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Book review of ANTIPERSONA. 2019. Jodidos turistas 反人员图书评论。2019年。该死的游客
IF 2.3 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-28 DOI: 10.2458/jpe.3013
X. Pereiro, E. Bernardo
 
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引用次数: 0
The political ecology of wildlife conservation and trophy hunting in human-dominated landscapes of southern Africa: a review 非洲南部以人类为主导的地区野生动物保护和战利品狩猎的政治生态:综述
IF 2.3 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-25 DOI: 10.2458/jpe.3016
N. Muboko
Drawing from a historical conservation perspective and political ecology, this review mediates the growing debate on wildlife conservation and hunting, especially inhuman-dominated landscapes of Africa. The focus is to 1) trace how socio-political changes during and after colonization transformed the hunting and wildlife conservation discourse in southern Africa, and 2) to address how previous conservation injustices were addressed through benefit-based approaches like CAMPFIRE, adopted in Zimbabwe after colonization. Some 144 published journal articles, books and other source materials were consulted. The review indicates that political changes in southern Africa profoundly transformed the conservation and trophy hunting narrative. This narrative had varied impacts and outcomes for different groups of people. Although a number of benefit-based approaches, like CAMPFIRE reflected a complete departure from past conservation policies, they continue to attract praise and criticisms since opinions differ among stakeholders, especially over extractive activities like trophy hunting and its associated benefits. I conclude that political developments impacted on conservation and trophy hunting in a profound way and that although post-colonial, pro-community conservation programs have inherent weaknesses, to a greater extent they addressed past conservation-based injustices. Continuous monitoring and area-specific adaptive management of wildlife and its sustainable management is recommended for long-term conservation benefits and community livelihoods.
从历史保护和政治生态学的角度出发,这篇综述调解了关于野生动物保护和狩猎的日益激烈的辩论,特别是非洲非人类主导的景观。重点是1)追踪殖民期间和之后的社会政治变化如何改变南部非洲的狩猎和野生动物保护话语,2)解决以前的保护不公正是如何通过基于利益的方法解决的,如津巴布韦在殖民后采用的CAMPFIRE。共查阅了约144篇已发表的期刊文章、书籍和其他原始资料。报告指出,南部非洲的政治变化深刻地改变了保护和战利品狩猎的说法。这种叙述对不同的人群产生了不同的影响和结果。尽管许多以利益为基础的方法,如CAMPFIRE,反映了与过去的保护政策的完全背离,但由于利益相关者之间的意见分歧,特别是在像战利品狩猎这样的采伐活动及其相关利益方面,它们继续受到赞扬和批评。我得出的结论是,政治发展对保护和战利品狩猎产生了深远的影响,尽管后殖民时代、亲社区的保护计划存在固有的弱点,但在更大程度上,它们解决了过去基于保护的不公正问题。建议对野生动物进行持续监测和特定地区的适应性管理,并对其进行可持续管理,以实现长期保护效益和社区生计。
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引用次数: 2
Connecting political ecology of health and disease with ‘structural stigmatization’: Declining use of forest foods and medicines in Kédougou, Senegal 将健康和疾病的政治生态与“结构性污名化”联系起来:塞内加尔凯杜古森林食品和药物的使用减少
IF 2.3 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.2458/jpe.2996
T. K. Lucey, Kerry E. Grimm
Recent political ecology (PE) frameworks have evolved to identify power disparities that have consequences for human health and disease development. These power disparities can lead to unequal access to health information, natural resources (e.g. farmland, clean water), micronutrients, healthcare, and other elements necessary to maintain healthy bodies and reduce risk of disease. While many PE and political ecology of health and disease (PEHD) frameworks examine access in terms of limitations, few examples highlight effects from increased access to resources. This article uses a PEHD lens to examine how diets and health in rural Kédougou, Senegal are influenced by increased access to globalized foodstuffs and stigmatization of local foods and medicines. A better understanding of dietary decision-making is critical in understudied regions such as Senegal because West Africa has a rapidly expanding population and is projected to be among regions of the world that are most burdened with non-communicable diseases (NCD). We used qualitative methods to: 1) describe current and historic diets in Kédougou; 2) identify perceived changes about diet, health, and access to resources; and 3) understand what might be influencing these changes. Our article shows that increased access and limited access are interconnected because increased, regular access to globalized foods and medicines could factor into reduced access to local foods and medicines. We found that social context strongly influenced use of local forest foods and medicines, even leading to a gradual stigmatization of using these resources.
