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Is the Platinum Rule credible? An examination of other-regarding perceptions and attitudes toward unethical behavior 铂金法则可信吗?对他人对不道德行为的看法和态度的检验
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-03-24 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2021.1914342
H. James
This paper uses data for 53 countries from the World Values Survey in a multilevel regression analysis that seeks to disentangle individual, institutional and other-regarding factors affecting ethical decision-making. The dependent variable is an index of how intolerant people are of unethical conduct. The explanatory variables indicate the perceived trustworthiness and fairness of others. Controls include variables for individual and institutional factors. Findings are that perceptions of trustworthiness in people unknown to them and perceptions of fairness in others correlate with a greater tolerance of unethical behavior, especially in countries with moderate levels of institutional quality. High institutional quality moderates the negative relationship between perceptions and ethical attitudes. The findings confirm the relevance of other-regarding factors and reinforce the importance of quality institutions in supporting ethical decision-making.
本文使用来自世界价值观调查的53个国家的数据进行多层次回归分析,试图理清影响道德取向的个人、制度和其他因素。
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引用次数: 1
Regulating for gender equality in business: the law on gender quotas and the network of interlocking directorates in Norway, 2008–2016 规范商业中的性别平等:2008-2016年挪威性别配额法和联锁理事会网络
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2021.1901139
Trond Løyning
This article analyses effects of the law of gender quotas for company boards in Norway on the network of interlocking directorates in the period 2008–2016. It is argued that these networks are important regarding gender equality and diversity. Analysis of the regulated corporations (Public Limited Companies – PLCs) shows that female directors get and keep central positions in the networks during this period. Exploring possible impact on networks among non-regulated Private Limited Companies (Ltds) shows no similar effects. Thus, although the justification for the law is general, there are no notable spillover effects. However, women are central in the overall network (based on both PLCs and Ltds), since most of the network ties are among PLCs. Thus, the quota law seems effective in challenging the male-dominated networks in business, but several caveats to such a conclusion are discussed.
本文分析了2008-2016年期间挪威公司董事会性别配额法对连锁董事会网络的影响。有人认为,这些网络在两性平等和多样性方面非常重要。对受监管公司(上市有限公司)的分析表明,在此期间,女性董事在网络中占据并保持核心地位。探索不受监管的私人有限公司(Ltds)对网络的可能影响没有显示出类似的影响。因此,尽管该法律的理由是普遍的,但没有明显的溢出效应。然而,妇女在整个网络中处于中心地位(基于PLC和Ltds),因为大多数网络联系都在PLC之间。因此,配额法似乎有效地挑战了男性主导的商业网络,但对这一结论的几个注意事项进行了讨论。
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引用次数: 1
A socialist justification of the market 社会主义对市场的辩护
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2021.1887507
Manshu Li
ABSTRACT A wide use of markets is indispensable for a viable socialist economy. Yet, many considered market socialism a normatively compromised form of socialism. Some argue that the use of markets can only be justified by non-socialist values. This article argues that a wide use of markets in the spheres of commodities and finance can be justified by principled socialist reasons. It first recasts the central ideal of socialism as to promote people’s self-realization in productive work. Then it argues that people should freely produce for others’ genuine needs in order to satisfy this ideal. It is then shown that an egalitarian market economy, where citizens have relatively equal income and where extensive provision of public goods that contribute to developing people’s capability is available, better provides for people’s diverse and changing needs than a central-planning economy. Thus, it concludes, there is a socialist justification of the market.
