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Trilateral politics in hierarchy, war, and state formation 等级制度、战争和国家形成中的三边政治
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.1017/s1752971923000209
Patrick J. McDonald, Kevin Galambos
This paper presents a set of theoretical models that links a two-phase sequence of cooperative political integration and conflict to explore the reciprocal relationship between war and state formation. It compares equilibria rates of state formation and conflict using a Monte Carlo that generates comparative statics by altering the systemic distribution of ideology, population, tax rates, and war costs across polities. This approach supports three core findings. First, war-induced political integration is at least 2.5 times as likely to occur as integration to realize economic gains. Second, we identify mechanisms linking endogenous organizations to the likelihood of conflict in the system. For example, a greater domestic willingness to support public goods production facilitates the creation of buffer states that reduce the likelihood of a unique class of trilateral wars. These results suggest that the development of the modern administrative state has helped to foster peace. Third, we explore how modelling assumptions setting the number of actors in a strategic context can shape conclusions about war and state formation. We find that dyadic modelling restrictions tend to underestimate the likelihood of cooperative political integration and overestimate the likelihood of war relative to a triadic modelling context.
本文提出了一套理论模型,将合作性政治整合与冲突的两阶段序列联系起来,以探讨战争与国家形成之间的相互关系。它使用蒙特卡洛(Monte Carlo)方法,通过改变意识形态、人口、税率和战争成本在不同政体间的系统分布来生成比较静态,从而比较国家形成和冲突的均衡率。这种方法支持三个核心发现。首先,由战争引发的政治一体化的可能性至少是为实现经济收益而进行的一体化的 2.5 倍。其次,我们发现了内生组织与系统冲突可能性之间的关联机制。例如,国内支持公共产品生产的意愿越强,就越有利于缓冲国的建立,从而降低发生独特的三边战争的可能性。这些结果表明,现代行政国家的发展有助于促进和平。第三,我们探讨了设定战略背景下行为体数量的建模假设如何影响有关战争和国家形成的结论。我们发现,相对于三方建模环境,二元建模限制往往会低估合作性政治整合的可能性,而高估战争的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Trilateral politics in hierarchy, war, and state formation 等级制度、战争和国家形成中的三边政治
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.1017/s1752971923000209
Patrick J. McDonald, Kevin Galambos
This paper presents a set of theoretical models that links a two-phase sequence of cooperative political integration and conflict to explore the reciprocal relationship between war and state formation. It compares equilibria rates of state formation and conflict using a Monte Carlo that generates comparative statics by altering the systemic distribution of ideology, population, tax rates, and war costs across polities. This approach supports three core findings. First, war-induced political integration is at least 2.5 times as likely to occur as integration to realize economic gains. Second, we identify mechanisms linking endogenous organizations to the likelihood of conflict in the system. For example, a greater domestic willingness to support public goods production facilitates the creation of buffer states that reduce the likelihood of a unique class of trilateral wars. These results suggest that the development of the modern administrative state has helped to foster peace. Third, we explore how modelling assumptions setting the number of actors in a strategic context can shape conclusions about war and state formation. We find that dyadic modelling restrictions tend to underestimate the likelihood of cooperative political integration and overestimate the likelihood of war relative to a triadic modelling context.
