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Nation-State Reframed: The Memory Struggle over the Genealogy of the Third Polish Republic (1997–1998) 民族国家重构:关于波兰第三共和国谱系的记忆斗争(1997-1998)
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2148541
T. Rawski
ABSTRACT The article discusses the memory struggle over the genealogy of the Third Polish Republic which took place in the Polish parliament in the late 1990s. This struggle ensued around the National Independence Day and was decisive in establishing the symbolic definition of Polish post-1989 statehood as anti-communist. The article demonstrates how post-Solidarity mnemonic “warriors,” who promoted an anti-communist definition of statehood aimed at full criminalization of postwar state socialism, overruled the alternative definition that was developed by post-communist “pluralists” and based on the partial approval of state socialism. Thus, the post-Solidarity “warriors” reframed nation-state by establishing their own definition of statehood as the only legitimate one.
摘要本文论述了20世纪90年代末在波兰议会中发生的关于波兰第三共和国家谱的记忆斗争。这场斗争发生在国家独立日前后,对确立1989年后波兰国家反共的象征性定义起到了决定性作用。这篇文章展示了后团结工会的助记符“战士”是如何推翻后共产主义“多元主义者”提出的、基于对国家社会主义的部分认可的替代定义的。因此,后团结主义时代的“战士”通过将自己的国家定义为唯一合法的国家,重新定义了民族国家。
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引用次数: 0
Public Perceptions of Russia’s Gulag Memory Museums 公众对俄罗斯古拉格记忆博物馆的看法
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2152052
A. Kravtsova, Elena L. Omelchenko
ABSTRACT In this article we address the question of how residents of several Russian urban centers perceive museums with displays highlighting Soviet political repressions (in particular, the Gulag). The empirical base consists of focus groups with different age groups. The method of intergenerational analysis was used to compare respondents’ narratives in order to understand how their different life experiences and time distances from the tragic events of Soviet history affect their attitudes to such museums in urban spaces and their perceptions of how these museums shape local identities.
摘要在这篇文章中,我们讨论了几个俄罗斯城市中心的居民如何看待博物馆,这些博物馆的展品突出了苏联的政治镇压(尤其是古拉格)。经验基础由不同年龄组的焦点群体组成。代际分析方法用于比较受访者的叙述,以了解他们与苏联历史悲剧事件的不同生活经历和时间距离如何影响他们对城市空间中此类博物馆的态度,以及他们对这些博物馆如何塑造当地身份的看法。
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引用次数: 0
Social Mobilization in Belarus - The Polish Perspective 波兰视角下的白俄罗斯社会动员
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2152839
Agnieszka Miarka
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引用次数: 0
More Remote Yet More Connected? Physical Accessibility and New International Contacts in Tajikistan’s Pamirs Since 1991 更遥远的距离,更紧密的联系?1991年以来塔吉克斯坦帕米尔高原的交通便利性和新的国际联系
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2149557
Mélanie Sadozaï, Suzy Blondin
ABSTRACT After the end of the USSR, the mobility infrastructure in Tajikistan followed a trajectory of decay. Transport systems had to be reorganized, mobility practices had to be reshaped, and some areas became less accessible. Meanwhile, new international connections have emerged thanks to new political openness. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2014 and 2022, this paper offers an empirical analysis of the nexus between remoteness and connectivity by looking at the evolution of physical infrastructure in Tajikistan’s VMKB province over the past thirty years and discussing the rather contradictory yet simultaneous processes of internationalization and marginalization.
