。我们为各国改革其官僚机构、培训方案和框架战略提供了一致的战略和业务建议,为第五代联合国维持和平做好准备,使其具有规范的灵活性、协作性、适应性和关系性。
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引用次数: 4
New Visions, Critiques, and Hope in the Post-Liberal Age? A Call for Rethinking Intervention and Statebuilding 后自由主义时代的新愿景、批判与希望?呼吁重新思考干预和国家建设
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2023.2184941
Pol Bargués, Maria Martin de Almagro, Katrin Travouillon
ABSTRACT This editorial is a call for radical work that deconstructs and creatively reimagines intervention and statebuilding discourses, processes, practices and tools. For over two decades, critics of liberal interventionism have advocated for the need to rethink its dominant top-down and state centric logics. We now see a new generation of scholars that mobilize feminist, marxist, queer, or decolonial theories to critically engage with the ongoing transformation of the post-liberal order. Interventions and statebuilding processes are key to these changes. As scholars and practitioners, we have an opportunity to partake in shaping emerging visions and nurture hope in complex times.
摘要:这篇社论呼吁进行激进的工作,解构并创造性地重新构想干预和国家建设的话语、过程、实践和工具。二十多年来,自由干涉主义的批评者一直主张有必要重新思考其主导的自上而下和以国家为中心的逻辑。我们现在看到新一代学者动员女权主义、马克思主义、酷儿或非殖民化理论,批判性地参与后自由主义秩序的持续变革。干预措施和国家建设进程是这些变化的关键。作为学者和实践者,我们有机会参与塑造新兴的愿景,并在复杂的时代培养希望。
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引用次数: 2
Devolution or Decapitation? Decentralization During Conflict in Ukraine 分散还是沉淀?乌克兰冲突期间的权力下放
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2022.2147318
Elliot Dolan-Evans
ABSTRACT Decentralization in Ukraine is lauded as the most successful of the country’s reforms. The devolution of power to local government has not been without controversy; however, as decentralization proceeded during the war in Donbas. This article critiques Ukrainian’s decentralization based on two promises of this reform: the weakening of oligarchic power and the empowerment of Ukrainians. Utilizing a feminist political economy framework, with relational ontological commitments, this paper argues that decentralization has, rather, empowered Ukrainian elites while marginalizing vulnerable groups during the war. To address political disempowerment and/or economic inequality, this paper concludes, decentralization must address the totality that structures social relations.
摘要乌克兰的权力下放被誉为该国最成功的改革。权力下放给地方政府并非没有争议;然而,随着顿巴斯战争期间权力下放的进行。本文基于这一改革的两个承诺来批评乌克兰的权力下放:削弱寡头权力和赋予乌克兰人权力。本文利用女权主义政治经济学框架,结合关系本体论承诺,认为权力下放在战争期间赋予了乌克兰精英权力,同时边缘化了弱势群体。为了解决政治权力下放和/或经济不平等问题,本文得出结论,权力下放必须解决构建社会关系的整体问题。
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引用次数: 1
Reluctant to Protect? The Role of Moral Reputation in Joining Military Coalitions 不愿意保护?道德声誉在加入军事联盟中的作用
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2022.2130672
Rhiannon Neilsen
ABSTRACT How states join coalitions affects the extent to which they are perceived as blameworthy – or praiseworthy – for the outcome of that coalition. By extension, states’ moral reputations can be a contributing factor that dissuades those states from volunteering to join humanitarian interventions, despite the ethical imperative to do so. To highlight this argument, this article considers the Australian and the United Kingdom (UK) governments’ initial reluctance to join yet another United States-led intervention in Iraq to combat the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS).
