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Intercultural creative expression in two Australian performance works – Counting and Cracking and Mother Tongue 澳大利亚两部表演作品《数数与破解》和《母语》中的跨文化创造性表达
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2112662
C. Cmielewski
ABSTRACT Art can assist in exposure to difference, which may in turn open up spaces for dialogue between differences. This capacity to encourage and intervene necessarily operates at various levels and spheres and, in the arts, requires creative leadership. Creative leaders are those artists, recognised by their peers and public as artists who generate new developments in creative content to explore diversity. It is predominantly artists of non-English speaking background (‘NESB’) who bear the burden to generate the opportunities as the main producers of content that interacts with multicultural Australia. I am cautious to place sole responsibility onto the minorised and underpaid multicultural artist to transform Australian society. However, their creative leadership roles show that their work and processes can produce new narratives towards intercultural dialogues. Many ‘NESB’ artists adopt this mantle by undertaking new creative production with the potential to transform the symbols within society. This paper explores the ways in which social and creative symbols are re-negotiated through the work of two Australian performance artists. Writer and director Shakthi Shakthidharan; and dancer and choreographer, Annalouise Paul exemplify how artists from diverse backgrounds increase the level of culturally diverse creative production. They make meaning through the contestations and negotiations of multicultural Australia.
艺术有助于接触差异,从而为差异之间的对话开辟空间。这种鼓励和干预的能力必然在各个层面和领域发挥作用,在艺术领域,需要创造性的领导。创意领袖是那些被同行和公众认可为在创意内容方面创造新发展以探索多样性的艺术家。主要是非英语背景的艺术家(“NESB”)作为与多元文化的澳大利亚互动的内容的主要生产者,承担着创造机会的责任。我谨慎地将改变澳大利亚社会的唯一责任交给这位未成年、薪酬过低的多元文化艺术家。然而,他们的创造性领导作用表明,他们的工作和过程可以产生新的跨文化对话叙事。许多“NESB”艺术家采用了这种衣钵,进行了新的创造性生产,有可能改变社会中的符号。本文通过两位澳大利亚行为艺术家的作品,探讨了重新协商社会和创作符号的方式。编剧兼导演Shakthi Shakthidharan;Annalouise Paul是一位舞蹈演员和编舞家,她举例说明了来自不同背景的艺术家如何提高文化多样性创作的水平。它们通过多元文化的澳大利亚的争论和谈判而产生意义。
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引用次数: 0
Making up humans 构成人类
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2023.2186572
Tob Y Miller, P. Ahluwalia
, genetic engineering and editing, brain chips, neuroscience, and medical enhancement. Issues of state regulation, democratic participation, religion, gender, disability, sexuality, reproduction, competition, and race
基因工程和编辑、脑芯片、神经科学和医学增强。国家监管、民主参与、宗教、性别、残疾、性行为、生殖、竞争和种族问题
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引用次数: 0
More than ‘creative’: analyzing place branding strategies and Chinese migration in the City of Prato, Italy 不仅仅是“创意”:分析意大利普拉托市的地方品牌战略和中国移民
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2114892
A. Del Bono
ABSTRACT In a progressively urbanized world, the modes of governamentality adopted by city administrations increasingly focus on the adoption of strategic functions. Environmental safeguard, circular economy, and urban innovation, for instance, have been referred to, in the case of the Italian city of Prato, as the city’s orientation ‘towards the future’. Some of the ambitious projects that have characterized the recently adopted governance model of Prato relate in fact to urban forestation, connectivity, the realization of more public space and the application of ‘creativity’ as a driving force for urban development. Significantly, too, representations of Prato (as of today one of the most studied examples of migration from China to Europe) have been tied to images of a conflictual multiculturalism and to the liminal spaces of social relations within which Chineseness has often been relegated. In this article, I use secondary data and first-handedly retrieved information through qualitative methods to describe how the recent place branding project promoted by the municipality based on the concept of ‘creativity’ has particularly targeted a neighborhood named Macrolotto Zero, marked by decades of migration from China. In doing so, I discuss how the formulation and application of the place brand have generated frictions between stakeholders, as well as new transcultural alliances. These speak to the challenges of achieving a condition of living with difference in the city and provide a still-underexplored platform from which city-making processes and social identities can be analyzed.
