Pub Date : 2021-10-15DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1987269
Emil Edenborg
ABSTRACT This article proposes Maarten Hajer’s concept of discourse coalition for analyzing anti-gender politics and its interlinkages with other forms of opposition to sexual and gender equality. The perspective conceptualizes how actors with disparate ideological, philosophical, and religious views can communicate and produce meaningful interventions, if they share certain storylines. This primarily conceptual contribution is illustrated with a study of how “traditional values” are promoted by the Russian state. Two storylines, stressing the needs to protect “traditional values” from outside interference, and children from harmful sexual information, enable discursive affinities and interconnections across differences, domestically, internationally, and transnationally.
{"title":"Anti-Gender Politics as Discourse Coalitions: Russia’s Domestic and International Promotion of “Traditional Values”","authors":"Emil Edenborg","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1987269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1987269","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article proposes Maarten Hajer’s concept of discourse coalition for analyzing anti-gender politics and its interlinkages with other forms of opposition to sexual and gender equality. The perspective conceptualizes how actors with disparate ideological, philosophical, and religious views can communicate and produce meaningful interventions, if they share certain storylines. This primarily conceptual contribution is illustrated with a study of how “traditional values” are promoted by the Russian state. Two storylines, stressing the needs to protect “traditional values” from outside interference, and children from harmful sexual information, enable discursive affinities and interconnections across differences, domestically, internationally, and transnationally.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"175 - 184"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43067663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-14DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1983443
Daria Khlevnyuk
ABSTRACT Collective memories of different events often interact. There are multiple possible modes of such interaction. This article explores the interrelation of two memories in the Russian memory landscape: memories of Stalin’s repressions and the first post-Soviet decade, the 1990s. It shows that in museum exhibitions about the repressions, the 1990s are invoked in different modes. The interaction of the two memories has varying outcomes, including “silencing” through cacophonous commemoration and a “magnifying” effect of multidirectional memories. The article aims to open up the discussion of the complexity of the interrelation of the two memories.
{"title":"“Silencing” or “Magnifying” Memories? Stalin’s Repressions and the 1990s in Russian Museums","authors":"Daria Khlevnyuk","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1983443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1983443","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Collective memories of different events often interact. There are multiple possible modes of such interaction. This article explores the interrelation of two memories in the Russian memory landscape: memories of Stalin’s repressions and the first post-Soviet decade, the 1990s. It shows that in museum exhibitions about the repressions, the 1990s are invoked in different modes. The interaction of the two memories has varying outcomes, including “silencing” through cacophonous commemoration and a “magnifying” effect of multidirectional memories. The article aims to open up the discussion of the complexity of the interrelation of the two memories.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"508 - 517"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48924202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-14DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1974889
Victor Agadjanian
ABSTRACT Post-Soviet religious dynamics have attracted considerable scholarly attention, but their complexities remain poorly understood. Ethnic and gender intersections of religious identity and behavior are particularly understudied. This study examines these complexities and intersections using data of two rounds of a nationally representative survey from Kyrgyzstan, a multi-religious and multi-ethnic nation. The multivariable analyses of subjective religious salience and religious practice produced both expected and unexpected gendered variations by religion, ethnicity, and region, as well as instructive temporal trends in these variations. The findings are interpreted through the prism of broader societal transformations in Kyrgyzstan and elsewhere in post-Communist Central Eurasia.
{"title":"An Uneven Revival: Gendered Ethno-Regional Intersections of Religiousness in Kyrgyzstan","authors":"Victor Agadjanian","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1974889","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1974889","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Post-Soviet religious dynamics have attracted considerable scholarly attention, but their complexities remain poorly understood. Ethnic and gender intersections of religious identity and behavior are particularly understudied. This study examines these complexities and intersections using data of two rounds of a nationally representative survey from Kyrgyzstan, a multi-religious and multi-ethnic nation. The multivariable analyses of subjective religious salience and religious practice produced both expected and unexpected gendered variations by religion, ethnicity, and region, as well as instructive temporal trends in these variations. The findings are interpreted through the prism of broader societal transformations in Kyrgyzstan and elsewhere in post-Communist Central Eurasia.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"317 - 328"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49609627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-13DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1987270
Ov Cristian Norocel, Ionela Băluță
ABSTRACT We approach critically the assertion that a referendum ultimately defends the “traditional family,” by examining the articulation of anti-gender politics in Romanian parliamentary debates. We contribute theoretically by employing the concept of retrogressive mobilization in plebiscitary circumstances. We show that in Romania the contours of retrogressive mobilization transgress both the ideological left–right cleavage, and even party loyalty. We demonstrate how the ideological work done for the fantasmatic logics of retrogressive mobilization articulates two antithetical narrative scenarios, both centering on the Orthodox “nature” of the Romanian nation, whose existence and survival are said to hinge on the protection of the “traditional family” from “LGBT ideology.”