本文提出了一套理论模型,将合作性政治整合与冲突的两阶段序列联系起来,以探讨战争与国家形成之间的相互关系。它使用蒙特卡洛(Monte Carlo)方法,通过改变意识形态、人口、税率和战争成本在不同政体间的系统分布来生成比较静态,从而比较国家形成和冲突的均衡率。这种方法支持三个核心发现。首先,由战争引发的政治一体化的可能性至少是为实现经济收益而进行的一体化的 2.5 倍。其次,我们发现了内生组织与系统冲突可能性之间的关联机制。例如,国内支持公共产品生产的意愿越强,就越有利于缓冲国的建立,从而降低发生独特的三边战争的可能性。这些结果表明,现代行政国家的发展有助于促进和平。第三,我们探讨了设定战略背景下行为体数量的建模假设如何影响有关战争和国家形成的结论。我们发现,相对于三方建模环境,二元建模限制往往会低估合作性政治整合的可能性,而高估战争的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Law and politics from the sea 来自海洋的法律与政治
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1017/s1752971923000192
Itamar Mann
Recent scholarship in law and society has engaged in novel ways with maritime spaces, articulating how they inform legal theory more broadly. This essay builds on such scholarship, and on a broad-brushed survey of maritime history, to make two basic arguments. First, a look at political and legal processes regarding maritime spaces reveals that law is transnational ‘all the way down’. Legal theorists often assume that transnational legal processes are an added layer beyond domestic and international law. But the maritime perspective reveals that transnationalism comes first, both analytically and historically, as a constant negotiation of the relationship between what is ‘inside’ and what is ‘outside’ a polity. Second, the maritime space begins, at least in dominant legal traditions, as an absolute exteriority – imagined as outside or beyond polities and jurisdictions. But with the climate crisis and the emergence of the Anthropocene we may observe an inversion, the sea now appears as a record of harmful human activity; a mirror showing a troublesome collective portrait of humanity. The inversion from a maritime exteriority to the intimacy of ubiquitous environmental harm defines the parameters of law and politics today. The essay concludes with reflections on how the maritime perspective may best be engaged today in responding to that image through political action. It conceptualizes what I call the ‘commonist lifeboat’ – a model of bottom-up universalism for tumultuous times.
近期的法律与社会学术研究以新颖的方式探讨了海洋空间,阐明了海洋空间如何为更广泛的法律理论提供信息。本文以此类学术研究以及对海洋史的广泛考察为基础,提出了两个基本论点。首先,对有关海洋空间的政治和法律进程的考察表明,法律 "自始至终 "都是跨国的。法律理论家通常认为,跨国法律进程是国内法和国际法之外的另一层。但是,海洋视角揭示出,跨国主义在分析上和历史上都是第一位的,是对政体 "内部 "和 "外部 "之间关系的不断协商。其次,至少在主流法律传统中,海洋空间一开始是绝对的外部性--被想象为在政体和司法管辖之外或超越政体和司法管辖。但是,随着气候危机和人类世的出现,我们可以观察到一种反转,海洋现在看起来是有害人类活动的记录;是一面镜子,照出了人类令人头疼的集体形象。从海洋的外部性到无处不在的环境危害的亲密性,这种反转界定了当今法律和政治的参数。文章最后反思了海洋视角在今天如何以最佳方式通过政治行动回应这一形象。文章构思了我所称的 "平民主义救生艇"--动荡时代自下而上的普遍主义模式。
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引用次数: 0
‘Getting Asia right’: de-essentializing China's hegemony in historical Asia “正确对待亚洲”:弱化中国在历史上亚洲的霸权
1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1752971923000143
Victoria Tin-bor Hui
Abstract International Relations (IR) scholars have taken China's presumed hegemony in pre-modern East Asia as an ideal case to ‘undermine’ the field's Eurocentrism. If Eurocentric IR is guilty of ‘getting Asia wrong’, do students of historical Asia ‘get Asia right’? Analysts should avoid exotifying differences between the West and the East and ‘exchanging Eurocentrism for Sinocentrism’. This article tries to ‘get Asia [more] right’ by ‘disaggregating’ and then ‘reassembling’ taken-for-granted concepts by time, space, and relationality. When ‘Confucianism’ is understood to justify both war and peace in competition with other thoughts, it does not dictate peace among East Asian states or conflicts across the Confucian–nomadic divide. When ‘China’ is unpacked, it does not sit on top of an Asian hierarchy. When Korea's, Vietnam's, and Japan's views of their relations with China are examined rather than presumed, cultural legitimacy is thinned out. When ‘Asia’ is broadened to cover webs of relations beyond East Asia to Central Asia, Confucianism recedes in centrality and pan-Asian phenomena including Buddhism and the steppe tradition come to the fore. The article concludes that a better challenge to Eurocentrism is not to search for cultural differences but to locate Eurasian similarities that erase European superiority.
