Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2023.2208033
Ians . Jones, A. Adams, J. Mayoh
ABSTRACT Belief in a conspiracy theory may, for some, provide a social identity. Because of the nature of many conspiracy theories, social identities associated with such beliefs may be subject to varied and considerable threats. Whilst various mechanisms for dealing with social identity threat have received widespread attention, this paper introduces an as yet unexplored strategy – that of ‘motivated ignorance' – as a further mechanism for social identity maintenance. This is a behavior where individuals actively avoid freely available and accessible information in order to protect a social identity from information that may be harmful to the existence of the broader social group, and thus the individual’s own sense of self. Using a netnographic approach, we explored motivated ignorance related to the social identities formed around beliefs in the Flat Earth. Data revealed two categories of motivated ignorance. Firstly, that of ‘poisoning the well', where ignorance was justified by derogating the perceived epistemic quality of the information. The second was more instrumental, through ad hominem attacks on the source rather than the epistemic quality of information. The study suggests that motivated ignorance may be used as a strategy that may be used to protect social identities that are under threat, adding a further mechanism to the literature on coping with social identity threat.
{"title":"Motivated ignorance and social identity threat: the case of the Flat Earth","authors":"Ians . Jones, A. Adams, J. Mayoh","doi":"10.1080/13504630.2023.2208033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2023.2208033","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Belief in a conspiracy theory may, for some, provide a social identity. Because of the nature of many conspiracy theories, social identities associated with such beliefs may be subject to varied and considerable threats. Whilst various mechanisms for dealing with social identity threat have received widespread attention, this paper introduces an as yet unexplored strategy – that of ‘motivated ignorance' – as a further mechanism for social identity maintenance. This is a behavior where individuals actively avoid freely available and accessible information in order to protect a social identity from information that may be harmful to the existence of the broader social group, and thus the individual’s own sense of self. Using a netnographic approach, we explored motivated ignorance related to the social identities formed around beliefs in the Flat Earth. Data revealed two categories of motivated ignorance. Firstly, that of ‘poisoning the well', where ignorance was justified by derogating the perceived epistemic quality of the information. The second was more instrumental, through ad hominem attacks on the source rather than the epistemic quality of information. The study suggests that motivated ignorance may be used as a strategy that may be used to protect social identities that are under threat, adding a further mechanism to the literature on coping with social identity threat.","PeriodicalId":46853,"journal":{"name":"Social Identities","volume":"29 1","pages":"79 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49402981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2023.2186846
L. Zini
ABSTRACT This article wishes to contribute to the study of indigenous identity by focusing on the role of the modern industrial state of the nineteenth century as a powerful and enduring agent that ‘makes, owns, and uses’ indigenous identity through the application of targeted artificial ascriptions. These ascriptions are the result of processes of legal reclassification and mechanisms of legal othering and legal authentication, which remaps indigenous belonging and sense of self. To this end, the article steps away from the typologies of indigenous identity as being exclusively a product of ancestral ties, territoriality, group belonging, and self-identification – and thus indigenous agency. The essay problematizes these conceptualizations and looks at the indigenous Sámi people of Sweden as an illustration. A number of key legislations and documents are used to expose how the state in Sweden reconstructed the local indigenous population into a de jure bona fide, or authentic, Sámi. These legal reclassifications progressively transformed the Sámi people's customary rights to fit the state's narrative within a discourse of nineteenth century modern industrial state consolidation, resulting in the control, reduction, legal dissimilation and assimilation of the Sámi into the greater society and state project.
