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Monetary solidarity in Europe: can divisive institutions become 'moral opportunities'? 欧洲货币团结:分裂机构能否成为“道德机遇”?
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2022.2042728
Waltraud Schelkle

How does the inherent norm of integration, notably to share risks among its members in good faith, become a self-sustaining practice? I address this question generally and for a critical case of a divisive institution, i.e. the evolution of sovereign bailout funding in the Euro Area since 2010. Community building between states is a potential outcome of solidaristic practices, reinforced by positive feedback processes. Inspired by Deborah Stone's [Stone, D. A. (1999). Beyond moral hazard: Insurance as moral opportunity. Connecticut Insurance Law Journal, 6(1), 12-46] work on insurance, I demonstrate that there are social mechanisms at play that favour the secular expansion of risk sharing between states.

一体化的内在规范,特别是在成员国之间真诚地分担风险,如何成为一种自我维持的做法?我对这个问题进行了一般性的阐述,并针对一个存在分歧的机构的关键案例,即2010年以来欧元区主权救助资金的演变。国家之间的社区建设是团结实践的潜在结果,并得到积极反馈过程的加强。灵感来自Deborah Stone的[Stone, D. A.(1999)]。超越道德风险:作为道德机会的保险。《康涅狄格保险法杂志》,6(1),12-46]在研究保险的过程中,我证明了一些社会机制在起作用,有利于各州之间风险分担的长期扩张。
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引用次数: 2
Of fields and of factories: the political construction of comparative advantage in French wine and German core manufacturing 田野与工厂:法国葡萄酒与德国核心制造业比较优势的政治建构
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2022.2129086
E. Carter
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引用次数: 1
Self-fulfilling crises in the Eurozone and the institutional preconditions of republican sovereignty 欧元区自我实现的危机和共和主权的制度前提
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2022.2117401
Stefano Merlo
The normative vocabulary of republican political theory can be fruitfully applied to evaluate the phases of market turbulence in sovereign debt markets witnessed during the Eurozone crisis. A view of justice that requires the minimisation of dominating relationships between agents highlights how the institutional preconditions of undominated sovereignty were lacking in the Eurozone. The agreed-upon structure within which countries operated fuelled self-fulfilling market movements in sovereign bond markets, which bear the hallmark of unjust domination as weaker Member States formed a social relationship with investors over which they did not have meaningful control. In motivating the thesis, the paper touches upon the recent debates on the sources and site of domination and on the stance, republican scholars should take toward competitive markets. Given this diagnosis, Eurozone countries have an obligation to establish supranational institutions that increase private and public channels of risk-sharing.
共和政治理论的规范词汇可以有效地应用于评估欧元区危机期间主权债务市场动荡的各个阶段。一种要求将主体之间的支配关系最小化的正义观强调了欧元区缺乏非支配性主权的制度前提。各国在其中运作的商定结构助长了主权债券市场中自我实现的市场运动,这具有不公正支配的特征,因为较弱的会员国与投资者形成了一种它们没有实际控制权的社会关系。在推动论文的过程中,本文触及了最近关于统治的来源和地点的争论,以及共和党学者应该对竞争市场采取的立场。鉴于这种诊断,欧元区国家有义务建立超国家机构,增加私人和公共风险分担渠道。
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引用次数: 2
Streaming the festival: what is lost when cultural events go online 流媒体艺术节:文化活动上线会失去什么
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-08-05 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2022.2099006
A. Shipman, A. Vogel
Cultural events and collections, as curated assemblies of artists and artwork attended by live audiences, are recognised as a large and growing source of added value in contemporary accounts of ‘creative’, ‘enrichment’ and ‘experience’ economies. We analyse these, and empirical festival studies, to assess the impact on cultural production when the COVID-19 pandemic forces events to cancel or move online. Contrasting the relative optimism of ‘enrichment’ (Boltanski & Esquerre 2020) with pre-pandemic developments, we argue ‘festivalisation’ is best understood as a defensive reaction to mediated alternatives. These increasingly offer experientially comparable, lower-cost substitutes for the premium-priced immersive performance on which cultural workers have come to rely, for creative ideas, skills and career openings as well as income. Online channels weaken the eventisation defence and curatorial quests for ‘singularity’, while remote participation limits audiences’ size and mode of engagement, risking permanent damage to vital components of cultural production and valorisation. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Review of Social Economy is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)
文化活动和收藏,作为由现场观众参加的艺术家和艺术品的策划集会,被公认为当代“创造性”、“丰富性”和“体验性”经济的巨大且不断增长的附加值来源。我们分析了这些以及经验节日研究,以评估当新冠肺炎大流行迫使活动取消或转移到网上时对文化生产的影响。将“丰富”(Boltanski&Esquerre 2020)的相对乐观与疫情前的发展进行对比,我们认为“节日化”最好被理解为对中介替代品的防御反应。这些越来越多地为文化工作者所依赖的高价沉浸式表演提供经验可比、成本较低的替代品,以获得创意、技能、职业机会和收入。在线渠道削弱了赛事防御和策展对“独特性”的追求,而远程参与限制了观众的规模和参与模式,有可能对文化生产和价值的重要组成部分造成永久性损害。[发件人]《社会经济评论》的版权归Routledge所有,未经版权持有人明确书面许可,不得将其内容复制或通过电子邮件发送到多个网站或发布到listserv。但是,用户可以打印、下载或通过电子邮件发送文章供个人使用。这可能会被删节。对复印件的准确性不作任何保证。用户应参考材料的原始发布版本以获取完整信息。(版权适用于所有人。)
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引用次数: 1
Dissecting communities of renewable energy: a comparative investigation in New Aquitaine (France) 剖析可再生能源群落:新阿基坦(法国)的比较调查
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2022.2096916
Claudia Colombarolli, Luca Storti
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引用次数: 0
The effects of COVID-19 on labor force nonparticipation in the short run: racial and ethnic disparities 新冠肺炎对劳动力短期不参与的影响:种族和民族差异
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-06-15 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2022.2086997
Oudom Hean, Nattanicha Chairassamee
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引用次数: 7
The social ambiguity of money: empirical evidence on the multiple usability of money in social life 货币的社会模糊性:货币在社会生活中的多重可用性的经验证据
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-05-24 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2022.2076150
K. Kraemer, Luka Jakelja, Florian Brugger, S. Nessel
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引用次数: 1
Can baby bonds address the injustice of racial wealth disparities? 婴儿债券能解决种族财富不平等的问题吗?
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-05-20 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2022.2067348
Steven McMullen