广泛利用市场是社会主义经济发展的必要条件。然而,许多人认为市场社会主义是社会主义的一种规范妥协形式。一些人认为,只有非社会主义价值观才能证明使用市场是合理的。本文认为,市场在商品和金融领域的广泛应用可以用社会主义的原则理由来证明是合理的。它首先将社会主义的中心理想重新塑造为促进人们在生产工作中自我实现。然后,它认为,为了满足这一理想,人们应该自由地为他人的真正需要而生产。然后表明,平等主义的市场经济比中央计划经济更好地满足了人们多样化和不断变化的需求,在这种市场经济中,公民的收入相对平等,并且可以提供广泛的公共产品,有助于发展人们的能力。因此,它得出结论,市场存在社会主义正当性。
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引用次数: 1
Essentially unemployed: potential implications of the COVID-19 crisis and fiscal response on income inequality 基本失业:新冠肺炎危机和财政应对措施对收入不平等的潜在影响
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-02-26 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2021.1890194
A. Schiavone
I analyze the impact of the CARES Act unemployment subsidy on US income and inequality in the first month of the COVID-19 crisis using March-April Current Population Survey data. I then use monthly industry unemployment data to extend this panel to July. Next, I estimate the impact of the expiration of the CARES Act subsidy on average income and inequality. Finally, I extend the panel to November to simulate the effects of proposed HEALS and HEROES Acts. I find the CARES Act subsidy was effective at increasing average income above pre-crisis levels and reducing inequality. The expiration of the CARES Act subsidy caused a decrease in average income and increase in inequality relative to pre-crisis levels. I find the proposed HEALS legislation will return inequality to near pre-crisis levels, while the proposed HEROES Act will result in higher income and lower inequality than existed before the crisis.
我使用3月至4月的当前人口调查数据,分析了《关怀法案》失业补贴对2019冠状病毒病危机第一个月美国收入和不平等的影响。然后,我使用月度行业失业数据将这个面板扩展到7月份。接下来,我估计了《关怀法案》补贴到期对平均收入和不平等的影响。最后,我将小组讨论延长至11月,以模拟拟议的“治愈法案”和“英雄法案”的影响。我发现《关爱法案》的补贴有效地将平均收入提高到危机前的水平之上,并减少了不平等。与危机前的水平相比,《关怀法案》补贴的到期导致平均收入下降,不平等加剧。我发现,拟议中的healals立法将使不平等恢复到接近危机前的水平,而拟议中的HEROES法案将导致比危机前更高的收入和更低的不平等。
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引用次数: 1
Market socialism as a form of life 市场社会主义作为一种生活形式
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-02-22 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2021.1886319
Tully Rector
Capitalism is not only an economic order, but a form of life. Market socialism is proposed as an alternative, and should be assessed according to the standards of second-order coherence and social rationality that make a form of life habitable. I argue that it fails to meet those standards. Competitive market practices encode values that determine specific reasons for action and belief, reasons antithetical to those given by the principle of community. That principle, however, validates the politics under which common capital ownership is secured. The selfsame agents, in their fulfillment of essential and non-negotiable functional roles, are required to be equally responsive to incompatible reasons. This undermines the case for market socialism’s general stability.
资本主义不仅是一种经济秩序,也是一种生活形式。市场社会主义是作为一种替代方案提出的,应该根据二阶一致性和社会理性的标准进行评估,使一种生活形式适合居住。我认为它没有达到这些标准。竞争性市场实践编码的价值观决定了行动和信念的具体原因,这些原因与社区原则所给出的原因相反。然而,这一原则验证了保障共同资本所有权的政治原则。同样的代理人在履行基本和不可谈判的职能时,必须对不相容的原因做出同样的反应。这破坏了市场社会主义总体稳定的理由。
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引用次数: 0
Designing a virtuous political economy: an adaptation of Unto This Last emphasizing individual conscience and self determination 设计一个有道德的政治经济学:《直到最后》的改编,强调个人良知和自我决定
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-02-10 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2021.1878260
K. Madden, Nicholas J. Armstrong
ABSTRACT Flourishing life being the objective, John Ruskin’s Unto This Last (1866) posits that the implementation of virtue in political economy also reduces inequality and power-over structures of single individuals over multitudes, generates superior product quality and nurtures the ecological system. This essay re-introduces the primary directive of Unto This Last: to design an economics based in virtue. Adopting the virtues of higher order justice, affection, integrity, and ‘sense and firmness,’ this essay replaces Ruskin’s penchant for authoritarian paternalism with responsiveness to individual conscience and respect for self determination. Practical insight into a virtuous political economy includes explicit descriptions of virtuous economic behavior. This virtuous political economy makes explicit assumptions, adopts key definitions, expands on institutions, and reiterates implications.