{"title":"Engineering indigenous identity: the construction of an authentic Sámi","authors":"L. Zini","doi":"10.1080/13504630.2023.2186846","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2023.2186846","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article wishes to contribute to the study of indigenous identity by focusing on the role of the modern industrial state of the nineteenth century as a powerful and enduring agent that ‘makes, owns, and uses’ indigenous identity through the application of targeted artificial ascriptions. These ascriptions are the result of processes of legal reclassification and mechanisms of legal othering and legal authentication, which remaps indigenous belonging and sense of self. To this end, the article steps away from the typologies of indigenous identity as being exclusively a product of ancestral ties, territoriality, group belonging, and self-identification – and thus indigenous agency. The essay problematizes these conceptualizations and looks at the indigenous Sámi people of Sweden as an illustration. A number of key legislations and documents are used to expose how the state in Sweden reconstructed the local indigenous population into a de jure bona fide, or authentic, Sámi. These legal reclassifications progressively transformed the Sámi people's customary rights to fit the state's narrative within a discourse of nineteenth century modern industrial state consolidation, resulting in the control, reduction, legal dissimilation and assimilation of the Sámi into the greater society and state project.","PeriodicalId":46853,"journal":{"name":"Social Identities","volume":"29 1","pages":"5 - 28"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47410771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2023.2187367
Jagdish Gupta, S. Malik
ABSTRACT This paper proposes to examine Gish Jen’s novel Mona in the Promised Land from polycultural/transcultural perspective. Polyculturalism dismisses the notion that individuals’ relationships to cultures are categorical and proposes that they are rather partial and plural; that cultural traditions are not independent, sui generis lineages but rather interacting systems is another assumption of the framework. Individuals are open to influences from multiple cultures and thereby become conduits through which cultures can affect each other. A polyculturalist rubric provides a better understanding of multiple cultural identities in literary works. Moreover, the concept brings into sharp focus how cultures are changed by contact with other cultures, enabling richer psychological theories of intercultural influence. Although polyculturalism and transculturalism provide an alternative framework to traditional paradigms, this is not to lose sight of the fact that they are extensions and improvements on colorblindness and multiculturalism. Multiculturalism has had its own history of reinventions from exclusionary multiculturalism to liberal multiracialism, critical multiracialism etc. that sought to supplement its limitations. The paper examines, with reference to Mona in the Promised Land, how different scientific paradigms about culture proffer different ideologies and policies and how polyculturalism or transculturalism with their policy of interculturalism provide a valuable complement to the traditional ideologies of colorblindness and multiculturalism.
{"title":"Gish Jen’s Mona in the Promised Land: envisioning nation as a polycultural community","authors":"Jagdish Gupta, S. Malik","doi":"10.1080/13504630.2023.2187367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2023.2187367","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper proposes to examine Gish Jen’s novel Mona in the Promised Land from polycultural/transcultural perspective. Polyculturalism dismisses the notion that individuals’ relationships to cultures are categorical and proposes that they are rather partial and plural; that cultural traditions are not independent, sui generis lineages but rather interacting systems is another assumption of the framework. Individuals are open to influences from multiple cultures and thereby become conduits through which cultures can affect each other. A polyculturalist rubric provides a better understanding of multiple cultural identities in literary works. Moreover, the concept brings into sharp focus how cultures are changed by contact with other cultures, enabling richer psychological theories of intercultural influence. Although polyculturalism and transculturalism provide an alternative framework to traditional paradigms, this is not to lose sight of the fact that they are extensions and improvements on colorblindness and multiculturalism. Multiculturalism has had its own history of reinventions from exclusionary multiculturalism to liberal multiracialism, critical multiracialism etc. that sought to supplement its limitations. The paper examines, with reference to Mona in the Promised Land, how different scientific paradigms about culture proffer different ideologies and policies and how polyculturalism or transculturalism with their policy of interculturalism provide a valuable complement to the traditional ideologies of colorblindness and multiculturalism.","PeriodicalId":46853,"journal":{"name":"Social Identities","volume":"29 1","pages":"29 - 43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45990473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2023.2207460
Silvia Tieri, A. Ranjan
ABSTRACT As threats to human security, epidemics cause fear and anxiety, thus generating conspiracy theories, fake news, and discrimination. In 2020, the most widespread xenophobic reaction to the Covid-19 pandemic was Sinophobia. In comparison, India’s response to the pandemic was both conventional and exceptional. Like other countries, India recorded a surge in Sinophobia; but –remarkably– in Islamophobia too. Turning to both history and theory, this paper investigates how Coronavirus got transformed into a ‘Muslim disease’ and connected to narratives of holy war and Islamization (‘Corona Jihad’). We contextualize the 2020 Covid-related Islamophobic wave within a longer process of demonization of the Muslim that is catalysed by the beliefs and policies of Hindu nationalism. In light of Muslims’ continuing relegation to the fringe of the Indian body-politic, we propose an interpretation of the 2020 disease-induced Islamophobia as scapegoating, based on René Girard’s mimetic theory. In conclusion, the case of Covid-19 in India confirms that in divided societies collective threats like epidemics are likely to exacerbate already existing forms of discrimination rooted in the society’s mainstream memory and norms, and highlights the role of beliefs in mediating between threat and violence. This case study also highlights the deep penetration of communal discourse in India’s everydayness and its far-reaching implications.
