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Fabricated Legality 编造的合法性
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-07-08 DOI: 10.1093/jicj/mqae017
Lavinia Parsi
In the wake of the increased regulation of armed conflicts, legal interpretation by government lawyers has become crucial in shaping state policies, particularly during times of war. This article explores the scenarios where state policies that have been positively sanctioned by legal professionals potentially amount to international crimes, raising questions of accountability. By examining historical and contemporary instances, the article explores if and to what extent government legal advisers may be considered accomplices in such crimes. It suggests that their responsibility could be framed within the mode of liability of aiding and abetting, as outlined in Article 25(3)(c) of the Rome Statute. Additionally, the article addresses alternative modes of liability specified under Article 25(3)(a) and 25(3)(d). It finally expands to the further consequences of legal advice on the liability of the principal perpetrator, questioning whether the latter may invoke a defence of mistake of law or a breach of the principle of legality. In an attempt to embrace the revolutionary potential of international criminal law, this article aims to make legal interpretation itself the object of scrutiny, through the lenses of international criminal responsibility.
随着武装冲突监管的加强,政府律师的法律解释在制定国家政策方面变得至关重要,尤其是在战争时期。本文探讨了在哪些情况下,法律专业人士积极认可的国家政策有可能构成国际犯罪,从而引发问责问题。通过研究历史和当代案例,文章探讨了政府法律顾问是否以及在多大程度上可被视为此类罪行的帮凶。文章认为,可以按照《罗马规约》第二十五条第三款第(三)项所述的协助和教唆的责任模式来确定他们的责任。此外,本文还讨论了第 25(3)(a)条和第 25(3)(d)条规定的其他责任模式。最后,文章扩展到法律咨询对主犯责任的进一步影响,质疑主犯是否可以援引法律错误或违反合法性原则进行辩护。为了接受国际刑法的革命性潜力,本文旨在通过国际刑事责任的视角,使法律解释本身成为审查的对象。
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引用次数: 0
Epistemic Injustice at the ICC? 国际刑事法院的认识论不公正?
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-07-08 DOI: 10.1093/jicj/mqad053
Hayley N Evans, Mahir Hazim
This article empirically assesses the role third-party evidence has played in the Office of the Prosecutor’s (OTP) initiation of an investigation into the Afghanistan Situation at the International Criminal Court (ICC). After finding that most of the evidence upon which the OTP relied in its request to initiate an investigation is from third parties, this article classifies and ranks the categories of third party upon which the OTP relied. Critically analysing the OTP’s use of third-party sources, this article uncovers the way potential biases towards dominant languages, affluent locations and prestigious institutions influence the choice of which information to use as evidence, possibly evincing an epistemic injustice at the OTP. Heeding Naz Modirzadeh’s call to use Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) to empower Global South states, this article concludes with recommendations to the OTP and third parties on how they can maximize their collaboration while avoiding capitulation to the politics of exclusion. In addition, the article’s findings reveal opportunities for stakeholders to enhance evidence collection and use by particular third-party categories in Afghanistan and in similar situations.
本文对第三方证据在检察官办公室(OTP)启动国际刑事法院(ICC)阿富汗局势调查中所起的作用进行了实证评估。本文发现检察官办公室在请求启动调查时所依据的大部分证据均来自第三方,随后对检察官办公室所依据的第三方类别进行了分类和排序。本文对检察官办公室使用第三方来源的情况进行了批判性分析,揭示了对主流语言、富裕地区和著名机构的潜在偏见如何影响了选择使用哪些信息作为证据的方式,这可能体现了检察官办公室在认识论上的不公正。纳兹-莫迪尔扎德(Naz Modirzadeh)呼吁使用第三世界国际法方法(TWAIL)来增强全球南部国家的能力,本文最后向检察官办公室和第三方提出了如何最大限度地开展合作,同时避免屈服于排斥政治的建议。此外,文章的研究结果还揭示了利益相关者在阿富汗和类似情况下加强证据收集和第三方使用的机会。
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引用次数: 0
Can They Deliver? 他们能做到吗?
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/jicj/mqae005
Andrea Furger
Joint Investigation Teams or JITs are practical mechanisms of cooperation that are established between two or more states to, jointly, conduct criminal investigations. Increasingly used in investigations into core international crimes (war crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity and the crime of aggression), JITs are understudied in the field of international criminal law. This article examines how the procedures outlined in JIT legal frameworks are implemented in practice and assesses whether JITs can respond to the challenges of contemporary international crimes investigations. The article contends that, while JITs introduce some useful new cooperation processes, they fall short on many of their most promising features, which are difficult to implement fully in practice or in fact already exist.