国家加入联盟的方式影响着他们被认为对联盟结果应受谴责或值得赞扬的程度。推而广之,国家的道德声誉可能是阻止这些国家自愿加入人道主义干预的一个因素,尽管这样做在道德上是必要的。为了强调这一论点,本文考虑了澳大利亚和英国政府最初不愿加入美国领导的又一次伊拉克干预行动,以打击伊拉克和叙利亚的伊斯兰国(ISIS)。
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引用次数: 0
‘Pactantes y no pactadas’: Gender Mainstreaming and the Political Ceiling of Colombian Women's Role in the Havana Dialogues “Pactantes y no pactadas”:性别主流化和哥伦比亚妇女在哈瓦那对话中的政治上限
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-04 DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2022.2126653
Isa Lima Mendes
ABSTRACT This article aims to investigate women's inclusion in peace processes through the adoption of a gender perspective. It does so by productively combining two sets of literature: on gender mainstreaming and on peace processes and social contracts. It analyses this issue in the context of Colombia's peace negotiations with FARC, delving into the discourse of various involved actors in the Havana dialogues. Ultimately, the article argues that there was a ‘political ceiling’ to what women were able to achieve in their role as contractarians.
摘要本文旨在通过采用性别观点来调查妇女参与和平进程的情况。它通过富有成效地结合两套文献来做到这一点:关于将性别观点纳入主流以及关于和平进程和社会契约的文献。它在哥伦比亚与哥伦比亚革命武装力量进行和平谈判的背景下分析了这一问题,深入探讨了哈瓦那对话中各参与方的发言。最终,这篇文章认为,女性作为合同主义者所能达到的目标存在“政治上限”。
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引用次数: 0
Making Space for Indigenous Approaches in the Southwest Pacific? The Spatial Politics of Peace Scholarship and Practice 在西南太平洋为本土方法创造空间?和平的空间政治学术与实践
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2022.2139908
Morgan Brigg, Nicole George, K. Higgins
ABSTRACT Indigenous approaches to space and place in the Southwest Pacific are crucial to governing peace. However, ‘making space’ for these approaches can only be progressed if scholars and practitioners recognize their emplacement within hegemonic systems of knowledge and the contested entanglement of Indigenous and introduced systems in peacebuilding practice. Addressing this challenge requires respectful and careful engagement with diverse peoples and colonially inflected peacebuilding practice, attending to the emplacement of peace and conflict scholarship amidst the colonial politics of knowledge, and critical reflection on the ways that peacebuilding expertize is defined, attributed and evaluated.
摘要:在西南太平洋,土著人对空间和地点的态度对治理和平至关重要。然而,只有学者和从业者认识到这些方法在霸权知识体系中的地位,以及在建设和平实践中土著和引进的系统之间有争议的纠缠,才能为这些方法“腾出空间”。应对这一挑战需要尊重和谨慎地与不同的人民接触,需要有殖民地风格的建设和平实践,需要在殖民地的知识政治中重视和平与冲突学术,需要批判性地思考建设和平专业化的定义、归属和评估方式。
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引用次数: 3
The City as a World in Common: Syncretic Place-Making as a Spatial Approach to Peace 城市作为一个共同的世界:作为和平的空间途径的综合场所建设
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2022.2132093
G. Bădescu
ABSTRACT This article investigates the relationship between spatial reconfigurations and peace by examining the practice I call syncretic place-making, identified in cities experiencing conflict. I suggest that this spatial practice reflects the promise of Hannah Arendt’s political vision of a world in common, materialized in the city. I discuss architectural conceptualizations such as the Cypriot 2021 Venice Biennial entry and theorize from architectural practices of resistance identified in Sarajevo, defining syncretic place-making as a process of drawing from multiple traditions to celebrate coexistence in space. The article reflects on both the potential and challenges that such place-making has for conflict cities.
本文通过研究在经历冲突的城市中被我称为“融合场所制造”的实践来研究空间重构与和平之间的关系。我认为,这种空间实践反映了汉娜·阿伦特对共同世界的政治愿景的承诺,并在城市中具体化。我讨论了建筑概念,如塞浦路斯2021年威尼斯双年展的参赛作品,并从萨拉热窝确定的抵抗建筑实践中提出理论,将融合的场所制作定义为从多种传统中汲取灵感的过程,以庆祝空间中的共存。这篇文章反映了这种场所建设对冲突城市的潜力和挑战。
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引用次数: 5
Challenging the ‘Here’ and ‘There’ of Peace and Conflict Research: Migrants’ Encounters with Streams of Violence and Streams of Peace 挑战和平与冲突研究的“这里”和“那里”:移民与暴力流和和平流的相遇
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2022.2124348
Johanna Mannergren Selimovic
ABSTRACT This article seeks to challenge Global North spatial imaginations of war as ‘there’ and peace as ‘here’. It proposes this spatial rethinking against a background of migration being a defining feature of our time. Based on participant observation and an action research project, the article analyses embodied, emplaced encounters with violence and care that migrants experience in the Belgian capital Brussels. These encounters can be violent, but also productive of trust. The concepts of streams of violence and streams of peace are used to theorize these dynamics, thus reconfiguring understandings of where and when war and peace take place.