{"title":"Covid-19, communalism, and Islamophobia: India facing the disease","authors":"Silvia Tieri, A. Ranjan","doi":"10.1080/13504630.2023.2207460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2023.2207460","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 As threats to human security, epidemics cause fear and anxiety, thus generating conspiracy theories, fake news, and discrimination. In 2020, the most widespread xenophobic reaction to the Covid-19 pandemic was Sinophobia. In comparison, India’s response to the pandemic was both conventional and exceptional. Like other countries, India recorded a surge in Sinophobia; but –remarkably– in Islamophobia too. Turning to both history and theory, this paper investigates how Coronavirus got transformed into a ‘Muslim disease’ and connected to narratives of holy war and Islamization (‘Corona Jihad’). We contextualize the 2020 Covid-related Islamophobic wave within a longer process of demonization of the Muslim that is catalysed by the beliefs and policies of Hindu nationalism. In light of Muslims’ continuing relegation to the fringe of the Indian body-politic, we propose an interpretation of the 2020 disease-induced Islamophobia as scapegoating, based on René Girard’s mimetic theory. In conclusion, the case of Covid-19 in India confirms that in divided societies collective threats like epidemics are likely to exacerbate already existing forms of discrimination rooted in the society’s mainstream memory and norms, and highlights the role of beliefs in mediating between threat and violence. This case study also highlights the deep penetration of communal discourse in India’s everydayness and its far-reaching implications.","PeriodicalId":46853,"journal":{"name":"Social Identities","volume":"29 1","pages":"62 - 78"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45845087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2023.2208036
Asafa Jalata
ABSTRACT The article examines the political and intellectual contributions of Baro Tumsa in forming the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and developing the Oromo national movement. After the Haile Selassie government banned the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association (MTA) in 1967 and killed or imprisoned its prominent leaders and members, Baro played a central role in the Oromo national struggle facilitating the birth of the OLF. This organization has been mobilizing and leading the Oromo society since the 1970s and is becoming a major political force in shaping the future of Oromia and Ethiopia.
{"title":"Baro Tumsa's contributions to the Oromo national movement","authors":"Asafa Jalata","doi":"10.1080/13504630.2023.2208036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2023.2208036","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 The article examines the political and intellectual contributions of Baro Tumsa in forming the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and developing the Oromo national movement. After the Haile Selassie government banned the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association (MTA) in 1967 and killed or imprisoned its prominent leaders and members, Baro played a central role in the Oromo national struggle facilitating the birth of the OLF. This organization has been mobilizing and leading the Oromo society since the 1970s and is becoming a major political force in shaping the future of Oromia and Ethiopia.","PeriodicalId":46853,"journal":{"name":"Social Identities","volume":"29 1","pages":"95 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42489242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2023.2236372
P. Ahluwalia, Toby Miller
The Next Big Thing has arrived – artificial intelligence (AI). But there is nothing new about AI – it has been part of everything from credit checks to customer ordering to citizen surveillance for a long time. For example, AI first ‘wrote’ a sports story in 2009, which became a model for the machinery’s extension into other culture industries (Brambilla Hall, 2018). The Los Angeles Times has had a Quakebot since 2014 that connects instantly to the newsroom with a story when a serious tremor is sensed in the Southland by the nation’s Geological Survey. Following a quick check of this draft by the human on duty, the story is published. Information on the system is catalogued under ‘people’ by the paper. There are utopic and dystopic components to the discourse of artificial intelligence. It is