国际关系(IR)学者将中国在前现代东亚的假定霸权作为“破坏”该领域欧洲中心主义的理想案例。如果以欧洲为中心的国际关系犯了“误解亚洲”的错误,那么研究亚洲历史的学生能“正确理解亚洲”吗?分析人士应避免将东西方的差异异域化,避免“把欧洲中心主义换成中国中心主义”。本文试图通过“分解”和“重组”时间、空间和关系等想当然的概念,“让亚洲(更)正确”。当“儒家思想”被理解为在与其他思想的竞争中为战争与和平辩护时,它并没有规定东亚国家之间的和平,也没有规定儒家与游牧民族之间的冲突。当“中国”被打开时,它并不坐在亚洲等级制度的顶端。当韩国、越南和日本对它们与中国的关系的看法被审视而不是假设时,文化合法性就被削弱了。当“亚洲”被扩大到涵盖从东亚到中亚的关系网络时,儒家的中心地位就会下降,而包括佛教和草原传统在内的泛亚洲现象就会脱颖而出。文章的结论是,对欧洲中心主义更好的挑战不是寻找文化差异,而是找到消除欧洲优越性的欧亚相似性。
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引用次数: 0
The United Nations of IR: power, knowledge, and empire in Global IR debates 国际关系的联合国:全球国际关系辩论中的权力、知识和帝国
1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1752971923000167
Tarak Barkawi, Christopher Murray, Ayşe Zarakol
Abstract This paper critiques a core premise of Global IR: the association of knowledge with geography, which we term geo-epistemology. It argues that ‘American’ and Global IR share a Eurocentric spatial imaginary, one that was a product of Western expansion and empire. Through its geo-epistemology, Global IR enables a conservative appropriation of the critique of Eurocentrism in IR. Globality becomes a matter of assembling sufficient geographic representation rather than an analysis of the discipline's political, historical, and spatial assumptions. Anglo-American policymakers and intellectuals invented the national/international world to replace the world of empires and races that came apart in the era of the world wars. This UN world of sovereign nation-states and their regional groupings was the foundational move of both what Stanley Hoffman called ‘the American social science’ – IR – and the American-centred world order. The paper uses the reception and legacy of Hoffman's classic essay to show how culture replaced power and history in the study of the discipline, obfuscating the Eurocentrism of Global IR.
摘要本文批判了全球工业关系的一个核心前提:知识与地理的关联,我们称之为地理认识论。它认为,“美国”和“全球国际关系”共享一个以欧洲为中心的空间想象,这是西方扩张和帝国的产物。通过其地理认识论,《全球国际关系》使得对国际关系中欧洲中心主义的批判得以保守地采纳。全球化变成了聚集足够的地理代表性的问题,而不是对学科的政治、历史和空间假设的分析。英美政策制定者和知识分子发明了国家/国际世界,以取代在世界大战时代分裂的帝国和种族世界。这个由主权民族国家组成的联合国世界及其区域组织是斯坦利·霍夫曼所说的“美国社会科学”和以美国为中心的世界秩序的基础。本文利用霍夫曼经典文章的接受和遗产来展示文化如何在该学科的研究中取代权力和历史,模糊了全球国际关系的欧洲中心主义。
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引用次数: 0
Three visions of the global: global international relations, global history, global historical sociology 三种全球视野:全球国际关系、全球历史、全球历史社会学
1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1752971923000179
Michael Barnett, George Lawson
Abstract Global international relations (IR) generates space for theoretical expressions drawn from outside the experiences of the modern West. Alongside these demands for theoretical pluralism can be found a concern for widening IR's historical frames of reference. Yet, to date, the relationship between global IR and history is the least developed part of the project's agenda. This article suggests two ways in which this relationship can be strengthened. One draws from global history, shows how transboundary connections and relational dynamics forge the units used by advocates of global IR in their analysis: West and non-West, core and periphery, metropole and colony. The other draws from global historical sociology as it advances the role of power asymmetries for understanding the patterns and entanglements in transboundary connections. Connecting global IR to global history and global historical sociology can help produce a fuller understanding of the interactive connections and asymmetrical entanglements between peoples, places, ideas, and institutions that drive historical development. We illustrate this potential through a brief analysis of the rise of the West. This, in turn, demonstrates the ways in which three visions of the global – global IR, global history, and global historical sociology – can be mutually beneficial.