联合调查组或联合调查队是两个或两个以上国家之间建立的切实可行的合作机制,共同开展刑事调查。联合调查组越来越多地用于核心国际罪行(战争罪、种族灭绝罪、危害人类罪和侵略罪)的调查,但在国际刑法领域却未得到充分研究。本文探讨了联合调查队法律框架中概述的程序在实践中是如何实施的,并评估了联合调查队能否应对当代国际犯罪调查的挑战。文章认为,虽然联合调查队引入了一些有用的新合作程序,但它们在许多最有前景的特征方面存在不足,这些特征在实践中难以充分实施或事实上已经存在。
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引用次数: 0
Ecocide, Sustainable Development and Critical Environmental Law Insights 生态灭绝、可持续发展和重要的环境法见解
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-06-25 DOI: 10.1093/jicj/mqae006
Liana Georgieva Minkova
Advocates of the criminalization of ecocide face a dilemma: how to address activities that bring socio-economic benefits and cause severe environmental damage. The solution has generally been seen in the integration of international environmental law (IEL) norms, such as balancing sustainability with development, into the definition of ecocide. This article challenges the uncritical adoption of IEL norms in ecocide debates and explores the socio-ecological implications of relying on those norms in future trials at the International Criminal Court. While this article does not offer a new definition of ecocide, by borrowing insights from critical environmental law and studies of law in the Anthropocene it proposes a new approach for engaging with the question of ecocide, namely, by embracing reflexivity and normativity in legal practice.
主张将生态灭绝定为刑事犯罪的人面临着两难境地:如何处理既带来社会经济利益又造成严重环境破坏的活动。解决之道通常是将国际环境法 (IEL) 规范(如平衡可持续性与发展)纳入生态灭绝的定义中。本文对在生态灭绝辩论中不加批判地采用国际环境法规范的做法提出质疑,并探讨了在国际刑事法院未来的审判中依赖这些规范的社会生态影响。虽然本文并未提出生态灭绝的新定义,但通过借鉴批判性环境法和人类世法律研究的见解,本文提出了一种处理生态灭绝问题的新方法,即在法律实践中接受反思性和规范性。
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引用次数: 0
The Barlonyo Massacre, Ongwen’s Trial, and ICC Reparations: Reflections on the Dynamics of Expectations and Disappointment 巴隆约大屠杀、翁古文的审判和国际刑事法院的赔偿:对期望与失望动态的思考
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-06-22 DOI: 10.1093/jicj/mqae007
Kirsten J Fisher
The International Criminal Court’s reparations mandate is a core feature of the court’s ‘more victim-centric approach’ to criminal justice. While there has been interest in victims’ expectations and satisfaction in regard to the court’s cases, scholars have focused on victims’ participation in trials and not how expectations and disappointment are influenced by investigations, the passage of time, and the promise (explicit or not) of reparations for non-recipient victim communities. This article engages with disappointment theory and economy of expectations to argue that more academic attention needs to be focused on the emotions associated with expectations to increase understanding of the effectiveness of the victim-centric nature of the reparations mandate.
国际刑事法院的赔偿任务是该法院 "更加以受害者为中心的刑事司法方法 "的核心特征。虽然受害者对法院案件的期望和满意度一直备受关注,但学者们关注的重点是受害者参与审判的情况,而不是期望和失望如何受到调查、时间流逝以及对非受害者群体赔偿承诺(无论是否明确)的影响。本文结合失望理论和期望经济学,认为学术界需要更多地关注与期望相关的情绪,以增进对赔偿任务以受害者为中心的有效性的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Building An Abolition Movement for International Criminal Law? 开展废除国际刑法运动?
