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Thinking diaspora diplomacy after Russia’s war in Ukraine 俄乌战争后的侨民外交思考
IF 2.4 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13562576.2022.2104632
I. Birka
ABSTRACT Reflecting upon the implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine for the theorization of ‘diaspora diplomacy’, this Provocation uses the concept to frame the conflict and the ensuing power plays. The extent of global community involvement requires the existing diaspora diplomacy definition to account for ‘quadratic nexus’ configuration of ‘home’ and ‘host’ country, respective diasporas and international actor engagement in diaspora diplomacy practice. In reviewing the conflict, and the current response, four themes emerge as central to the ‘quadratic nexus’ configuration and deserving further attention: the politics of labelling, the dynamics of engagement, third-party diasporas and diaspora identities in diaspora diplomacy.
本文反思了俄罗斯入侵乌克兰对“侨民外交”理论化的影响,并利用这一概念来框定冲突和随后的权力博弈。全球社区参与的程度要求现有的侨民外交定义考虑到“母国”和“东道国”、各自的侨民和国际行动者参与侨民外交实践的“二次关系”配置。在回顾冲突和当前的反应时,有四个主题成为“二次关系”配置的核心,值得进一步关注:标签政治、参与的动态、第三方侨民和侨民外交中的侨民身份。
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引用次数: 1
Chinese neoglobalization in East Africa: logics, couplings and impacts 中国在东非的新全球化:逻辑、耦合与影响
IF 2.4 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13562576.2022.2104631
P. Carmody, James T. Murphy
ABSTRACT The most significant case of transnational state capitalism today is China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) which seeks to expand/extend the country's geoeconomic and geopolitical integrations globally. We conceptualise the BRI as manifest principally through industrial offshoring, infrastructure investments and exports from China. These vectors articulate with particular places, forming transnational couplings that shape development outcomes. We examine the BRI's couplings and their development implications in the East African countries of Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya where China has engaged significantly. We demonstrate the contingent manner of BRI's variegations; its pragmatism, flexibility, and limitations as a hegemonic or developmental project.
当今跨国国家资本主义最重要的案例是中国的“一带一路”倡议(BRI),该倡议旨在扩大/延伸中国在全球的地缘经济和地缘政治一体化。我们将“一带一路”构想为主要通过中国的工业离岸外包、基础设施投资和出口来体现。这些媒介与特定的地方联系在一起,形成影响发展成果的跨国联结。我们研究了“一带一路”倡议的耦合及其对东非国家吉布提、埃塞俄比亚和肯尼亚的发展影响,中国在这些国家开展了大量合作。我们展示了“一带一路”变化的偶然方式;它的实用主义、灵活性和作为霸权或发展项目的局限性。
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引用次数: 2
Troubling Muslim youth identities: Nation, religion, gender 困扰穆斯林青年的身份认同:国家、宗教、性别
IF 2.4 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13562576.2022.2058390
Ruhail Andrabi
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引用次数: 15
How digital citizenship regimes are rescaling European nation-states 数字公民制度是如何重塑欧洲民族国家的
IF 2.4 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13562576.2022.2072197
Igor Calzada
ABSTRACT This provocation shows how five emerging digital citizenship regimes are rescaling European nation-states through a taxonomy: (i) the globalised/generalisable regime called pandemic citizenship that clarifies how post-COVID-19 datafication processes have amplified the emergence of four digital citizenship regimes in six city-regions; (ii) algorithmic citizenship (Tallinn); (iii) liquid citizenship (Barcelona/Amsterdam); (iv) metropolitan citizenship (Cardiff); and (v) stateless citizenship (Barcelona/Glasgow/Bilbao). I argue that this phenomenon should matter to us insofar as these emerging digital citizenship regimes have resulted in nation-state space rescaling, challenging its heretofore privileged position as the only natural platform for the monopoly of technopolitical and sensory power.
这一挑战展示了五种新兴的数字公民制度如何通过一种分类法重新调整欧洲民族国家的规模:(i)被称为大流行公民的全球化/普遍化制度,它阐明了后covid -19数据化进程如何放大了六个城市地区四种数字公民制度的出现;算法公民(塔林);流动公民身份(巴塞罗那/阿姆斯特丹);(iv)城市公民身份(卡迪夫);无国籍公民身份(巴塞罗那/格拉斯哥/毕尔巴鄂)。我认为,这种现象对我们来说应该很重要,因为这些新兴的数字公民制度导致了民族国家空间的重新扩展,挑战了其迄今为止作为垄断技术政治和感官权力的唯一天然平台的特权地位。
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引用次数: 2
Embodying geopolitics: Generations of women’s activism in Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon 体现地缘政治:埃及、约旦和黎巴嫩几代妇女的行动主义
IF 2.4 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13562576.2022.2063716
Özge Yaka
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引用次数: 1
Militarism and the mutually assured destruction of climate change 军国主义和气候变化的相互破坏
IF 2.4 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13562576.2022.2052720
Joshua F. J. Inwood, J. Tyner
ABSTRACT During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in nuclear deterrence as part of a larger strategic vision. Known as MAD or Mutually Assured Destruction, it included widespread investments in nuclear arsenals and delivery systems that would ensure nuclear capability in the advent of a first strike by an adversary. We revisit MAD in the context of the unfolding climate catastrophe and the context of growing tensions between the United States and China. Each government is investing in defense capabilities. Given the unfolding carbon footprint such a struggle will entail, even if China or the United States never engage in actual combat, we ask: does an unfolding military buildup between the U.S. and China assure our mutual destruction?