摘要在一个日益城市化的世界里,城市管理部门采用的治理模式越来越注重战略职能的采用。例如,环境保护、循环经济和城市创新被称为意大利普拉托市“面向未来”的城市定位。最近采用的Prato治理模式中的一些雄心勃勃的项目实际上涉及城市绿化、连通性、实现更多公共空间以及将“创造力”作为城市发展的驱动力。同样值得注意的是,普拉托(迄今为止,普拉托是从中国移民到欧洲的最受研究的例子之一)的表现与冲突的多元文化主义的形象以及社会关系的边缘空间有关,在这些空间中,中国人往往被降级。在这篇文章中,我使用二次数据和第一手通过定性方法检索的信息来描述市政当局最近基于“创意”概念推动的地方品牌项目如何特别针对一个名为Macrolotto Zero的社区,该社区以数十年的中国移民为标志。在这样做的过程中,我讨论了地方品牌的制定和应用如何在利益相关者之间产生摩擦,以及新的跨文化联盟。这些都说明了在城市中实现差异化生活条件的挑战,并提供了一个尚未开发的平台,可以从中分析城市的形成过程和社会身份。
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引用次数: 0
How minor immigrants became the dominants: the case of the Kinh people migrating to the Central Highlands, Vietnam in the twentieth century 未成年移民如何成为主导者:以20世纪越南中部高地的金人为例
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2131512
H. Tam, Dinh Phuong Linh
ABSTRACT By century XX, the Central Highlands was being the traditional residence of indigenous ethnic minorities. In 1858, the French colonialists established plantations of industrial crops all over the area, which ended up forming the first wave of the Kinh people's migration to the Central Highlands. In 1957, the Republic of Vietnam government created the second wave of Kinh emigration to the Central Highlands through the Land Development Program. In the period 1965–1975, the violent escalation of the Vietnam War prompted the 3rd wave of war refugees migrating to the Central Highlands. The 4th wave (1976–1989) was the result of the efforts of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam to redistribute human resources throughout the country, in which a large part of the population from the plains was moved to the Central Highlands to build new economic zones. By early 1990s, with the worldwide ‘coffee boom’ and the legal recognition of private economic sector, the wave of free migration to the Central Highlands to plant coffee trees exploded - this was the 5th wave. The continuum of the above five waves of migration has completely changed the population and land ownership structure of the Central Highlands as well as brought great alterations to the socio-economic life of this region. While investigating such changes, our article seeks to provides a comprehensive explanation on the process in which the Kinh gained their dominance on the Central Highlands over the five waves of their migration to the plateau.
到二十世纪,中央高地已成为土著少数民族的传统居住地。1858年,法国殖民者在整个地区建立了工业作物种植园,这最终形成了京族人向中央高地的第一波移民。1957年,越南共和国政府通过土地开发计划创建了第二波京族移民到中部高地。1965年至1975年期间,越南战争的暴力升级促使第三波战争难民移民到中部高地。第四次浪潮(1976-1989)是越南社会主义共和国在全国范围内重新分配人力资源的努力的结果,其中大部分人口从平原转移到中央高地,以建立新的经济区。到20世纪90年代初,随着世界范围内的“咖啡热潮”和私营经济部门的法律认可,自由移民到中央高地种植咖啡树的浪潮爆发了——这是第五波浪潮。上述五次移民浪潮的连续发生,彻底改变了中部高地的人口和土地所有权结构,也给该地区的社会经济生活带来了巨大的变化。在调查这些变化的同时,我们的文章试图对京族在向高原迁移的五次浪潮中在中央高地获得统治地位的过程提供一个全面的解释。
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引用次数: 1
A conceptual analysis of the Rohingya–host community conflict over scarce resources in Bangladesh 对孟加拉国罗兴亚收容社区因稀缺资源而发生冲突的概念分析
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2139235
Md Reza Habib
ABSTRACT Bangladesh hosts over a million Rohingya on humanitarian grounds and offers them food and shelter. The Rohingya compete with the local community for access to economic and environmental resources and public services. I analyse this competition and conflict using conflict theory, which is a sociological perspective on social conflict. I argue that while the Rohingya are unquestionably marginalized, so is the local community, who are citizens and have the right to life and livelihood. I find that the presence of the Rohingya constrains the poor local community’s already limited access and that leads to conflicts on various issues such as access to inadequate public services, local and economic activities such as labour markets and environmental resources, and there is an emerging problem of safety and security that they are facing. We can understand this as a type of resource conflict which emerges within the south-south forced migration, statelessness, and refugee-hood context between the citizens and the refugees, as countries in the Global South, such as Bangladesh, generally lack the resources and capacity to govern people.