全球国际关系(IR)为现代西方经验之外的理论表达提供了空间。除了这些对理论多元化的要求之外,还可以发现对扩大国际关系的历史参考框架的关注。然而,迄今为止,全球国际关系与历史之间的关系是该项目议程中最不发达的部分。本文提出了两种加强这种关系的方法。其中一本书借鉴了全球历史,展示了跨界联系和关系动态如何形成全球国际关系倡导者在分析中使用的单元:西方和非西方、核心和边缘、大都市和殖民地。另一种是从全球历史社会学的角度出发,提出了权力不对称在理解跨界联系的模式和纠葛中的作用。将全球国际关系与全球历史和全球历史社会学联系起来,有助于更全面地理解推动历史发展的民族、地区、思想和制度之间的互动联系和不对称纠缠。我们通过对西方崛起的简要分析来说明这种潜力。这反过来又证明了全球的三种观点——全球国际关系、全球历史和全球历史社会学——可以相互受益。
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引用次数: 0
Global international relations and the essentialism trap 全球国际关系与本质主义陷阱
1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1752971923000131
Michael Barnett, Ayşe Zarakol
Abstract Global IR is an encompassing term for a range of work that has set out to globalize the discipline in terms of its core concepts, assumptions, and substantive areas of study. Our symposium supports Global IR's goals but also offers some friendly critiques of the project with the aim of increasing its impact and durability. In this Introduction to the symposium, we posit that Global IR is vulnerable to a dynamic that limits its capacity to upend the status quo, which we term the ‘essentialism trap’. Essentialism captures a range of commitments oriented around the notion that the world is constituted by pre-formed, fixed, internally coherent, and bounded social forms. The trap involves the overuse of essentialist categories by radical projects, a process that can result in the reinforcement of status quo categories and assumptions. With reference to previous openings in IR that have succumbed to this trap, we identify the dynamics that lead to this trap and suggest ways in which Global IR can avoid it by leaning more into relationalism and global history, and, thereby, fulfil the promise contained in the range of movements it speaks with and for.
全球国际关系是一个包含一系列工作的术语,这些工作旨在使该学科在核心概念、假设和实质性研究领域方面全球化。我们的研讨会支持Global IR的目标,但也对该项目提出了一些友好的批评,目的是增加其影响和持久性。在本次研讨会的介绍中,我们认为全球国际关系很容易受到一种动态的影响,这种动态限制了其颠覆现状的能力,我们称之为“本质主义陷阱”。本质主义抓住了一系列围绕世界是由预先形成的、固定的、内部连贯的和有限的社会形式构成的概念的承诺。这个陷阱涉及激进项目过度使用本质主义类别,这一过程可能导致对现状类别和假设的强化。参考之前国际关系中屈服于这一陷阱的开放,我们确定了导致这一陷阱的动力,并提出了全球国际关系可以通过更多地学习关系主义和全球历史来避免这一陷阱的方法,从而实现它所涉及和支持的一系列运动所包含的承诺。
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引用次数: 1
Response section 响应部分
1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1752971923000155
Zeynep Gülşah Çapan, Manjeet S. Pardesi, Musab Younis
Abstract In his response, Manjeet S. Pardesi argues that global international relations and relational scholarship rooted in global history can learn much from each other and must work together to overcome Eurocentrism while avoiding other forms of ‘centrisms’. The second contribution by Zeynep Gülşah Çapan aims to underline three interrelated dynamics: space (global), time (history), and knowledge. In the third and final response, Musab Younis draws on Edward Said's critique of ‘counter-conversion’ to suggest how anticolonial and postcolonial thinkers sought to create oppositional forms of knowledge while remaining alert, in ways not always replicated in recent writing, to the dangers of nativism.
