Pub Date : 2021-01-26DOI: 10.1017/S1752971920000676
B. Bucher, Julian Eckl
Abstract In the English School, the relationship between international and world society has recently received increasing attention – conceptually and empirically. Adding to this developing literature, we study how world societal actors not only serve as normative counterpoints to international society or function as norm-entrepreneurs, but decisively contribute to its reproduction. Going beyond the common preoccupation with actor types, we focus on practices that are performed on the international stage. We examine the role which world sport events, especially FIFA's World Cup and the infrastructure of football, play for international society. Building on Wight, we conceptualize world sport events as a (world societal actor driven) derivative primary institution of international society, which is embedded within the particularly hybrid master primary institution of sites and festivals. We find that world sport events allow for the ludic and festive reproduction of key primary institutions (like sovereignty, territoriality, and nationalism), while they highlight how members of international society compete on the basis of shared norms and values. Naturalizing world order as international order, they make international society emotionally experienceable as feasible and desirable at a global level. In performing world sport events, world societal actors uphold rather than challenge international society.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-13DOI: 10.1017/S1752971920000688
Sarah Teo
Abstract Differentiation is a foundational premise in the study of middle powers, as evident in the way that the relevant literature distinguishes these states from the great powers and smaller states. Despite the underlying assumption of differentiation, the middle power literature has rarely engaged theoretically with the concept. This paper seeks to make more explicit this basis of differentiation in the study of middle powers, by advancing a new framework for middle power behavior that draws on differentiation theory. The framework makes the case that it is the differentiated structure in international politics – a departure from the dominant neorealist understanding of structure – that enables the behavior of middle powers. The effects of this differentiated structure are activated by the relative, relational, and social power politics that middle powers engage in, in a particular time and place. Through this process, middle powers are able to leverage their ‘middlepowerness’ in international politics by weakening stratification particularly where the great powers are concerned, and strengthening functional differentiation through taking on key and distinctive roles. By putting differentiation at the core of a framework for middle power behavior, the paper strives to make a constructive contribution to the theorizing of middle powers.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.1017/S1752971920000408
Orfeo Fioretos, J. Tallberg
Abstract At a point when global governance appears to be at a crossroad, caught between globalizing and national populist forces, International Relations theorists are deeply immersed in debating what brought the world to this point. This contribution enlists Michael Zürn's A Theory of Global Governance (2018) to explore the state of global governance theory through a focus on three substantive themes: authority, legitimacy, and contestation in global governance. It identifies the current state of theorizing on each theme, situates Zürn's claims within these literatures, and previews counterpoints from a variety of theoretical perspectives.
当全球治理似乎站在全球化和民族民粹主义力量之间的十字路口时，国际关系理论家们正在深入探讨是什么让世界走到了这一步。本文引用了Michael z rn的《全球治理理论》(2018)，通过关注三个实质性主题:全球治理中的权威、合法性和争论，探讨了全球治理理论的现状。它确定了每个主题理论化的当前状态，将z rn的主张置于这些文献中，并从各种理论角度预览了对应点。
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Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.1017/S1752971920000445
R. Keohane
Abstract Michael Zürn's A Theory of Global Governance is a major theoretical statement. The first section of this essay summarizes Zürn's argument, pointing out that his Global Politics Paradigm views contestation as generated endogenously from the dilemmas and contradictions of reflexive authority relationships. Authoritative international institutions, he maintains, have difficulty maintaining their legitimacy in a world suffused with democratic values. The second section systematically compares Zürn's Global Politics Paradigm with both Realism and Cooperation Theory, arguing that the three paradigms have different scope conditions and are therefore as much complementary as competitive. The third section questions the relevance of Zürn's argument to contemporary reality. Great power conflict and authoritarian populism in formerly democratic countries generate existential threats to multilateralism and global institutions that are more serious than Zürn's legitimacy deficits.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.1017/S1752971920000615
F. Kratochwil
Abstract The problem of ‘distance and engagement’ highlights the Weberian paradox that objectivity in the social sciences cannot be based on demonstrative proof; it has to take into account values as the constituents of our ‘interests’. Values should be explicit even if this ‘perspectivity’ cannot satisfy the criteria of necessity and universality. Allegedly, my skeptical approach to ‘social theory’ leaves researchers with insufficient ‘hope’, but one also learns from understanding that something is impossible or conceptually flawed. Moreover, deeper issues of analyzing social action, with existential and moral dimensions, should be considered. These involve our cognitive capacities, experiences, and emotions.