seen as a force disrupting the clientelismo that has dogged much of the world. Large sets of machine-collated and -sifted data have exposed international ruling-class concealment of wealth and influence, sorting different forms of oligarchic malfeasance so reporters can make sense of them (Broussard, 2018, pp. 44–46). There is a grand future for such work. Interlocking directorates and oligarchical tendencies mean that Colombia, for example, is normally run by politicians with significant media interests. The prospect of instant, unedited, on-line access to their activity has excited many (Montaña, 2014). In Brazil, Aos Fatos used the bot Fátima to counter fascist lies during the 2022 Presidential election, and some journalists find automated fact-checking improves their work experience (Johnson, 2023; Manfredi Sánchez & Ufarte-Ruiz, 2020). It is also claimed that AI can prevent mass violence by alerting activists and authorities in ‘real time’ to its occurrence and establishing whether the testimony of eyewitnesses is part of a pattern (Yankoski et al., 2021). The World Economic Forum and Reuters even see AI as a key riposte to climate change (Neslen, 2021). UN agencies collude in these unsubstantiated claims via ‘AI for the Planet’. Needless to say, public relations agencies have been major players in this mythology, planting stories around the globe (Bourne, 2019). Meanwhile, AI agents have untold negative impacts on the climate, thanks to their gigantic carbon footprints (Heikkilä, 2022; Jones, 2018; Lacoste et al., 2019; Strubell et al., 2019). More prosaically than the idea of salvation from climate change, Bayerischer Rundfunk deploys the machinery to moderate online comments. The Associated Press generates shot lists to organize a bibliography of its video holdings (‘Artificial Intelligence is Remixing’, 2023). Such uses of the technology may appear quite mundane, but they have serious implications for the quality of work and the labor process alike. For example, Dataminr®’s ‘AI for Modern Newsrooms’ is favored by more than 650 news desks worldwide. It promises ‘the earliest possible indications of breaking news’, ensuring journalists will ‘gain an e
下一件大事已经到来——人工智能。但人工智能并不是什么新鲜事——很长一段时间以来，它一直是从信用检查到客户订单再到公民监控的一切的一部分。例如，人工智能在2009年首次“写”了一个体育故事，成为该机器向其他文化产业延伸的典范（Brambilla Hall，2018）。自2014年以来，《洛杉矶时报》一直有一个Quakebot，当美国地质调查局在南部地区感应到严重地震时，它会立即与新闻编辑室相连。在值班人员快速检查了这份草稿后，故事发表了。该报将有关该系统的信息编目在“人”下。人工智能的话语有乌托邦的成分，也有反乌托邦的成分。它被视为一股扰乱困扰世界大部分地区的客户主义的力量。大量机器整理和筛选的数据暴露了国际统治阶级对财富和影响力的隐瞒，对不同形式的寡头渎职行为进行了分类，以便记者能够理解它们（Broussard，2018，第44–46页）。这样的工作前景广阔。相互关联的董事会和寡头政治倾向意味着，例如，哥伦比亚通常由具有重大媒体利益的政客管理。即时、未经编辑的在线访问他们的活动的前景让许多人感到兴奋（Montaña，2014）。在巴西，奥斯·法托斯在2022年总统选举期间使用机器人Fátima来对抗法西斯谎言，一些记者发现自动事实核查可以改善他们的工作体验（Johnson，2023；Manfredi Sánchez和Ufarte Ruiz，2020）。据称，人工智能可以通过“实时”提醒活动人士和当局注意大规模暴力的发生，并确定目击者的证词是否是一种模式的一部分来防止大规模暴力（Yankoski等人，2021）。世界经济论坛和路透社甚至将人工智能视为应对气候变化的关键手段（Neslen，2021）。联合国机构通过“AI for the Planet”串通这些未经证实的说法。不用说，公共关系机构一直是这个神话的主要参与者，在全球范围内传播故事（Bourne，2019）。与此同时，人工智能代理由于其巨大的碳足迹，对气候产生了不可估量的负面影响（Heikkilä，2022；Jones，2018；Lacoste等人，2019；Strubell等人，2019）。与拯救气候变化的想法相比，Bayerischer Rundfunk更为平淡的是，他部署了这一机制来缓和网上评论。美联社生成拍摄列表，以组织其视频收藏的参考书目（“人工智能正在重组”，2023）。这种技术的使用可能看起来很普通，但它们对工作质量和劳动过程都有严重影响。例如，Dataminr®的“现代新闻室人工智能”受到全球650多家新闻台的青睐。它承诺“尽早发现突发新闻”，确保记者“在报道对观众最重要的故事方面占据优势”。半岛电视台、美国有线电视新闻网、德国之声、《每日邮报》和《华盛顿邮报》被列为满意客户。该系统的工作原理是这样的：该公司通过算法调查黑暗和深层的网络、“社交”媒体、博客、与物联网的传感器和数字音频。来自这些来源的警报根据用户的主题和地理需求，向用户提供几乎即时的信息。这是
{"title":"The next big thing – artificial intelligence","authors":"P. Ahluwalia, Toby Miller","doi":"10.1080/13504630.2023.2236372","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2023.2236372","url":null,"abstract":"The Next Big Thing has arrived – artificial intelligence (AI). But there is nothing new about AI – it has been part of everything from credit checks to customer ordering to citizen surveillance for a long time. For example, AI first ‘wrote’ a sports story in 2009, which became a model for the machinery’s extension into other culture industries (Brambilla Hall, 2018). The Los Angeles Times has had a Quakebot since 2014 that connects instantly to the newsroom with a story when a serious tremor is sensed in the Southland by the nation’s Geological Survey. Following a quick check of this draft by the human on duty, the story is published. Information on the system is catalogued under ‘people’ by the paper. There are utopic and dystopic components to the discourse of artificial intelligence. It is seen as a force disrupting the clientelismo that has dogged