约翰·罗斯金(John Ruskin)的《Unto This Last》(1866)认为,以繁荣生活为目标,在政治经济中实施美德也减少了对个体结构的不平等和权力对群体结构的控制,产生了卓越的产品质量,并培育了生态系统。本文重新介绍了Unto This Last的主要指示:设计一种基于美德的经济学。本文采用了更高阶的正义、情感、正直和“理智和坚定”的美德,用对个人良知的回应和对自决的尊重取代了罗斯金对独裁家长作风的偏好。对良性政治经济的实践见解包括对良性经济行为的明确描述。这种良性的政治经济学做出了明确的假设,采用了关键的定义,扩展了制度,并重申了其含义。
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引用次数: 0
Why expanding capabilities does not necessarily imply reducing injustice: an assessment of Amartya Sen’s Idea of Justice in the context of Mexico’s Oportunidades/Prospera 为什么扩大能力并不一定意味着减少不公正:从墨西哥的机遇/繁荣看阿马蒂亚·森的正义观
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-02-10 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2021.1881150
Oscar Garza-Vázquez
The idea that discussions about justice ought to offer practical political guidance has gained force in recent years. In this context, Sen's Idea of Justice (2009) aims at fulfilling this role. I assess to what extent Sen's comparative approach to justice succeeds in providing a useful conceptual framework to reduce injustice in practice, as it claims. Using the context of poverty in Mexico, and the social programme Oportunidades/Prospera as illustration, I argue that Sen's approach remains insufficient to guide injustice-reduction actions effectively. First, I note that despite enhancing individual's capabilities, these social improvements have not translated into a more just social reality overall. Second, I associate these shortcomings to the failure of capability-enhancing policies in accounting for the relational reproduction of injustice. Therefore, I conclude that to reduce injustice, we need to broaden the scope of injustice-reduction policies to address the ways in which injustice is reproduced through social interactions.
近年来,关于正义的讨论应该提供切实可行的政治指导的想法越来越流行。在这种背景下,森的《正义理念》(2009年)旨在发挥这一作用。我评估森的司法比较方法在多大程度上成功地提供了一个有用的概念框架,以减少实践中的不公正,正如它所声称的那样。以墨西哥的贫困背景和社会方案Oportunidades/Prospera为例,我认为森的方法仍然不足以有效地指导减少不公正的行动。首先,我注意到,尽管提高了个人的能力,但这些社会进步并没有转化为更公正的社会现实。其次,我将这些缺点与能力增强政策在解释不公正的关系再生产方面的失败联系起来。因此,我的结论是,为了减少不公正,我们需要扩大减少不公正政策的范围,以解决通过社会互动再现不公正的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Market socialism, labour market domination, and the state as employer of last resort 市场社会主义、劳动力市场支配和国家作为最后雇主
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-01-23 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2020.1869294
Alan Thomas
ABSTRACT This paper assesses the claim that to avoid labour market domination we must be market socialists committed to an extensive sector of worker-owned firms. The labour republican tradition offers three perspectives on this argument: Ellerman argues that non-domination demands that all workplaces be worker owned. Hockett has argued that it demands a policy that the state function as the employer of last resort. Taylor argues that all that republicanism requires is a strengthened exit right for workers. This paper develops the claim that mandatory market socialism would be illiberal by thinning the market for labour and removing the fair value of exit rights. The most reasonable view, overall, accepts that the state must be the employer of last resort so as to eliminate labour market domination, but this is a macro-level commitment that does not place any meso-level restrictions on the nature of the firm.