最近的政治生态学(PE)框架已经演变为识别对人类健康和疾病发展产生影响的权力差距。这些权力差距可能导致获得健康信息、自然资源(如农田、清洁水)、微量营养素、医疗保健和其他维持健康身体和降低疾病风险所需要素的机会不平等。虽然许多PE和健康与疾病政治生态学(PEHD)框架从限制的角度来审查获取,但很少有例子强调资源获取增加的影响。这篇文章使用PEHD的镜头来研究塞内加尔凯杜古农村的饮食和健康是如何受到越来越多的全球化食品和当地食品和药品污名化的影响的。在塞内加尔等研究不足的地区,更好地了解饮食决策至关重要,因为西非人口迅速增长,预计将成为世界上非传染性疾病负担最重的地区之一。我们使用定性方法:1)描述了凯杜古的当前和历史饮食;2) 识别饮食、健康和资源获取方面的感知变化;以及3)了解可能影响这些变化的因素。我们的文章表明,增加获取和限制获取是相互关联的,因为增加、定期获得全球化食品和药品的机会可能会导致减少获得当地食品和药品。我们发现,社会环境强烈影响了当地森林食品和药物的使用,甚至导致对使用这些资源的逐渐污名化。
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引用次数: 0
Feeding extinction: navigating the metonyms and misanthropy of palm oil boycotts 喂养灭绝:驾驭棕榈油抵制的转喻和厌世
IF 2.3 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-03 DOI: 10.2458/jpe.3001
Hannah Fair
Among UK-based orangutan conservation supporters, palm oil consumption boycotts are widespread, due to the ecological impacts of oil palm cultivation on orangutan habitat. Yet these boycotts are largely at odds with the stances of orangutan charities. Drawing on interviews with orangutan supporters, this article explores why some Global North consumers are so consumed by palm oil. Palm oil is viewed by orangutan supporters as insidious, invasive and cheap, and forces a bodily complicity with orangutan suffering. It is mobilized as a metonym for human greed and capitalist destruction. This metonymic relationship mirrors broader Anthropocentric framings of human-nature relations, which emphasize humanity as a universal actor. Yet the practices of 'species guilt' associated with these framings largely mitigate against a decolonizing model of conservation, as they have the potential to deny agency to workers and villagers enmeshed within the oil palm economy. Despite these unpromising circumstances, this article explores the unintended value of palm oil boycotts in terms of agency and ecological consciousness and addresses the potential to align such boycotts with a decolonial analysis, through centering the human dimensions of orangutan conservation.
在英国的猩猩保护支持者中,由于油棕种植对猩猩栖息地的生态影响,棕榈油消费抵制很普遍。然而,这些抵制在很大程度上与猩猩慈善机构的立场不一致。通过对猩猩支持者的采访,这篇文章探讨了为什么一些全球北方消费者如此消费棕榈油。在猩猩支持者看来,棕榈油是一种阴险的、侵入性的、廉价的东西,它与猩猩的痛苦有共犯之处。它被动员起来作为人类贪婪和资本主义破坏的代名词。这种转喻关系反映了更广泛的人类中心主义的人与自然关系框架,强调人类是一个普遍的行动者。然而,与这些框架相关的“物种内疚”的做法在很大程度上削弱了非殖民化的保护模式,因为它们有可能拒绝为油棕经济中的工人和村民提供代理。尽管这些没有希望的情况下,本文探讨了棕榈油抵制在机构和生态意识方面的意外价值,并通过以猩猩保护的人类维度为中心,解决了将这种抵制与非殖民化分析结合起来的潜力。
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引用次数: 3
Populist authoritarian neoliberalism in Brazil: making sense of Bolsonaro's anti-environment agenda 巴西民粹主义独裁新自由主义:解读博索纳罗的反环境议程
IF 2.3 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.2458/jpe.2994
Sierra Deutsch
In Brazil, the looming threat of mass extinction has prompted increasingly exceptional measures to protect sensitive biomes. At the same time, such measures threaten to curtail capitalist expansion and thus Brazil's neoliberal model of economic development. Jair Bolsonaro's 2018 presidential campaign responded to these threats by fueling anti-environment sentiments and anti-environmentalist enmity. Once inaugurated, he immediately began the work of dismantling national environmental governance structures. Yet his strategies for doing so are often masked by what this article describes as a 'firehouse effect', where his tactics appear chaotic, confused, and lacking any particular goal. The article uses a combination of interviews with 35 environmental experts, participant observation, and a review of secondary sources to zoom in on Bolsonaro's anti-environmentalism within the context of the contemporary turn toward populist authoritarian neoliberalism. By focusing on how Bolsonaro's policies serve to weaken protective environmental measures that limit capitalist extraction, the article unearths the major anti-environment strategies of the Bolsonaro administration. This framework thus allows us to see through the 'firehouse effect' to make some sense of Bolsonaro's methods, further building on emerging research on the political ecologies of the contemporary populist authoritarian neoliberal turn. Moreover, the article shows the utility of applying a generalized populist authoritarian neoliberal framework to a particular context in order to identify its local processes and specificities.