much of the world. Large sets of machine-collated and -sifted data have exposed international ruling-class concealment of wealth and influence, sorting different forms of oligarchic malfeasance so reporters can make sense of them (Broussard, 2018, pp. 44–46). There is a grand future for such work. Interlocking directorates and oligarchical tendencies mean that Colombia, for example, is normally run by politicians with significant media interests. The prospect of instant, unedited, on-line access to their activity has excited many (Montaña, 2014). In Brazil, Aos Fatos used the bot Fátima to counter fascist lies during the 2022 Presidential election, and some journalists find automated fact-checking improves their work experience (Johnson, 2023; Manfredi Sánchez & Ufarte-Ruiz, 2020). It is also claimed that AI can prevent mass violence by alerting activists and authorities in ‘real time’ to its occurrence and establishing whether the testimony of eyewitnesses is part of a pattern (Yankoski et al., 2021). The World Economic Forum and Reuters even see AI as a key riposte to climate change (Neslen, 2021). UN agencies collude in these unsubstantiated claims via ‘AI for the Planet’. Needless to say, public relations agencies have been major players in this mythology, planting stories around the globe (Bourne, 2019). Meanwhile, AI agents have untold negative impacts on the climate, thanks to their gigantic carbon footprints (Heikkilä, 2022; Jones, 2018; Lacoste et al., 2019; Strubell et al., 2019). More prosaically than the idea of salvation from climate change, Bayerischer Rundfunk deploys the machinery to moderate online comments. The Associated Press generates shot lists to organize a bibliography of its video holdings (‘Artificial Intelligence is Remixing’, 2023). Such uses of the technology may appear quite mundane, but they have serious implications for the quality of work and the labor process alike. For example, Dataminr®’s ‘AI for Modern Newsrooms’ is favored by more than 650 news desks worldwide. It promises ‘the earliest possible indications of breaking news’, ensuring journalists will ‘gain an e","PeriodicalId":46853,"journal":{"name":"Social Identities","volume":"29 1","pages":"1 - 4"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48383617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2023.2194625
Muhammad Imran, N. Almusharraf
{"title":"Shaping the Digital Dissertation: Knowledge Production in the Arts and Humanities","authors":"Muhammad Imran, N. Almusharraf","doi":"10.1080/13504630.2023.2194625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2023.2194625","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46853,"journal":{"name":"Social Identities","volume":"29 1","pages":"124 - 126"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41534784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2150608
Suman S. Shanker
Love, as the most intense and pervasive of human feelings, cannot deny in it the existence of love beliefs, that is, beliefs about one’s own love and that of the others’ love, thereby rendering the imagination of a loveless world impossible. This book, the authors clarify, originates in a series of discussions surrounding the illusions in love in their own lives and that of their friends. These conversations are given a theoretical form in this book as an epistemology of love. The authors thereby introduce this epistemology of love as a reflection on the groundedness of love beliefs, focusing mainly on the kind of love that is not grounded. The illustration of this takes the form of sketches of fictional characters derived from authors’ own friends, fables, myths, and everyday stereotypical situations to a large extent. The first chapter begins by introducing the book’s premise based on eros, which is romantic love characterized by passion and desire for a lover, distinguished from philia, love characteristic of affection for one’s friends or family. It distinguishes romantic love from ‘conjugal love,’ or marriage, a more stable form of attachment. This romantic love is a dispositional state, an attitudinal property that the lover comes to possess for their beloved. It is typically encompasses three features; the physical reactions caused on interaction between lover and their beloved, the desire for prolonged intimate and sexual contact, and the thought and act of doing ‘strange’ things for the sake of the beloved, that one would not do otherwise. Thus the common properties of love originating from