{"title":"On engagement and distance in social analysis: a reply to my critics","authors":"F. Kratochwil","doi":"10.1017/S1752971920000615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1752971920000615","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The problem of ‘distance and engagement’ highlights the Weberian paradox that objectivity in the social sciences cannot be based on demonstrative proof; it has to take into account values as the constituents of our ‘interests’. Values should be explicit even if this ‘perspectivity’ cannot satisfy the criteria of necessity and universality. Allegedly, my skeptical approach to ‘social theory’ leaves researchers with insufficient ‘hope’, but one also learns from understanding that something is impossible or conceptually flawed. Moreover, deeper issues of analyzing social action, with existential and moral dimensions, should be considered. These involve our cognitive capacities, experiences, and emotions.","PeriodicalId":46771,"journal":{"name":"International Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1752971920000615","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48816412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.1017/S1752971920000457
J. Kelley, B. Simmons
Abstract This article takes the challenges of global governance and legitimacy seriously and looks at new ways in which international organizations (IOs) have attempted to ‘govern’ without explicit legal or regulatory directives. Specifically, we explore the growth of global performance indicators as a form of social control that appears to have certain advantages even as states and civil society actors push back against international regulatory authority. This article discusses the ways in which Michael Zürn's diagnosis of governance dilemmas helps to explain the rise of such ranking systems. These play into favored paradigms that give information and market performance greater social acceptance than rules, laws, and directives designed by international organizations. We discuss how and why these schemes can constitute governance systems, and some of the evidence regarding their effects on actors’ behaviors. Zürn's book provides a useful context for understanding the rise and effectiveness of Governance by Other Means: systems that ‘inform’ and provoke competition among states, shaping outcomes without directly legislating performance.
摘要:本文认真对待全球治理和合法性的挑战，并着眼于国际组织(IOs)试图在没有明确法律或监管指令的情况下“治理”的新方式。具体而言，我们探讨了全球绩效指标作为一种社会控制形式的增长，即使在国家和民间社会行动者反对国际监管机构的情况下，这种形式似乎也具有一定的优势。本文讨论了Michael z rn对治理困境的诊断如何有助于解释这种排名系统的兴起。与国际组织制定的规则、法律和指令相比，这些都是有利于信息和市场表现的社会接受度更高的范例。我们讨论了这些方案如何以及为什么可以构成治理系统，以及它们对参与者行为影响的一些证据。z的书为理解“其他方式治理”的兴起和有效性提供了一个有用的背景:“告知”并引发国家之间竞争的系统，在不直接立法的情况下塑造结果。
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Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.1017/S1752971920000597
J. Welsh
Abstract This commentary focuses on Kratochwil's observation about the gap between the pervasiveness of human rights language and its susceptibility to perverse effects and abuse. After demonstrating that Kratochwil shares much of the contemporary skepticism about the alleged foundations and legitimacy of human rights, the comment elaborates on his claims that human rights were and are particularistic and that ‘rights talk’ produces unintended consequences for the individuals whose autonomy was meant to flourish. He questions but ultimately does not answer whether the broader anthropocentric ethos that underpins Western societies, and legal systems, may one day be superseded by ‘non-rightist’ approaches.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.1017/S1752971920000433
Vincent Pouliot
Abstract Today's global governance is qualitatively different from the past, according to Michael Zürn's penetrating analysis. With the rise of epistemic authority, reflexivity, service, and request have come to surpass command and control as key modes of global governance, leading to new forms of legitimation and contestation. I engage with this rich and thought-provoking argument on three counts. First, it remains doubtful that states defer to international organizations because the latter ‘know better’. There exist many gaps in epistemic authority and politics often trump rationality in global governance. Second, it is not clear how global hierarchy, which Zürn equates with ‘pockets of authority’, could emerge out of demands and requests, precisely because epistemic authority is so fluid and prone to contestation. Third, as historically young and increasingly based on service authority as it may be, contemporary global governance still rests on a body of inherited practices whose legitimation principles seem closer to tradition than to reflexive justification.
迈克尔·泽恩(Michael z rn)的精辟分析表明，今天的全球治理与过去有质的不同。随着认知权威的兴起，反身性、服务和请求已经超越命令和控制，成为全球治理的关键模式，导致了新的合法化和争论形式。我对这个丰富而发人深省的论点有三点看法。首先，各国之所以听从国际组织，是因为后者“更了解”，这一点仍然值得怀疑。在全球治理中，认识权威存在诸多空白，政治往往胜过理性。其次，目前尚不清楚全球等级制度是如何从需求和请求中产生的，z将其等同于“权力口袋”，正是因为认知权威是如此的不稳定，容易引起争论。第三，当代全球治理虽然在历史上还很年轻，而且越来越以服务权威为基础，但它仍然依赖于一系列继承下来的实践，这些实践的合法性原则似乎更接近传统，而不是反身性的正当性。
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Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.1017/S1752971920000391
M. Zürn
Abstract This response to my critics discusses four claims that are central for A Theory of Global Governance. The first claim is that observing a high level of conflict and contestation in world politics is not proof of the unimportance of global governance, since many of the current conflicts and contestations are about international institutions. The second claim is that the 1990s saw a rise of trans- and international authority beyond the nation-state that is essential for the rise of a global political system. Third, a global system of loosely coupled spheres of authority relies on ‘critical deference’ (reflexive authority) but also contains numerous elements of coercion. And fourth, a technocratic legitimation of intrusive international authorities cannot build on emotions or a sense of belonging. This deficit creates a political opportunity structure that allows for the rise of a myriad of dissenters. The relative importance of them depends on the availability of resources for mobilization and not on the quality of reasons for resistance.
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Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.1017/S1752971920000640
Kathryn Sikkink
Abstract Kratochwil's critique of rights as a dominant moral theory that cannot avoid ‘hegemonic’ politics appears to be too crude. This article suggests that more theoretical and practical attention to the responsibilities necessary to implement rights could address some of Kratochwil's concerns. The language of political and ethical responsibilities is often missing from the practical action discourse of human rights. The article emphasizes the multitude of potential ‘agents of justice’ and how they can discharge forward-looking responsibilities in open and discretionary ways.
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