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-11 DOI: 10.1093/jicj/mqae008
Sophie Rigney
International criminal law is a carceral system, which responds to mass atrocities by holding some individuals criminally responsible for these events and then, generally, imprisoning those individuals. I ask what alternative responses might be envisaged, and if we can build a carceral abolitionist movement for international criminal law. Such a movement would refuse imprisonment and policing as the main responses to mass atrocity, and instead would seek to understand the social causes and conditions that cause such mass atrocity, and also how (and why) criminal law has become the preeminent ‘legitimate hand of justice’. In this article, I attempt to bring into conversation two particular intellectual movements: the collective scholarship and praxis of domestic carceral abolition movements; and those critical scholars of international criminal law who have already set out some of the limits and possibilities of the field. I set out the structural conditions of international criminal law, particularly its ideological grounding in neoliberalism and its relationships to race, global capital and colonialism and imperialism, which result in a legal system that criminalizes some and exonerates others. I then particularly examine some tools that already exist for building an abolition movement for international criminal law. These include the defence of duress, transformative reparations and the role of defence lawyers. These tools are admittedly part of the carceral system, and therefore cannot be the key to an abolition movement for international criminal law. However, they may assist us in the short or medium term as we imagine and work towards a better world without the need for a carceral system of international criminal law that relies on police and prisons.
国际刑法是一种 "囚禁"(carceral)制度,它对大规模暴行的反应是追究某些个人对这些事件的刑事责任,然后通常将这些人囚禁起来。我想问的是,我们可以设想出哪些替代对策,以及我们能否为国际刑法建立一个废除监禁的运动。这样的运动将拒绝把监禁和维持治安作为应对大规模暴行的主要措施,而是寻求理解导致此类大规模暴行的社会原因和条件,以及刑法如何(以及为何)成为卓越的 "合法正义之手"。在这篇文章中,我试图将两种特殊的思想运动结合起来:国内废除监禁运动的集体学术研究和实践;以及那些已经阐明了该领域的一些局限性和可能性的国际刑法批判学者。我阐述了国际刑法的结构性条件,特别是其在新自由主义中的意识形态基础及其与种族、全球资本、殖民主义和帝国主义的关系,这导致了一个将一些人定罪而将另一些人免罪的法律体系。然后,我将特别探讨一些已经存在的工具,以推动废除国际刑法的运动。这些工具包括胁迫辩护、变革性赔偿和辩护律师的作用。诚然,这些工具是监禁制度的一部分,因此不能成为废除国际刑法运动的关键。然而,在我们想象并努力建设一个不需要依赖警察和监狱的国际刑法制度的更美好世界时,这些工具可能会在短期或中期内帮助我们。
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引用次数: 0
Une histoire du droit international De Salamanque à Guantanamo Olivier Corten, Pierre Klein, Gérard Bedoret (illustrator) 从萨拉曼卡到关塔那摩的国际法史 Olivier Corten, Pierre Klein, Gérard Bedoret (插图画家)
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1093/jicj/mqae015
Bianca Acquaviva
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引用次数: 0
Resisting the State Crimes of the Global North 抵制全球北方的国家罪行
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-01 DOI: 10.1093/jicj/mqae010
Natalie Hodgson
Civil society actors are increasingly turning to international criminal law in response to harmful conduct by the states of the Global North. Legal and strategic concerns have been raised about this practice. It is unclear whether the International Criminal Court will ever be able or willing to effectively respond to the conduct of states, particularly the powerful states of the Global North. However, there is growing recognition that the expressive power of international criminal law may be strategically used beyond the courtroom. Drawing on criminological scholarship, this article suggests that international criminal law may offer potential in resisting the state crimes of the Global North. International criminal law provides civil society with a way to sociologically criminalize the state from below and challenge the hegemonic beliefs that enable state crime. Such expressive advocacy might ultimately play a role in expanding legal understandings of what constitutes an international crime to include the conduct of the Global North.
民间社会行动者越来越多地诉诸国际刑法,以应对全球北方国家的有害行为。人们对这种做法提出了法律和战略方面的担忧。目前尚不清楚国际刑事法院是否能够或愿意有效应对国家行为,尤其是全球北方强国的行为。然而,越来越多的人认识到,国际刑法的表达能力可以在法庭之外得到战略性运用。本文借鉴犯罪学的研究成果,认为国际刑法可以为抵制全球北方国家的罪行提供潜力。国际刑法为公民社会提供了一种从社会学角度对国家进行自下而上的刑事定罪的方式,并对促成国家犯罪的霸权信念提出了挑战。这种表达性宣传最终可能会发挥作用,扩大对国际犯罪构成的法律理解,将全球北方国家的行为纳入其中。
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引用次数: 0
Polar Bears and Gavels 北极熊和槌子
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-29 DOI: 10.1093/jicj/mqae014
Daniel Bertram, George Hill
This article analyses the increasingly pervasive enrolment of visual materials in the evolution and contestation of international criminal justice. We posit that this emerging field of ‘visual advocacy’ is transforming how international criminal law is produced and perceived. Visual advocacy stands to complement and reinforce, but also to challenge and subvert conventional norms and narratives. To probe how these dynamics play out in practice, we delve into the role of imagery in the ongoing controversy over the international criminalization of severe environmental destruction as ‘ecocide’. By articulating claims to non-human victimhood, the ecocide campaign pioneers an ecocentric vision that disrupts the anthropocentric aesthetics of international criminal law. Through a visual content analysis of 68 images posted by the movement organization Stop Ecocide International on X/Twitter and Instagram over the course of 2022, we explore how victimhood is depicted and concretized, how such imageries are framed, and how they appeal to legal authority. While our analysis underlines the critical potential of visual media as an epistemically emancipatory vehicle, it also evinces enduring ties to reductionist stereotypes and well-worn ‘aesthetic biases’.