在巴西,迫在眉睫的大规模灭绝威胁促使人们采取越来越多的特殊措施来保护敏感的生物群落。与此同时,这些措施有可能遏制资本主义扩张,从而遏制巴西的新自由主义经济发展模式。Jair Bolsonaro 2018年的总统竞选活动通过煽动反环境情绪和反环保主义敌意来应对这些威胁。就职后,他立即开始拆除国家环境治理结构。然而,他这样做的策略经常被本文所描述的“消防站效应”所掩盖,在这种效应中,他的策略显得混乱、困惑,并且缺乏任何特定的目标。这篇文章结合了对35位环境专家的采访、参与者的观察和对次要来源的审查,在当代向民粹主义独裁新自由主义转变的背景下,深入探讨了博索纳罗的反环境主义。通过关注博索纳罗的政策如何削弱限制资本主义开采的保护性环境措施,这篇文章揭示了博尔索纳罗政府的主要反环境战略。因此,这一框架使我们能够看穿“火屋效应”,从而对博索纳罗的方法有一定的理解,进一步建立在对当代民粹主义-威权主义-新自由主义转向的政治生态的新兴研究之上。此外,文章还展示了将普遍的民粹主义-威权主义-新自由主义框架应用于特定背景的效用,以确定其地方进程和特点。
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引用次数: 9
From colonial forestry to 'community-based fire management': the political ecology of fire in Belize's coastal savannas, 1920 to present 从殖民林业到“社区火灾管理”:伯利兹沿海稀树草原火灾的政治生态,1920年至今
IF 2.3 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-26 DOI: 10.2458/jpe.2989
Cathy Smith
This article examines the past century of fire management of the coastal pine savanna in Belize, drawing on archival evidence,interviews, and ethnographic enquiry into an international development project in Belize. It considers contemporary approaches that seek to use prescribed fire with the participation of local communities in relation to past practices. The Belizean savanna has long been shaped by human fire use. Its flora is ecologically adapted to fire. Yet fire has been repeatedly cast as a problem, from c. 1920, by British colonial and, later, USA foresters, and, most recently, by international and local non-governmental nature conservation organizations. Informed by different schools of thought, each of these organizations has designed programs of fire management aiming to reduce wildfire frequency. Yet little has changed; Belize's diverse and growing rural population has continued to use fire, and the savannas burn, year upon year. While the planned aims and methods differed, each program of fire management has, in practice, been similarly structured and constrained by its genesis within colonial or international development. Funding and leadership for fire management has been inconsistent. Each program has been shaped by a specifically Belizean ecology and politics, in excess of its definition of the fire 'problem' and 'solutions' to it. Powerful political elites and fire users in Belize have not seen clear incentives for the fire management supported by official policy. This analysis highlights that contemporary efforts to build more ecologically and environmentally just forms of fire management must be understood in the context of broader political struggles over land and resources.