摘要孟加拉国以人道主义为由收容了100多万罗兴亚人,并为他们提供食物和住所。罗兴亚人与当地社区争夺经济、环境资源和公共服务。我使用冲突理论来分析这种竞争和冲突,这是一种关于社会冲突的社会学视角。我认为,尽管罗兴亚人无疑被边缘化了,但当地社区也是如此,他们是公民,有权获得生命和生计。我发现,罗兴亚人的存在限制了当地贫困社区本已有限的准入,这导致了在各种问题上的冲突,如获得不足的公共服务、劳动力市场和环境资源等地方和经济活动,以及他们面临的新出现的安全保障问题。我们可以将其理解为一种资源冲突,它出现在公民和难民之间的南南强迫移民、无国籍状态和难民身份背景下,因为孟加拉国等全球南方国家普遍缺乏治理人民的资源和能力。
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引用次数: 2
Documenting disappearance: self-forgery and dissimulation as a means of mobility 记录消失:作为流动手段的自我伪造和伪装
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2118701
C. Campanioni
ABSTRACT How have migrants and other displaced and internally excluded persons used dissimulation and self-forgery in service of mobility? How can we read an aesthetics of disappearance as more than just an aesthetical choice but as a source of activism? Following Jacques Rancière [The politics of aesthetics (G. Rockhill. Trans.). Continuum. (Original Work Published in, 2000)], I understand that such aesthetic acts are capable of creating ‘new modes of sense perception’ and, in doing so, produce alternative forms of political subjectivity. In this essay, I compare migrant self-representations and creative tactics of camouflage, mimicry, and dissembling with public practices, while looking at the extraterritorial space of the makeshift camp as a paradigm for preserving invisibility and anonymity. And yet, it is not just that aesthetic acts have the potential to produce novel forms of political subjectivity, as Rancière understood, but that, in order for the latter to be true, the equation needs to be reversed: political subjects must first be recognized as aesthetic subjects. As I place the multimedia work of Cold War East German artist Cornelia Schleime in conversation with the contemporary glitch art – drawings, paintings, video – of Kon Trubkovich, who was born in Moscow and left, at age eleven, following the Chernobyl disaster, I argue that to reorient the terms of visibility, it becomes necessary for subject-producers to stage the gaze that would otherwise objectify them.
摘要:移民和其他流离失所者以及国内被排斥者是如何利用伪装和自我伪造来为流动服务的?我们如何将消失美学解读为不仅仅是一种美学选择,而是行动主义的源泉?继Jacques Rancière[《美学的政治》(G.Rockhill.Trans.).Continum(2000年出版的原作)]之后,我明白这种美学行为能够创造“新的感知模式”,并在这样做的过程中产生政治主体性的替代形式。在这篇文章中,我将移民的自我表征和伪装、模仿和掩饰的创造性策略与公共实践进行了比较,同时将临时营地的域外空间视为一种保持隐蔽性和匿名性的范式。然而,正如Rancière所理解的那样,审美行为不仅有可能产生新形式的政治主体性,而且为了使后者成为现实,需要颠倒这个等式:政治主体必须首先被承认为审美主体。当我将冷战时期东德艺术家科妮莉亚·施莱梅的多媒体作品与Kon Trubkovich的当代故障艺术——绘画、视频——对话时,我认为,为了重新调整可见性的术语,对于主题制作者来说,有必要表现出原本会将他们物化的凝视。
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引用次数: 0
Reserve army of Ho Chi Minh City: migrant workers in the Ho Chi Minh City's industrial parks and processing export zones under the impacts of COVID-19 pandemic 胡志明市后备军:受新冠肺炎疫情影响的胡志明市工业园区和加工出口区的外来务工人员
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2114893
Thi Le
ABSTRACT COVID-19 appeared in Vietnam in January 2020. The World Health Organization (WHO) officially announced the Covid-19 pandemic caused by the new strain of Coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) around the globe on 1-3-2020. From 1-4-2020, Vietnam introduced social distancing to prevent the spread of the disease in society, affecting every social class, including ‘internal' migrant workers who were often formerly farmers. This paper reports on research evaluating the impact of the pandemic on the internal migrant ‘reserve army of labour' now working in industrial parks (IPs) and export processing zones (EPZs) in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City. Internal migrant workers make up the majority of employees, at 70% to 85.5% and this article offers a chance to evaluate Marxist categories of work, along with the point of view of the systems and social network approaches, to understand how the COVID-19 pandemic impacts production activities at IPs & EPZs. The paper asks how management of workplaces in the face of the pandemic imposed coping strategies affecting levels of employment and lives of migrant workers at EPZs and IPs. Looking especially at migrant workers' strategies in facing the challenges of the pandemic, the use of Marx’s “floating, latent and stagnant” categories of the “reserve army of labour” is reconsidered on the basis of information from available statistical data and from detailed interviews and observations in the Project “Improving the effectiveness of dialogue and collective bargaining in private enterprise and foreign directed investment enterprises in HCMC” under a grant from the Ho Chi Minh City Science and Technology Development Fund, 2020-22 - HCMFOSTED.