冷战期间,美国和苏联将核威慑作为更大战略愿景的一部分。该计划被称为“相互保证毁灭”(MAD),包括对核武库和运载系统的广泛投资,以确保在对手发动首次打击时具备核能力。我们在气候灾难和中美关系日益紧张的背景下重新审视MAD。各国政府都在投资国防能力。考虑到这样一场斗争所带来的不断发展的碳足迹,即使中国或美国从未参与实际战斗,我们要问:美国和中国之间不断发展的军事建设是否确保了我们的相互毁灭?
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引用次数: 1
Names and naming: multicultural aspects 名字和命名:多元文化方面
IF 2.4 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13562576.2022.2104633
Sergei Basik
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引用次数: 0
Towards a climate-resilient America? Tracing climate-resilient nationhoods in US climate politics 走向一个适应气候变化的美国?追踪美国气候政治中的气候适应型国家
IF 2.4 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13562576.2022.2063715
Andrew Telford
ABSTRACT Exploring connections between climate resilience and national identity under the Obama and Trump presidencies, this paper argues that discourses of climate-resilient American nationhood constitute an intersection of neoliberalism, populism and immunopolitics. Under Obama, a climate-resilient America is an adaptive subject that embraces climate-insecure futures; under Trump, the anti-climate resilient national subject is a ‘frankenstein neoliberal’ [Brown, W. (2018). Neoliberalism’s Frankenstein: Authoritarian freedom in twenty-first century “democracies”. Critical Times, 1(1), 60–79. https://doi.org/10.1215/26410478-1.1.60] identity grounded in white supremacism. For both of these subjects, albeit in radically different ways, climate-resilient nationhood acts as an immunopolitical drive for self-preservation: a resilient American subject adapts to climate insecurities at the expense of those demarcated as non-adaptive and non-resilient.
本文探讨了奥巴马和特朗普总统任期内气候适应能力与国家认同之间的联系,认为气候适应能力的美国国家身份话语构成了新自由主义、民粹主义和免疫政治的交集。在奥巴马的领导下,一个适应气候变化的美国是一个适应的主题,它拥抱气候不安全的未来;在特朗普的领导下,反气候弹性的国家主体是一个“弗兰肯斯坦的新自由主义者”[Brown, W.(2018)]。新自由主义的弗兰肯斯坦:21世纪“民主国家”的专制自由。关键时刻,1(1),60-79。https://doi.org/10.1215/26410478-1.1.60]建立在白人至上主义基础上的身份。对于这两个主体来说,尽管方式截然不同,但具有气候适应性的国家身份是一种自我保护的免疫政治动力:具有气候适应性的美国主体以牺牲那些被划分为非适应性和非适应性的主体为代价来适应气候不安全。
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引用次数: 1
Territorializing threats in nationalist populist narratives: an Italian perspective on the migration and Covid-19 crises 民族主义民粹主义叙事中的领土化威胁:意大利对移民和Covid-19危机的看法
IF 2.4 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/13562576.2021.1991783
A. Casaglia, R. Coletti
This article explores the capacity of ‘territorialising threats’ expressed by nationalist populist parties by reinventing and replicating the geopolitical ability to speak in territorial terms exploiting emergencies to advance nationalistic claims. We focus on the Italian case exploring the narratives and political positions on borders and sovereignty adopted by the Lega party during 2019, when the ‘crisis’ was related to migration flows, and in the first half of 2020, when the Covid-19 emergency reached its first peak in Italy. Our aim is to contribute to the effort of political geographers to unveil the spatial methods of nationalist populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Space & Polity is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
本文探讨了民族主义民粹主义政党通过重塑和复制地缘政治能力来表达“领土化威胁”的能力,利用紧急情况来推进民族主义主张。我们重点关注意大利的案例,探讨联名党在2019年与移民流动有关的“危机”以及2020年上半年意大利Covid-19紧急情况达到第一个高峰时所采取的关于边界和主权的叙述和政治立场。我们的目标是为政治地理学家揭示民族民粹主义的空间方法做出贡献。【摘要】Space & Polity的版权是Routledge的财产,未经版权所有者的明确书面许可,其内容不得复制或通过电子邮件发送到多个网站或发布到listserv。但是,用户可以打印、下载或通过电子邮件发送文章供个人使用。这篇摘要可以删节。对副本的准确性不作任何保证。用户应参考资料的原始出版版本以获取完整摘要。(版权适用于所有摘要。)
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引用次数: 10
Paradigm shifts in boundary and border studies: disclosing geopolitical assumptions 边界和边界研究的范式转变:披露地缘政治假设
IF 2.4 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/13562576.2021.1991784
L. Gaeta
ABSTRACT This article argues that four paradigm shifts have unfolded in boundary and border studies from the delimitation of the Durand line as the Indo-Afghan frontier. Three subsequent paradigm shifts relate to cooperative management of the Canada–US border after WW1, cultural hybridization across the Mexico-US border since the 1980s, and current networked assemblage of EU’s external border. The paradigm-shift framework connects conceptual advancements in boundary making and border studies with the geopolitical prominence of given borders. The article claims that scholars draw ideal types from the paradigmatic borders of their times, either by accepting or contesting the values anchored in them.
本文认为,自杜兰德线被划为印度-阿富汗边界以来,边界和边界研究中出现了四种范式转变。随后的三个范式转变涉及到第一次世界大战后加拿大-美国边境的合作管理,自20世纪80年代以来墨西哥-美国边境的文化杂交,以及当前欧盟外部边界的网络化组合。范式转换框架将边界制定和边界研究的概念进步与给定边界的地缘政治重要性联系起来。这篇文章声称,学者们通过接受或反对锚定在其中的价值观,从他们时代的范式边界中绘制出理想的类型。
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引用次数: 2
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SPACE AND POLITY
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