{"title":"Retrogressive Mobilization in the 2018 “Referendum for Family” in Romania","authors":"Ov Cristian Norocel, Ionela Băluță","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1987270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1987270","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We approach critically the assertion that a referendum ultimately defends the “traditional family,” by examining the articulation of anti-gender politics in Romanian parliamentary debates. We contribute theoretically by employing the concept of retrogressive mobilization in plebiscitary circumstances. We show that in Romania the contours of retrogressive mobilization transgress both the ideological left–right cleavage, and even party loyalty. We demonstrate how the ideological work done for the fantasmatic logics of retrogressive mobilization articulates two antithetical narrative scenarios, both centering on the Orthodox “nature” of the Romanian nation, whose existence and survival are said to hinge on the protection of the “traditional family” from “LGBT ideology.”","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"153 - 162"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49031364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-08DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1974885
E. Minaeva, P. Panov
ABSTRACT Dense networks are supposed to allow political machines to solve the “commitment problem” that is typical for electoral mobilization. Highlighting the effect of dense networks, we study the features of local communities that facilitate their emergence: countryside, small size of a settlement, and “segregated” type of ethnic groups’ localization in relation to each other. On the ground of the 2016 Duma elections, an original dataset based on local-level data and GIS techniques, we examine these attributes of local units in the combination with ethnic structure, and find moderator-type effects that indirectly prove the importance of dense networks in electoral mobilization.
{"title":"Dense Networks, Ethnic Minorities, and Electoral Mobilization in Contemporary Russia","authors":"E. Minaeva, P. Panov","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1974885","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1974885","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Dense networks are supposed to allow political machines to solve the “commitment problem” that is typical for electoral mobilization. Highlighting the effect of dense networks, we study the features of local communities that facilitate their emergence: countryside, small size of a settlement, and “segregated” type of ethnic groups’ localization in relation to each other. On the ground of the 2016 Duma elections, an original dataset based on local-level data and GIS techniques, we examine these attributes of local units in the combination with ethnic structure, and find moderator-type effects that indirectly prove the importance of dense networks in electoral mobilization.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"376 - 387"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41418374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-08DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1974886
Dilnoza Ubaydullaeva
ABSTRACT While many states move from elite to mass higher education (HE) systems, little is known as to why some authoritarian developing states resist this transition. In post-Soviet Uzbekistan the tertiary system was consciously restricted to cover roughly 10% of the population; a situation that continued for more than two decades. This paper argues that it is the securitization of the role of HE growth that confronts the transition of HE from elite to mass systems. To support this argument, the paper analyses Uzbekistan’s HE policy and the notorious 1992 student protests that legitimized the securitization of HE expansion in the country.
{"title":"Securitization of Higher Education Expansion in Authoritarian States: Uzbekistan’s Seemingly “Elite” Tertiary System","authors":"Dilnoza Ubaydullaeva","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1974886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1974886","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While many states move from elite to mass higher education (HE) systems, little is known as to why some authoritarian developing states resist this transition. In post-Soviet Uzbekistan the tertiary system was consciously restricted to cover roughly 10% of the population; a situation that continued for more than two decades. This paper argues that it is the securitization of the role of HE growth that confronts the transition of HE from elite to mass systems. To support this argument, the paper analyses Uzbekistan’s HE policy and the notorious 1992 student protests that legitimized the securitization of HE expansion in the country.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"305 - 316"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47306083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-07DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1969250
Paradorn Rangsimaporn
ABSTRACT The article examines Kazakhstan’s relations with Southeast Asia, an area of study which has been given little attention so far. It firstly analyzes Kazakhstan’s multivector foreign policy, arguing that Kazakhstan has been trying to pursue an omnidirectional hedging strategy by diversifying its partners to enhance its strategic space. Secondly, it looks at how Southeast Asia is seen as part of this strategy, particularly as alternative economic partners for Kazakhstan. It argues that there are greater opportunities for enhanced economic interaction due to Kazakhstan’s central role in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), membership of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) that is shifting toward Asia, and reinvigorated economic diplomacy. Thirdly, it examines Kazakhstan’s relations with five key Southeast Asian states – Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, Indonesia, and Thailand – which are Kazakhstan’s largest trading partners in the region and arguably viewed as the Southeast Asian countries with the most potential to play a role in Kazakhstan’s omnidirectional hedging strategy.