摘要新冠肺炎于2020年1月在越南出现。世界卫生组织(世界卫生组织)于2020年1月1日至3日正式宣布由新型冠状病毒(SARS-CoV-2)在全球引起的新冠肺炎大流行。从2020年1月1日至2020年,越南引入了保持社交距离,以防止疾病在社会中传播,影响到每个社会阶层,包括“内部”移民工人,他们通常以前是农民。本文报告了评估疫情对目前在河内和胡志明市工业园区和出口加工区工作的国内移民“后备劳动力大军”影响的研究。内部移民工人占员工的大多数,占70%至85.5%,本文提供了一个评估马克思主义工作类别以及系统和社会网络方法的机会,以了解新冠肺炎大流行如何影响IP和EPZ的生产活动。该论文询问,面对疫情强加的应对策略,工作场所的管理如何影响EPZ和IP移民工人的就业和生活水平。特别是看看移民工人在面对疫情挑战时的策略,根据现有统计数据以及“提高HCMC私营企业和外国直接投资企业对话和集体谈判的有效性”项目中的详细采访和观察,重新考虑了马克思“后备劳动力大军”的“浮动、潜在和停滞”类别的使用胡志明市科学技术发展基金拨款,2020-22年-胡志明市科技发展基金。
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引用次数: 0
Voting for Identity 身份投票
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2145038
P. Ahluwalia, Toby Miller
It used to be said that economics and foreign affairs (the latter to a lesser extent) were the crucial psephological factors in democracies. They continue to matter, and can have determining effects. But other elements have become central as well. And a series of remarkable plebiscites and elections in the recent past has been contested with direct reference to social identities. Thinking back to 2016 plebiscites, the vote against peace in Colombia—albeit a narrow one, and with a minority of voters participating—was partially about evangelical Protestantism’s obsessions with sex. Hence the remarkable sight during the campaign of men and women from vastly separate racial, geographical, and class formations linking arms in large demonstrations to denounce feminism and LGBT rights. That same year, the British vote against Brexit was tied to nostalgia for imperialism. In the contemporary moment, in 2022, the success of the far right in Italy is again related to sexual obsessions, blended this time with racial ones. The vote against the new draft constitution in Chile was, inter alia, connected to similar concerns, namely marriage equality and indigenous rights. The collapse of Swedish social democracy was animated by anti-Muslim rhetoric. Such trends are paradoxically tied to longstanding demands from formerly new, now rather middle-aged, social movements, notably those linked to the environment, gender, and race. For those themes have been reanimated by reactionary social movements, both venerable and emergent. Right-wing activists have learnt from ‘our’ side’s doctrines of direct action, exemplified by their January 6, 2021 storming of the Capitol and claims about threats to cultural/social identity, per “The Great Replacement.” Such movements are closely tied to patriarchal monotheism, lack of faith in democracy, cynicism re the state, profound nationalism, doctrines of white supremacy (and anxiety), a loathing of difference, terror in the face of immigration—and the use of spectacle. Six decades ago, Tom Lehrer sang of how the left clung onto culture in the face of defeat. Looking back to the Spanish Civil War and the Lincoln Brigade’s part in what proved to be a futile struggle against Francisco Franco’s fascism, Lehrer drolly noted in troping “Venga Jaleo” that “he may have won all the battles,” but “We had all the good songs” (Lehrer, 1965). That emphasis on spectacle became even more relevant with the stress on cultural politics and identity that came with the soixante-huitards and les événements, feminism, civil rights, anti-globalization protests, and Occupy. Today, the angry populist right has picked up on spectacle. It chants, it dresses outrageously, it cocks a snook at authority, and it opposes globalization and representative politics. Progressive tools of resistance have been seized and used against their origins. The new politics of spectacle, dominated by the right, produces uncomfortable echoes of popular resistance to tradition an