苏联解体后,塔吉克斯坦的交通基础设施呈现出衰败的趋势。运输系统必须重新组织,交通方式必须重新调整,一些地区变得难以进入。与此同时,由于新的政治开放,新的国际联系已经出现。基于2014年至2022年间进行的民族志田野调查,本文通过观察塔吉克斯坦VMKB省过去30年物理基础设施的演变,并讨论了国际化和边缘化这一相当矛盾但同时发生的过程,对偏远与连通性之间的关系进行了实证分析。
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引用次数: 1
Russia as a Norm Entrepreneur: Crimea and Humanitarian Intervention 作为规范企业家的俄罗斯:克里米亚和人道主义干预
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2132405
Betcy Jose, C. Stefes
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引用次数: 1
Pandemic Decentralization: COVID-19 and Principal–Agent Relations in Russia 流行病分权:俄罗斯的COVID-19和委托代理关系
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2111313
I. Busygina, Stanislav Klimovich
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引用次数: 4
Regulating Competition in the Digital Platform Economy: Russia and China Compared 数字平台经济中的竞争监管:俄罗斯与中国的比较
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-13 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2117199
T. Remington, Jiwei Qian, S. Avdasheva
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引用次数: 0
Economic Discontent and Anti-System Political Parties in the Czech Republic 捷克的经济不满与反体制政党
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-08 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2117197
O. Kuba, O. Hudec, J. Stejskal
ABSTRACT Study examines the results of the 2017 elections to the Czech Chamber of Deputies based on the administrative districts of municipalities. Beta regression and Seemingly Unrelated Regression models identify main determinants of voting for anti-system parties and/or voter absenteeism. The results show that the greatest electoral dissatisfaction occurs in regions dominated by agriculture and mining industries, particularly the former Sudetenland. This territory, emptied after the WWII, was often inhabited by people who either were looking for an easy way to gain the property left by the displaced Germans or were forced to move there by the former communist regime.
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引用次数: 1
Environmental Regionalism and International Organizations: Implications for Post-Communism 环境区域主义与国际组织:对后共产主义的启示
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2044353
Anastassia V. Obydenkova
ABSTRACT Regional international organizations (IOs) are considered to be among the most efficient platforms in promoting an environmental agenda at global, regional, and national levels. Yet, the dialogue between studies of global environmental politics and comparative regionalism is quite recent. The emergence of non-democratic regional organizations (NDROs) is among the most recent discoveries in comparative regionalism and their implications for environmental politics are to be considered. How do NDROs matter in promoting an environmental agenda? How do IOs advance the environmental agenda across the post-Communist region? This Special Issue aspires us to answer these questions through establishing a deeper dialogue between studies of environmental regionalism and authoritarian regionalism. This introduction lays out the theoretical ground for the collection of articles in this Special Issue. It proposes a definition and typology of environmental regionalism (ER) that distinguishes between democratic and autocratic ER. It then analyzes the contributions to the Special Issue within this new theoretical framework.
摘要区域国际组织被认为是在全球、区域和国家层面推动环境议程的最有效平台之一。然而,全球环境政治研究与比较区域主义之间的对话是最近才开始的。非民主区域组织的出现是比较区域主义的最新发现之一,它们对环境政治的影响值得考虑。NDRO在促进环境议程方面有何作用?国际组织如何在后共产主义地区推进环境议程?本期特刊希望我们通过在环境区域主义和威权区域主义研究之间建立更深入的对话来回答这些问题。这一引言为本期特刊的文章集奠定了理论基础。提出了区分民主和专制环境区域主义的环境区域论的定义和类型,并在此新的理论框架下分析了其对《特刊》的贡献。
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引用次数: 9
Sustainable Development and Actors of Regional Environmental Governance: Eurasia at the Crossroads 可持续发展和区域环境治理的行动者:欧亚大陆的十字路口
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2109116
Anastassia V. Obydenkova