本文通过对伯利兹一个国际开发项目的档案证据、采访和民族志调查,探讨了伯利兹沿海松草原过去一个世纪的火灾管理。它考虑了寻求在当地社区参与下使用规定火灾的当代方法与过去的做法。伯利兹大草原长期以来一直是由人类用火形成的。它的植物群在生态上适应了火灾。然而,从1920年左右开始,英国殖民地和后来的美国林业工作者,以及最近的国际和当地非政府自然保护组织,就一再将火灾视为一个问题。根据不同的思想流派,这些组织中的每一个都设计了旨在减少野火频率的火灾管理计划。然而几乎没有什么变化;伯利兹多样化且不断增长的农村人口继续用火,大草原逐年燃烧。虽然计划的目标和方法各不相同,但在实践中,每个消防管理计划都有类似的结构,并受到殖民地或国际发展中起源的限制。消防管理的资金和领导一直不一致。每个项目都是由特定的伯利兹生态和政治决定的,超出了其对火灾“问题”和“解决方案”的定义。伯利兹强大的政治精英和消防用户没有看到官方政策支持的明确的消防管理激励措施。这一分析强调,必须在更广泛的土地和资源政治斗争的背景下理解当代建立更生态和环境公正的消防管理形式的努力。
{"title":"From colonial forestry to 'community-based fire management': the political ecology of fire in Belize's coastal savannas, 1920 to present","authors":"Cathy Smith","doi":"10.2458/jpe.2989","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2458/jpe.2989","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the past century of fire management of the coastal pine savanna in Belize, drawing on archival evidence,interviews, and ethnographic enquiry into an international development project in Belize. It considers contemporary approaches that seek to use prescribed fire with the participation of local communities in relation to past practices. The Belizean savanna has long been shaped by human fire use. Its flora is ecologically adapted to fire. Yet fire has been repeatedly cast as a problem, from c. 1920, by British colonial and, later, USA foresters, and, most recently, by international and local non-governmental nature conservation organizations. Informed by different schools of thought, each of these organizations has designed programs of fire management aiming to reduce wildfire frequency. Yet little has changed; Belize's diverse and growing rural population has continued to use fire, and the savannas burn, year upon year. While the planned aims and methods differed, each program of fire management has, in practice, been similarly structured and constrained by its genesis within colonial or international development. Funding and leadership for fire management has been inconsistent. Each program has been shaped by a specifically Belizean ecology and politics, in excess of its definition of the fire 'problem' and 'solutions' to it. Powerful political elites and fire users in Belize have not seen clear incentives for the fire management supported by official policy. This analysis highlights that contemporary efforts to build more ecologically and environmentally just forms of fire management must be understood in the context of broader political struggles over land and resources.","PeriodicalId":46814,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Ecology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47121105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
'When the cat is away, the mice will play': the political ecology of tobacco production and manganese mining in Nansanga farm block in Zambia “猫不在,老鼠就玩”:赞比亚南桑加农场烟草生产和锰矿开采的政治生态
IF 2.3 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.2458/jpe.2974
Andrew Chilombo, D. van der Horst
Large-scale land acquisitions (LSLAs) have emerged as an important policy issue in development discourse. Governments in host countries play a critical role in engineering policy landscapes for enclosing local community resources for capital accumulation by business entities with more financial resources and access to power. Case studies have highlighted failed implementation of LSLA deals, resulting in cancellations, scaling down, abandonment or change of investment business models. However, few attempts have been made to understand what accounts for such failures and what happens when both state policy and private sector implementation of land deals fail. Taking Nansanga farm block, a government of Zambia-led LSLA deal currently in limbo, this article presents a study that aimed at understanding the political ecology of tobacco production and manganese mining as opportunistic economic activities – that is, activities that are taking advantage of new infrastructure created by an otherwise 'failed' government project and flourishing in an area where local people's rights were previously protected through customary tenure. Drawing on stakeholder interviews, the study shows that the government's role in the development of Nansanga vanished; creating a development vacuum that opened the door to opportunistic tobacco production and open pit manganese mining. Tobacco and mining, heavily extractive as they are of forest resources, have emerged as double-edged swords: in the short term increasing financial inflows and job creation on one hand, and, on the other, leading to flight from production of traditional crops, deforestation and land degradation, anomie and deracination as some land use and land users are (re)defined.