本文试图挑战全球北方对战争为“那里”、和平为“这里”的空间想象。它提出了在移民背景下的空间反思,这是我们这个时代的一个决定性特征。本文基于参与式观察和一个行动研究项目,分析了移民在比利时首都布鲁塞尔遭遇的具体的、安置的暴力和关怀。这些遭遇可能是暴力的,但也会产生信任。暴力流和和平流的概念被用来将这些动态理论化,从而重新配置对战争与和平发生的地点和时间的理解。
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引用次数: 3
The Spaces of Local Agreements: Towards a New Imaginary of the Peace Process 地方协议的空间:走向和平进程的新想象
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2022.2156111
C. Bell, L. Wise
ABSTRACT This article examines when, how and why local agreements are used to end violent conflict, drawing on a new global dataset of local agreements. It provides a typology of security functions that local agreements deliver at different stages of the conflict-to-peace cycle, and the types of space they address and create. It examines the relationship of local agreements to national peacemaking processes, arguing that they reveal the nested nature of local, national, transnational, and international conflict in protracted conflict settings. This reality points to the need for a new political imaginary for peace processes design. The conclusion sketches its contours.
本文利用一个新的全球地方协议数据集,研究了何时、如何以及为什么使用地方协议来结束暴力冲突。它提供了地方协议在冲突到和平周期的不同阶段交付的安全功能的类型,以及它们处理和创建的空间类型。它考察了地方协议与国家和平进程的关系,认为它们揭示了长期冲突环境中地方、国家、跨国和国际冲突的嵌套性质。这一现实表明,需要为和平进程的设计制定一种新的政治设想。结论部分勾勒出了它的轮廓。
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引用次数: 6
Considering Statebuilding, Publishing Statebuilding – On Being an Editor in a Changing Field 思考国家建设,出版建设——论在变革领域做编辑
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2022.2153517
F. Kühn
Statebuilding has waned in importance, at least when we are looking at the two decades following the Balkans wars. Building a state which would provide a platform for peaceful resolution of conflicts was widely understood as a remedy to escape cycles of violence and counterviolence. The ‘multi-functional’ state, of course, was viewed as a somewhat a-political unit, not restricted to merely holding a monopoly to the legitimate use of violence; it would be manned (predominantly) with representatives who were technocratically able but bore little personal ambition (Ghani and Lockhart 2007). International interventions were meant to help, or enforce, building such a state, and how-to knowledge was in demand. When the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding was founded and first published in 2007, with three issues per year, the balance between academic analysis and practical requirements was hence very important (Chandler, Chesterman, and Laakso 2007) – and the requirement to bring practice and conceptual thinking and political into a productive dialogue is more valid than ever today. At the same time, it became clear over the years in contributions of many clever scholars that there were fundamental flaws in a liberal world view that guided action in international interventions, which not inevitably but almost naturally contained components of statebuilding (Jahn 2007a, 2007b; Richmond 2009; Goodhand andWalton 2009; Mac Ginty 2012; Greener 2012; Augestad