The year 2022 has witnessed highly turbulent changes in all aspects of world politics and socioeconomic development, directly affecting global environmental politics and posing new challenges to the sustainable development agenda. This concluding essay places the articles of this special issue into this new dynamic global context, accounting for the rising importance of new actors and changes in regional environmental governance in Eurasia. How has the international security crisis triggered by the Russo-Ukrainian war affected sustainable development in Eurasia? What are the implications and lessons (if any) for environmental regional governance? It is safe to suggest that many issues—including public commitments and perceptions, the priorities of governments around the world, an actual increase in the risk of nuclear destruction, the ecological consequences of the war, the energy crisis in Europe, among other factors—have all modified the state of the prewar environmental agenda. Two new articles in this special issue, by Lada Kochtcheeva (2021) and Eva-Marie Dubuisson (2020), have been welcome additions to the collection, shedding ample light on the state of sustainable development prior to the events of 2022 and on the importance of Eurasia in the context of regional environmental governance. Moreover, both articles allow us to make tentative predictions regarding the future prospects of environmental politics, public environmentalism, and the role of regional international organizations (IOs). Kochtcheeva (2021) looks at the importance of international influence in shaping Russia’s stance in global environmental politics and the importance of global image-building for the Russian government before 2022. Among other things, she argues that international influence has been one of the most crucial factors in making Russia’s government more pro-environmental. Similarly, Dubuisson (2020) looks into the nexus of international influence between the United Nations (UN), the Kazakh government, and people in Kazakhstan. Both papers are interconnected through their focus on the impact of international influence on the environmental agenda of non-democratic states. Both studies emphasize the importance of international engagement in shaping the environmental agenda in Russia and Kazakhstan. To extend their line of argument, we also ponder the consequences of international isolation and exclusion for the future prospects of sustainable development in Eurasia and beyond. In what follows, we will dive into details regarding the importance of people in autocratic regional environmental governance, as well as the importance of international influence on autocracies’ stance in sustainable development. How can people and international engagement modify autocratic environmental regionalism (AER)? What changes are taking place in regard to environmental regionalism in Eurasia? These questions have become highly important to understand the perspectives of cooperat
2022年,世界政治和社会经济发展各方面发生了高度动荡的变化,直接影响了全球环境政治,对可持续发展议程提出了新的挑战。这篇结论性文章将本期特刊的文章置于这一充满活力的新全球背景下,阐述了欧亚大陆区域环境治理中新参与者和变化的日益重要的意义。俄乌战争引发的国际安全危机如何影响欧亚大陆的可持续发展?对环境区域治理有什么影响和教训(如果有的话)?可以肯定的是,许多问题——包括公众承诺和看法、世界各国政府的优先事项、核破坏风险的实际增加、战争的生态后果、欧洲的能源危机等因素——都改变了战前环境议程的现状。Lada Kochtcheeva(2021)和Eva-Marie Dubuisson(2020)在本期特刊中的两篇新文章是受欢迎的补充,充分阐明了2022年事件之前的可持续发展状况,以及欧亚大陆在区域环境治理中的重要性。此外,这两篇文章都使我们能够对环境政治、公共环境保护主义和区域国际组织的作用的未来前景做出初步预测。Kochtcheva(2021)着眼于国际影响力在塑造俄罗斯在全球环境政治中的立场方面的重要性,以及2022年之前俄罗斯政府全球形象建设的重要性。除其他外,她认为,国际影响力是使俄罗斯政府更加环保的最关键因素之一。同样,Dubuisson(2020)研究了联合国、哈萨克斯坦政府和哈萨克斯坦人民之间的国际影响力关系。这两份文件通过关注国际影响对非民主国家环境议程的影响而相互关联。这两项研究都强调了国际参与对俄罗斯和哈萨克斯坦制定环境议程的重要性。为了扩展他们的论点,我们还思考了国际孤立和排斥对欧亚大陆及其他地区未来可持续发展前景的影响。在下文中,我们将深入探讨人民在专制区域环境治理中的重要性,以及国际影响对专制国家在可持续发展中的立场的重要性。人民和国际参与如何改变专制的环境区域主义?欧亚大陆的环境区域主义正在发生什么变化?这些问题对于理解欧亚大陆可持续发展合作的前景变得非常重要。
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引用次数: 7
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Problems of Post-Communism
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