this disposition state are, firstly, love being passionate, is not an active choice one makes willfully. Second, is it not a characteristic feeling. Third, like any passionate feeling, love varies in its intensity and strength and is not a stable characteristic emotion that lasts in the same state throughout. Fourth, love is non-symmetric, one does not love with the guarantee of being loved in return or with the same intensity. Hence, the inevitable possibility of a broken heart. The second chapter focuses on the psychological mechanism of rationalization or the act of providing reasonable motivation to form unjustified love beliefs. The reasonable motivations themselves are not reasonable because the lover does not recognize the underlying causes of their actions. It talks about fallacies that elucidate the effects of the rationalization of love
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Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2156494
A. Belhaj
Hierarchies of power construct the category of place as restricted moral and social space; thus, power sets physical and symbolic boundaries on places to be in and on forbidden places while at the same time establishes norms, including religious ones, to ‘justify’ sticking to ‘one’s place’. Therefore, the oppressed is a double victim of physical immobility and moral degradation. In various forms, Islam has been mobilized in the black movements in the USA since the nineteenth century (Jackson 2005). To counter this double persecution, black movements of emancipation had to develop strategies of both social freedom and intellectual liberation. The Nation of Islam (NOI), the largest Black Nationalist organization in the US, the subject of this book by Stephen C. Finley, mobilized various religious symbols to restore the dignity of black people, undermined by slavery and racism in the US. Stephen C. Finley, the author of this book, is Associate Professor of religious studies and African & African American Studies at Louisiana State University; so far he has conducted extensive research on African American religious traditions and thought. Finley combines analytic tools of the history of religions, psychoanalysis and critical sociology. In this book, Finley argues that what motivated The Nation of Islam ‘was (re)forming black embodiment, or efforts to retrieve, reclaim, and reform black bodies from the discursive white normative gaze, bodies first formed in and by the pain and performance for white pleasure during the period of enslavement in America’ (p. 2). For Finley, being out-of-place means ‘not belonging, and engaging in activities that were viewed as violating established social conventions that regulate space and activity’ (p. 4). To defy these racist norms of in-placeness and out-of-placeness, The Nation of Islam invented ‘discursive, ritual, and doctrinal claims about what it means for a black body to be perceived performing not only out-ofplace’ (p. 4). Each leader of The Nation of Islam (Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm X, Warith Deen Mohammed and Louis Farrakhan) developed symbolic and social strategies for challenging the racist perceptions of in-placeness and out-of-placeness and promoting dignifying strategies for the black people. In chapter I and II, Finley shows how Elijah Muhammad (1897–1975) mobilized the Myth of Yakub (a black scientist who created the white race as esthetically disfigured, psychologically infirmed, and religiously demonic to oppress the black people). Finley maintains that the Myth of Yakub offered a theological phenomenology that explains ‘the social order, for racial
权力等级将地方范畴构建为受限制的道德和社会空间;因此，权力在可以进入的地方和被禁止的地方设置了物理和象征的边界，同时建立了规范，包括宗教规范，以“证明”坚持“一个人的位置”是“正当的”。因此，被压迫者是身体不能动和道德堕落的双重受害者。自19世纪以来，伊斯兰教以各种形式被动员到美国的黑人运动中(Jackson 2005)。为了对抗这种双重迫害，黑人解放运动必须发展社会自由和思想解放的战略。美国最大的黑人民族主义组织“伊斯兰民族”(The Nation of Islam, NOI)动员各种宗教象征，为被美国奴隶制和种族主义破坏的黑人恢复尊严。史蒂芬·c·芬利的这本书就是以该组织为主题。斯蒂芬·c·芬利，本书作者，路易斯安那州立大学宗教研究和非洲及非裔美国人研究副教授;到目前为止，他对非裔美国人的宗教传统和思想进行了广泛的研究。芬利结合了宗教史、精神分析学和批判社会学的分析工具。在这本书中，芬利认为，《伊斯兰民族》的动机“是(重新)形成黑人的化身，或者是努力从白人的话语规范凝视中找回、收回和改革黑人的身体，这些身体最初是在美国奴役时期为白人的快乐而痛苦和表现中形成的”(第2页)。对芬利来说，格格不入意味着“不属于，并参与被视为违反规范空间和活动的既定社会习俗的活动”(第4页)。为了反抗这些种族主义规范，“伊斯兰民族”发明了“话语、仪式和教义上的主张，即黑人身体被认为不仅表现得不合适意味着什么”(第4页)。Warith Deen Mohammed和Louis Farrakhan)发展了象征性的和社会的策略来挑战种族主义者对“合适”和“不合适”的看法，并促进了黑人的尊严策略。在第一章和第二章中，芬利展示了伊利亚·穆罕默德(1897-1975)是如何利用雅库布神话(一个黑人科学家，他把白人塑造成外貌丑陋、心理虚弱、宗教邪恶的种族来压迫黑人)。芬利坚持认为，雅库布神话提供了一种神学现象学，解释了“种族的社会秩序”
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