The injustices that have been visited upon racial minorities in the United States have a substantial economic legacy, both in terms of wealth disparities and resulting structural differences in economic opportunities. In response, some prominent Black scholars and policymakers have proposed a ‘baby bonds’ wealth-building policy. In this paper, I complement the economic justifications for this policy by examining the case for the proposal in terms of racial justice. The common justifications in the literature use a ‘justice as rectification’ framework, but this framework is a poor fit for the baby bonds proposal, unless we first examine the policy as a way to mitigate barriers to economic opportunity caused by persistent wealth gaps. This analysis focuses the case for baby bonds on their real selling point: a universal wealth policy can limit the intergenerational impact of injustice and misfortune of all kinds.

美国少数族裔所遭受的不公正待遇在经济上留下了深刻的影响,既体现在财富差距上,也体现在由此造成的经济机会结构性差异上。作为回应,一些著名的黑人学者和政策制定者提出了“婴儿债券”(baby bonds)的财富积累政策。在这篇论文中,我通过从种族公正的角度审视这项提议的案例,来补充这项政策的经济理由。文献中常见的理由是使用“正义作为纠正”的框架,但这个框架不太适合婴儿债券提案,除非我们首先将该政策作为一种减轻持续贫富差距造成的经济机会障碍的方法进行研究。这一分析将婴儿债券的案例集中在其真正的卖点上:全民财富政策可以限制各种不公正和不幸的代际影响。
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引用次数: 0
Inequality, macroeconomic performance and political polarization: a panel analysis of 20 advanced democracies 不平等、宏观经济表现和政治两极分化:20个发达民主国家的小组分析
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-03-19 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2022.2047768
Christian R. Proaño, Juan Carlos Peña, Thomas Saalfeld
This paper investigates the macroeconomic and social determinants of voting behavior, and especially of political polarization, in 20 advanced countries using annual data ranging from 1970 to 2016 and covering 291 parliamentary elections. Using a panel estimation approach and rolling regressions, our analysis indicates that a significant change in the link between income inequality and political polarization appears to have taken place over the last twenty years. Indeed, we find that both average inequality, measured by the post-tax Gini coefficient, as well as the bottom 10% income share are statistically linked to the recent success of far-right parties, while the top 10% or top 20% incomes shares are not. The link of income inequality and political polarization thus seems to be based on the deterioration of the relative economic position especially of the poorest fraction of the population. Furthermore, we find no empirical support for the notion that social and economic globalization has led to an increase in the popularity of far-right parties.
本文使用1970年至2016年的年度数据,涵盖了20个发达国家的291次议会选举,研究了投票行为的宏观经济和社会决定因素,尤其是政治两极分化。使用面板估计方法和滚动回归,我们的分析表明,在过去的二十年中,收入不平等和政治两极分化之间的联系似乎发生了重大变化。事实上,我们发现,用税后基尼系数衡量的平均不平等,以及收入最低的10%的人的收入份额,在统计上都与极右翼政党最近的成功有关,而收入最高的10%或20%的人的收入份额则与此无关。因此,收入不平等和政治两极分化之间的联系似乎是以相对经济地位的恶化为基础的,尤其是人口中最贫穷的部分。此外,我们没有发现任何实证支持社会和经济全球化导致极右翼政党人气上升的观点。
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引用次数: 9
Solidarity and autonomy in the European Union 欧洲联盟的团结和自治
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-03-09 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2022.2042369
Helder De Schutter
To determine at which level a particular policy domain ought to be governed, we need normative principles of levelism. In this contribution, I articulate and defend two normative principles of levelism for distributive justice in the European Union. According to the Highest-Level Solidarity Principle, we should transfer distributive solidarity to the highest level of the multilevel polity. In the EU, this is the EU-wide level. According to the Policymaker Pays Principle, policymaking and funding should be located at the same level: the level that makes the policy should also be the level that funds the policy (assuming background justice conditions of justice apply). My conclusion is that, since the funding for core redistributive projects should be Europeanized, and since funding and policymaking should be allocated to the same level, we have a pro tanto reason to Europeanize both the funding and the policymaking over core redistributive powers.
为了确定一个特定的政策领域应该在哪个层面上受到管理,我们需要平等主义的规范原则。在这篇文章中,我阐述并捍卫了欧洲联盟公平分配的两项规范性原则。根据最高层次团结原则,我们应该将分配团结转移到多层次政治的最高层次。在欧盟,这是整个欧盟的水平。根据政策制定者付费原则,政策制定和资金应该位于同一水平:制定政策的水平也应该是为政策提供资金的水平(假设适用背景正义条件)。我的结论是,由于核心再分配项目的资金应该欧洲化,而且资金和政策制定应该分配到同一水平,我们有充分的理由将资金和核心再分配权力的政策制定欧洲化。
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REVIEW OF SOCIAL ECONOMY
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