摘要本文评估了这样一种说法:为了避免劳动力市场的主导地位,我们必须成为市场社会主义者,致力于工人所有制企业的广泛部门。劳工共和传统为这一论点提供了三个视角:Ellerman认为,非统治要求所有工作场所都是工人所有。霍克特认为,这需要一项政策,即国家作为最后的雇主发挥作用。泰勒认为,共和主义所需要的只是加强工人的退出权。本文通过削弱劳动力市场和取消退出权的公平价值,提出了强制性市场社会主义是不自由的。总体而言,最合理的观点是,国家必须是消除劳动力市场支配地位的最后雇主,但这是一项宏观层面的承诺,不会对公司的性质施加任何微观层面的限制。
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引用次数: 4
Property-owning democracy, market socialism and workplace democracy 所有制民主、市场社会主义和职场民主
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-01-14 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2020.1854333
C. Neuhäuser
The paper discusses why on the one hand William Edmundson thinks that market socialism is superior to property-owning democracy, while on the other hand Alan Thomas thinks that an egalitarian version of property-owning democracy is superior to market socialism. For the purpose of this discussion, the concepts of property-owning democracy and market socialism are systematized and it is argued that those concepts, as understood by Rawls, do not exhaust the list of possible alternatives to capitalism and state socialism. Economic democracy, understood as mandatory workplace democracy, will be introduced as a middle ground, somewhat closer to market socialism than property-owning democracy. Against this background, it is argued that questions of transition and stability are important for deciding between these regimes and the importance of two realistic constraints in making this choice, namely egoism of powerful agents and path-dependency in institutional design, is highlighted.
本文讨论了为什么一方面威廉·埃德蒙森认为市场社会主义优于拥有财产的民主,而另一方面艾伦·托马斯认为拥有财产的平等民主优于市场社会主义。为了这个讨论的目的,拥有财产的民主和市场社会主义的概念是系统化的,并且有人认为,正如罗尔斯所理解的,这些概念并没有耗尽资本主义和国家社会主义的可能替代品的清单。经济民主,被理解为强制性的工作场所民主,将作为一种中间立场引入,与拥有财产的民主相比,更接近市场社会主义。在这种背景下,有人认为,过渡和稳定问题对于在这些制度之间做出决定很重要,并强调了做出这一选择的两个现实制约因素的重要性,即强大主体的利己主义和制度设计中的路径依赖。
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引用次数: 3
Public health systems in the age of financialization: lessons from the French case 金融化时代的公共卫生系统:法国案例的经验教训
IF 1 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2021-01-14 DOI: 10.1080/00346764.2020.1870710
Ana Carolina Cordilha
Public Health Systems (PHS) are under continuous transformation in line with economic, political, and ideological changes in capitalist economies. The current stage of capitalism is underpinned by the process of financialization, meaning an increasing dominance of financial actors, markets, practices, measurements, and narratives over other agents, including the State. This article examines how financialization has been reshaping PHS, with an in-depth study of the French case. First, we suggest how to incorporate the concept of financialization into the research on PHS transformation. We then apply this concept to reassess the trajectory of the French system from the 1990s onwards. We show the increasing participation of financial capital for long-term, short-term, and infrastructure financing, occupying roles previously fulfilled by the public sector. We then discuss how the adoption of financialized strategies led to shifts in how public actors behave, and the potentially adverse effects for solidarity, stability, and democratic participation.
公共卫生系统(PHS)正随着资本主义经济的经济、政治和意识形态变化而不断转型。资本主义的当前阶段是以金融化进程为基础的,这意味着金融行为者、市场、实践、衡量标准和叙事对包括国家在内的其他代理人的主导地位日益增强。本文通过对法国案例的深入研究,探讨了金融化如何重塑PHS。首先,我们建议如何将金融化的概念纳入PHS转型的研究中。然后,我们将这一概念应用于重新评估20世纪90年代以来法国体系的发展轨迹。我们显示,金融资本越来越多地参与长期、短期和基础设施融资,占据了以前由公共部门承担的角色。然后,我们讨论了金融化战略的采用如何导致公共行为者行为方式的转变,以及对团结、稳定和民主参与的潜在不利影响。
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引用次数: 7
期刊
REVIEW OF SOCIAL ECONOMY
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