大规模土地征用(lsla)已成为发展话语中的一个重要政策问题。东道国政府在工程政策格局中发挥关键作用,封闭当地社区资源,供拥有更多财政资源和获得权力的商业实体进行资本积累。案例研究强调了LSLA交易的失败实施,导致投资业务模式的取消、缩减、放弃或改变。然而,很少有人试图了解这些失败的原因,以及当国家政策和私营部门实施土地交易失败时会发生什么。以Nansanga农场区块为例,这是赞比亚政府主导的LSLA交易,目前处于不确定状态,本文提出了一项研究,旨在将烟草生产和锰矿开采的政治生态理解为机会主义经济活动——也就是说,这些活动利用了一个原本“失败”的政府项目所建立的新基础设施,并在当地蓬勃发展,而当地人民的权利以前是通过传统权属保护的。通过对利益相关者的访谈,该研究表明,政府在南桑加开发中的作用消失了;造成了发展真空,为投机的烟草生产和露天锰矿开采打开了大门。烟草和采矿对森林资源具有严重的采掘性,因此成为一把双刃剑:在短期内,一方面增加资金流入和创造就业机会,另一方面,由于某些土地用途和土地使用者被(重新)定义,导致人们逃离传统作物的生产、森林砍伐和土地退化、反常和砍伐。
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引用次数: 0
Book review of Bray, D. B. 2020. Mexico's community forest enterprises: success on the commons and the seeds of a good Anthropocene, by Jordan Thomas 布雷,d.b. 2020书评。墨西哥的社区森林企业:公地的成功和良好人类世的种子,乔丹·托马斯著
IF 2.3 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-23 DOI: 10.2458/jpe.2986
J. Thomas
 
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引用次数: 0
Denunciafauna – A social media campaign to evaluate wildlife crime and law enforcement in Peru Denunciafauna -一个评估秘鲁野生动物犯罪和执法的社交媒体活动
IF 2.3 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-23 DOI: 10.2458/jpe.2987
Noga Shanee, S. Shanee
General Public Complaint Against Captive Wildlife),in short Denunciafauna, ran from April 2014 to April 2017 as an experiment to empirically assess the capacity of Peruvian wildlife authorities to address animal trafficking. We used a political ecology activist research framework, where the campaign is part of research examining on-the-ground responses to complaints and opportunities for collaboration with civil society.During the campaign we collected information on 179 cases of wildlife crime involving animals, from which 214 official complaints were made. These cases involved thousands of illegally held and traded individuals. The official complaints included the illegal possession of animals at tourist attractions,in private homes, markets, circuses, street vendors, and as part of initiatives authorized by the State. Forty-four per cent of the complaints did not result in any type of intervention by the wildlife authorities. In a further 26% of cases we, the complainants, have not been informed of the results of the complaint. Thirty per cent of complaints resulted in the confiscation of all or some of the animals involved, but only 7% of all reported cases led to an official investigation by the public prosecutor, and of these, only 3% (7cases) resulted in a court appearance with a sentence given or pending. We describe 'typical' cases which illustrate some of the quantitative results.These quantitative results, cases presented, and participative observation methodologies were used to examine the main limitations of wildlife authorities in Peru. Chronic deficiencies have consistently resulted in the very limited responses of Peruvian wildlife authorities to attend to official complaints and their inability to provide efficient and proportionate responses to wildlife crime, and, in some cases, to even promote or participate in illicit activities. However, pressure and support from civil society can significantly improve authorities' performances.