Knudsen 2013; Charbonneau and Sears 2014; Philipsen 2014; Paffenholz 2021; see also Special Issues guest edited by Gabay and Death 2012; Mullin and Pallister-Wilkins 2015). Of the many findings, the most important were that, to many statebuilders’ surprise, statebuilding was political, not technocratic; politicians in intervened countries followed their own political considerations, in the process not necessarily supporting the norms the interveners claimed to hold dear; interveners themselves had narrow interests, career projections and organizational logics to follow rather than pursue lofty ideals they prided themselves officially to be supporting. After all, politics remained local, recognized in the local turn debate and its inherent limits (Roberts 2013; Chandler 2015; Abboud 2021; Randazzo 2021). The initial diagnosis, namely that in conflict settings the state which was unable to balance societal groups’ interest within its own institutions was somewhat deficient was correct. The reverse conclusion, that functioning institutions would prevent violent conflicts was not (Hehir 2007). Hence, statebuilding was not the ideal cure for violence, programmatically, even though several explanatory factors were routinely identified for dysfunctional, or fragile, statehood (Lemay-Hébert 2009; Barakat and Larson 2014): a lack of democratic participation in decision-making (Kurki 2011); a lack of monopoly of violence (Ahram 2011; see Special Issues guest edited by Berit Bliesemann de Guevara 2010; Schme
国家建设的重要性已经减弱,至少当我们审视巴尔干战争后的20年时是这样。人们普遍认为,建立一个能够为和平解决冲突提供平台的国家是摆脱暴力和反暴力循环的一种补救办法。当然,“多功能”国家在某种程度上被视为一个政治单位,而不仅仅局限于垄断合法使用暴力;它将由(主要)有技术能力但几乎没有个人野心的代表组成(Ghani和Lockhart,2007年)。国际干预旨在帮助或强制建立这样一个国家,并且需要如何掌握知识。当《干预与国家建设杂志》于2007年创刊并首次出版时,每年出版三期,因此学术分析和实践要求之间的平衡非常重要(Chandler、Chesterman和Laakso,2007年),将实践、概念思维和政治纳入富有成效的对话的要求在今天比以往任何时候都更加有效。与此同时,多年来,许多聪明的学者的贡献表明,指导国际干预行动的自由主义世界观存在根本缺陷,其中并非不可避免但几乎自然地包含了国家建设的组成部分(Jahn 2007a,2007b;里士满2009;古德汉德和沃尔顿2009;Mac Ginty 2012;Greener 2012;Augstad Knudsen 2013;Charbonneau和Sears 2014;Philipsen 2014;Paffenholz 2021;另见Gabay和Death客座编辑的《特刊》2012;Mullin和Pallister Wilkins 2015)。在众多发现中,最重要的是,令许多建州者惊讶的是,建州是政治性的,而不是技术官僚;被干预国家的政治家遵循自己的政治考虑,在这个过程中不一定支持干预者声称珍视的规范;干预者本身有狭隘的兴趣、职业规划和组织逻辑需要遵循,而不是追求他们引以为豪的官方支持的崇高理想。毕竟,政治仍然是地方性的,在地方转向辩论中得到了承认,并受到了其固有的限制(Roberts 2013;Chandler 2015;Abboud 2021;Randazzo 2021)。最初的诊断是正确的,即在冲突环境中,国家无法在自己的机构内平衡社会群体的利益。相反的结论是,运作良好的机构将防止暴力冲突,但事实并非如此(Hehir,2007年)。因此,从程序上讲,国家建设并不是解决暴力的理想方法,尽管经常发现几个解释性因素导致国家功能失调或脆弱(Lemay-Hébert,2009年;巴拉卡特和拉森,2014年):决策缺乏民主参与(Kurki,2011年);缺乏对暴力的垄断(Ahram 2011;见Berit Bliesemann de Guevara客座编辑的《特别问题》2010;Schmelzle和Stollenwerk 2018);有问题的安全机构(Sedra 2018;见Jackson客座编辑的《特殊问题》2018;Ansorg和Gordon 2019);缺乏经济发展(Emmanuel和Rothchild,2007年);资源丰富(Kühn,2008年;Bridoux,2011年;Schwarz和de Corral,2013年);缺乏教育(Shah,Paulson,and Couch 2020);或外部干预(Heathershaw 2008)、殖民遗产(Gruffydd Jones 2012;Kühn 2016;Eriksson Baaz和Stern 2017;Nakagawa 2018),
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
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