{"title":"Southeast Asia in Kazakhstan’s Omnidirectional Hedging Strategy","authors":"Paradorn Rangsimaporn","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1969250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1969250","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article examines Kazakhstan’s relations with Southeast Asia, an area of study which has been given little attention so far. It firstly analyzes Kazakhstan’s multivector foreign policy, arguing that Kazakhstan has been trying to pursue an omnidirectional hedging strategy by diversifying its partners to enhance its strategic space. Secondly, it looks at how Southeast Asia is seen as part of this strategy, particularly as alternative economic partners for Kazakhstan. It argues that there are greater opportunities for enhanced economic interaction due to Kazakhstan’s central role in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), membership of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) that is shifting toward Asia, and reinvigorated economic diplomacy. Thirdly, it examines Kazakhstan’s relations with five key Southeast Asian states – Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, Indonesia, and Thailand – which are Kazakhstan’s largest trading partners in the region and arguably viewed as the Southeast Asian countries with the most potential to play a role in Kazakhstan’s omnidirectional hedging strategy.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"277 - 289"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44907534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-07DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1974884
E. Klimenko
ABSTRACT Does the Kremlin have a coherent approach in the way it deals with the memory of the Soviet atrocities? If so, what does it consist in? In this paper, I address these questions by turning to a study of the “Russia—My History” chain of multimedia historical parks. I reconstruct the interpretation of the Soviet atrocities as it is (re)produced in the Moscow-located headquarters of the chain and the broader historical interpretation that this interpretation—at the same time statist and patriotic—is nested within. I argue that this interpretation is indicative of the Kremlin’s way of dealing with Russia’s difficult past, which consists in transforming it into a tool of ingenious political manipulation.
{"title":"Politically Useful Tragedies: The Soviet Atrocities in the Historical Park(s) “Russia — My History”","authors":"E. Klimenko","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1974884","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1974884","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Does the Kremlin have a coherent approach in the way it deals with the memory of the Soviet atrocities? If so, what does it consist in? In this paper, I address these questions by turning to a study of the “Russia—My History” chain of multimedia historical parks. I reconstruct the interpretation of the Soviet atrocities as it is (re)produced in the Moscow-located headquarters of the chain and the broader historical interpretation that this interpretation—at the same time statist and patriotic—is nested within. I argue that this interpretation is indicative of the Kremlin’s way of dealing with Russia’s difficult past, which consists in transforming it into a tool of ingenious political manipulation.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"544 - 556"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47051932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-10DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1968912
L. Kochtcheeva
ABSTRACT This article demonstrates that Russia’s climate positioning has been based on nuanced and powerful conceptions of national interests, international engagement, and Russia’s role in the world. Domestically, climate mitigation actions are driven by concerns of economic competitiveness, energy efficiency, and security interests. Internationally, Russia’s active participation is offset by inertia, disagreements, and ambivalence in adopting and implementing climate policy. Russia’s climate approach is a consequence of contradictions between the structure of the economy, domestic preferences, and an ambitious foreign policy, as Russian leaders seek to advance the country’s image as an assertive global actor in solving pressing world problems.
{"title":"Foreign Policy, National Interests, and Environmental Positioning: Russia’s Post Paris Climate Change Actions, Discourse, and Engagement","authors":"L. Kochtcheeva","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1968912","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1968912","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article demonstrates that Russia’s climate positioning has been based on nuanced and powerful conceptions of national interests, international engagement, and Russia’s role in the world. Domestically, climate mitigation actions are driven by concerns of economic competitiveness, energy efficiency, and security interests. Internationally, Russia’s active participation is offset by inertia, disagreements, and ambivalence in adopting and implementing climate policy. Russia’s climate approach is a consequence of contradictions between the structure of the economy, domestic preferences, and an ambitious foreign policy, as Russian leaders seek to advance the country’s image as an assertive global actor in solving pressing world problems.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"69 1","pages":"423 - 435"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41358540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-10DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1969249
Yue Jiang, Xianwen Kuang
ABSTRACT This study examines whether social media censorship in China is selective for online social groups of different ideologies, namely rightists and leftists, what content generated by these groups is censored, and what censorship methods are employed on the two groups. To answer these underexplored questions, we observed censorship practices on Sina Weibo for a full month and collected and analyzed the censored social media posts of both rightists and leftists. Our analysis confirmed the existence of selective censorship on posts by the two groups.
{"title":"Selective Censorship on Rightists and Leftists? An Observation and Analysis of Censored Social Media Posts in China","authors":"Yue Jiang, Xianwen Kuang","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1969249","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1969249","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines whether social media censorship in China is selective for online social groups of different ideologies, namely rightists and leftists, what content generated by these groups is censored, and what censorship methods are employed on the two groups. To answer these underexplored questions, we observed censorship practices on Sina Weibo for a full month and collected and analyzed the censored social media posts of both rightists and leftists. Our analysis confirmed the existence of selective censorship on posts by the two groups.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"266 - 276"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49321246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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