本文分析了视觉材料在国际刑事司法的演变和争议中日益普遍的作用。我们认为,这一新兴的 "视觉宣传 "领域正在改变国际刑法的产生和认知方式。视觉宣传既是对传统规范和叙事的补充和加强,也是对传统规范和叙事的挑战和颠覆。为了探究这些动态是如何在实践中发挥作用的,我们深入探讨了图像在当前将严重环境破坏作为 "生态灭绝 "进行国际刑事定罪的争议中所扮演的角色。通过阐明非人类受害者的身份,生态灭绝运动开创了一种生态中心主义的观点,破坏了国际刑法的人类中心主义美学。通过对 "停止生态灭绝国际 "运动组织 2022 年在 X/Twitter 和 Instagram 上发布的 68 张图片进行视觉内容分析,我们探讨了受害者身份是如何被描绘和具体化的,这些图像是如何被构架的,以及它们是如何诉诸法律权威的。虽然我们的分析强调了视觉媒体作为认识论解放载体的关键潜力,但它也证明了与还原论成见和老生常谈的 "审美偏见 "之间的持久联系。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of Civil Society in Promoting Corporate Accountability for International Crimes 民间社会在促进企业对国际罪行承担责任方面的作用
IF 0.9 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-22 DOI: 10.1093/jicj/mqae009
John M B Balouziyeh, Stephen J Rapp
This article examines the role that civil society has played in pursuing corporate accountability for international crimes. The article is divided into five main parts. Following a general introduction in Section 1, Section 2 sets forth the definitions used throughout this article and the methodology used to carry out the research. Section 3 covers cases at international tribunals, beginning with an overview of prosecutions of corporate executives at the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and proceeding to an examination of civil society engagement with the International Criminal Court in cases involving corporate actors. Section 4 analyses cases brought by civil society actors in domestic courts, focusing on criminal cases filed in France and civil cases filed in the USA. This section of the article reviews cases from the USA that have narrowed corporate liability for international crimes and compares them with similarly situated cases filed in France, which has become a forum of choice for victims seeking corporate criminal accountability. In Section 5, we conclude that civil society’s pursuit of corporate accountability in domestic courts has ensured that a greater number and a wider range of actors are held to account, thereby complementing the work of international tribunals, which comparatively can try only a small number of cases, and has offered a ray of hope to victims who wish to see accountability for international crimes.
本文探讨了公民社会在追究企业对国际罪行的责任方面所发挥的作用。文章分为五个主要部分。在第 1 部分的总论之后,第 2 部分阐述了本文中使用的定义以及开展研究的方法。第 3 节涉及国际法庭的案例,首先概述纽伦堡国际军事法庭对企业高管的起诉,然后审查民间社会在涉及企业行为者的案件中与国际刑事法院的合作。第 4 部分分析了民间社会行为者在国内法院提起诉讼的案件,重点是在法国提起的刑事案件和在美国提起的民事案件。文章的这一部分回顾了美国缩小企业国际犯罪责任的案例,并将其与在法国提起的类似案件进行比较,法国已成为受害者寻求企业刑事责任的首选之地。在第 5 节中,我们得出结论认为,民间社会在国内法院追究公司责任的做法确保了更多和更广泛的行为者被追究责任,从而对国际法庭的工作起到了补充作用(相对而言,国际法庭只能审理少数案件),并为希望看到国际罪行被追究责任的受害者带来了一线希望。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of International Criminal Justice
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