2014年4月至2017年4月,“公众对圈养野生动物的一般性投诉”(简称“Denunciafauna”)作为一项实验,对秘鲁野生动物当局处理动物贩运问题的能力进行了实证评估。我们使用了一个政治生态活动家研究框架,在这个框架中,这场运动是研究对投诉的实地反应和与民间社会合作机会的研究的一部分。在行动中,我们收集了179起涉及动物的野生动物犯罪信息,其中214起正式投诉。这些案件涉及数千名非法持有和交易的个人。官方的投诉包括在旅游景点、私人住宅、市场、马戏团、街头摊贩以及作为国家授权的倡议的一部分非法拥有动物。44%的投诉没有导致野生动物主管部门进行任何形式的干预。在另外26%的案件中,我们(投诉人)没有被告知投诉的结果。30%的投诉导致全部或部分涉案动物被没收,但在所有报告的案件中,只有7%导致公诉人进行正式调查,其中只有3%(7起)导致出庭受审或判刑。我们描述了一些“典型”案例来说明一些定量结果。这些定量结果、提出的案例和参与式观察方法用于检查秘鲁野生动物当局的主要局限性。长期的不足一直导致秘鲁野生动物当局对官方投诉的反应非常有限,他们无法对野生动物犯罪提供有效和相称的反应,在某些情况下,甚至促进或参与非法活动。然而,来自公民社会的压力和支持可以显著改善当局的表现。
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引用次数: 4
Enjoying extinction: philanthrocapitalism, jouissance, and 'excessive environmentourism' in the South African rhino poaching crisis 濒临灭绝:南非犀牛偷猎危机中的慈善资本主义、享乐和“过度环境保护主义”
IF 2.3 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-17 DOI: 10.2458/jpe.2984
S. Koot
From 2007 to 2015, rhino poaching grew rapidly in and around Kruger National Park, South Africa. And though poaching numbers have declined since then, the 'poaching crisis' and its consequences continue to influence rhetoric and practice in the area, including continuing public outcries that the rhino is close to extinction. This discourse of extinction is also prevalent among the luxurious tourist lodges on private nature reserves of the Greater Kruger Area that attract wealthy tourists. In response, some lodges started initiatives in which tourists can join the fight against rhino poaching. These tourist activities share important similarities with 'philanthrocapitalism',in which wealthy philanthropists address social and environmental challenges drawing on the same business principles that made them successful. Based on research on the tourism industry, I explore the political ecology of such high-end, 'environmentourist' activities. I argue that philanthropic environmental tourist activities are based on a reductionist articulation of the rhino poaching crisis. They de-politicize it from its socio-economic and historical context and are 'excessive', in that they produce and legitimize exorbitant forms of privatized, luxurious tourism and consumerism as a solution for social and environmental crises. Moreover,such 'excessive environmentourism' allows wealthy tourists to enjoy 'doing good'in a very specific way, best captured by the term 'jouissance.' Jouissance is a particular type of ambivalent enjoyment that includes fascination with dark and horrific elements (i.e. poached rhinos and the idea that these animals are at the brink of extinction). I conclude that jouissance functions as a core motivation for wealthy tourists to engage in touristic experiences precisely because it enables them to believe they can overcome the dark sides of their own excesses ironically by 'doing good', grounded in excessive consumption.
从2007年到2015年,犀牛偷猎在南非克鲁格国家公园及其周边地区迅速增长。尽管从那以后,偷猎数量有所下降,但“偷猎危机”及其后果继续影响着该地区的言论和行为,包括公众不断发出犀牛濒临灭绝的呼声。在大克鲁格地区私人自然保护区的豪华旅游小屋中,这种灭绝的言论也很普遍,吸引着富有的游客。作为回应,一些旅馆发起了倡议,游客可以加入到打击偷猎犀牛的斗争中来。这些旅游活动与“慈善资本主义”有着重要的相似之处,在“慈善资本主义”中,富有的慈善家利用使他们成功的商业原则来解决社会和环境挑战。基于对旅游业的研究,我探索了这种高端的“环保”活动的政治生态。我认为,慈善环保旅游活动是基于对犀牛偷猎危机的简化主义表述。他们从其社会经济和历史背景中去政治化,并且是“过度的”,因为他们生产并合法化了过度形式的私有化,豪华旅游和消费主义,作为社会和环境危机的解决方案。此外,这种“过度的环保主义”允许富有的游客以一种非常特殊的方式享受“做好事”,用“欢爽”这个词最好地描述了这一点。欢爽是一种特殊类型的矛盾享受,包括对黑暗和恐怖元素的迷恋(例如,偷猎的犀牛和这些动物濒临灭绝的想法)。我的结论是,欢爽作为富有的游客参与旅游体验的核心动机,正是因为它使他们相信,他们可以通过基于过度消费的“做好事”,讽刺地克服自己过度的黑暗面。
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引用次数: 8
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Journal of Political Ecology
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