在他的回应中,Manjeet S. Pardesi认为全球国际关系和植根于全球历史的关系学术可以相互学习,必须共同努力克服欧洲中心主义,同时避免其他形式的“中心主义”。Zeynep g l ah Çapan的第二个贡献旨在强调三个相互关联的动态:空间(全球)、时间(历史)和知识。在第三个也是最后一个回应中,穆萨布·尤尼斯借鉴了爱德华·萨义德对“反皈依”的批评,以表明反殖民和后殖民思想家如何在寻求创造对立形式的知识的同时,以一种在最近的写作中并不总是复制的方式,对本土主义的危险保持警惕。
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引用次数: 0
Global at birth: a relational sociology of disciplinary knowledge in IR and the case of India 诞生时的全球:国际关系学科知识的关系社会学与印度案例
1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1752971923000180
Martin J. Bayly
Abstract Advocates of global international relations (IR) present IR as a Eurocentric discipline that should now diversify its theoretical and empirical focus to the non-west. This paper turns this argument on its head, arguing that IR was ‘global at birth’. Concentrating in particular on the implications that global IR debate has for our understanding of the historical development of disciplinary knowledge, the article argues that both conventional and critical stances within this debate tend to express a substantialist conception of knowledge formations, one which encourages diffusionist ideas of the spread of knowledge from an origin to a destination, and essentialist representations of specific geographies of knowledge. In order to address this, the paper proposes a relational sociology of disciplinary knowledge that offers a more historically grounded understanding of the ongoing, provisional, connected, and configurational nature of knowledge construction, without losing sight of the hierarchies that inflect this. The article applies this framework to archival work on the intellectual history of international thought in India, offering an approach that allows a global account of the development of disciplinary IR that operates within and beyond imperial frames, encompassing the entangled histories of colonial, anti-colonial, and postcolonial lineages of what became known as ‘International Relations’ in the 20 th century.
全球国际关系(IR)的倡导者认为,国际关系是一门以欧洲为中心的学科,现在应该将其理论和实证重点转向非西方。这篇论文颠覆了这一观点,认为国际关系“一出生就是全球性的”。本文特别关注全球国际关系辩论对我们理解学科知识历史发展的影响,认为这场辩论中的传统和批判立场都倾向于表达知识形成的实体性概念,这种概念鼓励知识从起源传播到目的地的扩散主义思想,以及知识特定地理的本质主义表达。为了解决这个问题,本文提出了一种学科知识的关系社会学,它提供了对知识构建的持续、临时、联系和配置性质的更有历史基础的理解,而不会忽视影响这一点的层次结构。本文将这一框架应用到印度国际思想思想史的档案工作中,提供了一种方法,允许在帝国框架内外运作的学科关系发展的全球描述,包括20世纪被称为“国际关系”的殖民,反殖民和后殖民谱系的纠缠历史。
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引用次数: 0
Property and international relations: lessons from Locke on anarchy and sovereignty 财产与国际关系:洛克关于无政府状态与主权的教训
1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/s175297192300012x
Nancy Bertoldi
Abstract Property has a ubiquitous presence in international practice, but its implications for theorizing world order are not adequately explored. I remedy this by showing how property constitutes the core concepts of anarchy and sovereignty in international relations (IR) as overlapping spaces of right-based governance. I develop my account of a property-based world order in relation to the work of John Locke. Locke is generally overlooked as a core IR thinker, with the unfortunate consequence that anarchy and sovereignty are conceptualized as polar opposites under the enduring shadow of Hobbes. Even prominent critics of Hobbesian anarchy rely on Hobbesian notions of sovereignty, resulting in minimalist conceptions of international society and international ethics. To counter these Hobbesian legacies, I turn to Locke's limited, plural, and fluid accounts of anarchy and sovereignty and show how they are grounded in a normative notion of property that mutually constitutes them. This provides an alternative to the Hobbesian absolutist conceptions of anarchy and sovereignty that many IR theorists still operate with. The result is a distinctly normative vision for IR that condemns the twin evils of conquest and tyranny.
摘要产权在国际实践中无处不在,但其对世界秩序理论化的意义却没有得到充分的探讨。我通过展示财产如何构成国际关系(IR)中无政府状态和主权的核心概念,作为基于权利的治理的重叠空间,来弥补这一点。我根据约翰·洛克(John Locke)的著作,阐述了以财产为基础的世界秩序。作为核心的国际关系思想家,洛克通常被忽视,不幸的结果是,在霍布斯的持久阴影下,无政府主义和主权被概念化为两极对立。即使是霍布斯无政府主义的著名批评者也依赖于霍布斯的主权概念,从而产生了极简主义的国际社会和国际伦理概念。为了反驳这些霍布斯的遗产,我转向洛克对无政府状态和主权的有限、多元和流动的描述,并展示它们是如何建立在相互构成它们的规范性财产概念的基础上的。这为霍布斯专制主义的无政府状态和主权概念提供了另一种选择,许多IR理论家仍在使用这种概念。其结果是对国际关系的一种明显规范的看法,谴责征服和暴政这两种罪恶。
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引用次数: 0
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International Theory
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