过去有人说,经济和外交(后者在较小程度上)是民主国家的关键选举因素。它们仍然很重要,并可能产生决定性的影响。但其他因素也成为了中心。最近一系列引人注目的公民投票和选举都直接涉及社会身份。回想2016年的公民投票,哥伦比亚反对和平的投票——尽管投票范围很窄,而且有少数选民参与——部分原因是福音派新教对性的痴迷。因此,在这场运动中,来自种族、地理和阶级结构截然不同的男性和女性在大规模示威活动中联合起来,谴责女权主义和LGBT权利,这是一个引人注目的景象。同年,英国人投票反对英国脱欧与对帝国主义的怀念有关。在2022年的当代,极右翼在意大利的成功再次与性痴迷有关,这一次与种族痴迷交织在一起。智利对新宪法草案投反对票,除其他外,与婚姻平等和土著权利等类似关切有关。反穆斯林言论刺激了瑞典社会民主的崩溃。矛盾的是,这种趋势与以前新的、现在相当中年的社会运动的长期需求有关,尤其是那些与环境、性别和种族有关的运动。因为这些主题已经被反动的社会运动所复活,既古老又新兴。右翼活动人士从“我们”一方的直接行动理论中吸取了教训,例如他们在2021年1月6日冲击国会大厦,并声称文化/社会身份受到威胁,《伟大的替代》中写道。这些运动与父权制一神教、对民主缺乏信心、对国家的犬儒主义、深刻的民族主义、,白人至上主义(和焦虑)、对差异的厌恶、面对移民的恐惧——以及奇观的使用。60年前,汤姆·莱勒(Tom Lehrer)曾唱过左派如何在失败面前坚守文化。回顾西班牙内战和林肯旅在与弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥的法西斯主义进行的徒劳斗争,Lehrer在《Venga Jaleo》中滑稽地指出,“他可能赢得了所有的战斗”,但“我们有所有的好歌”(Lehrer,1965)。随着对文化政治和身份认同的强调,这种对奇观的强调变得更加重要,而文化政治和认同是伴随着社会进步、女权主义、民权、反全球化抗议和占领运动而来的。如今,愤怒的民粹主义右翼又开始大放异彩。它高呼口号,穿着粗鲁,蔑视权威,反对全球化和代议制政治。进步的抵抗工具被没收,并被用来对付它们的起源。由右翼主导的新的奇观政治,产生了民众对传统和崇敬的反抗,令人不安。经过几十年的斗争,文化进步人士得到了我们想要的:身份是政治和社会政治分析的中心。但不是酷儿国家和斯图尔特·霍尔。这是福音派基督教和塞缪尔·亨廷顿。为了成功应对,我们需要重新表述经济和资本政治的社会身份,在对国家的恐惧声之外,与大众阶层对话。
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引用次数: 0
Skin 皮肤
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2109619
A. Kettler
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引用次数: 0
The roots of uprooting: migrant oral history and internationalist solidarity 背井离乡的根源:移民口述历史与国际主义团结
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/13504630.2022.2109618
Alborz Ghandehari
ABSTRACT This article explores a transnational oral history project on migrant justice which I developed in collaboration with refugee organizers in Greece and students in my course ‘Borders and Migration’ at the University of Utah. In the project, US-based and Greece-based im/migrant communities exchange oral histories with each other on their struggles and experiences. I argue that this exchange shed light on avenues for building internationalist solidarity among migrant justice movements worldwide. The project made visible some common ‘roots of uprooting,’ namely the ways in which structures of capitalism and imperialism have uprooted disparate peoples from their homelands. I thus argue that freedom of movement and freedom from uprooting emerge as twin struggles in these oral histories. I then explore the ways that both sides of the exchange underscored that community need not be defined by citizenship papers or lack thereof, by (militarized) national borders, or by people’s particular ethnic identity. Rather, participants spoke to each other of steadfastly building strong, meaningful communities based on mutual aid despite their presence being deemed illegal or otherwise illegitimate. These included a direct-action squat by refugees of a vacant hotel in Athens as well as other forms of community building by DACAmented youth on the project’s US side. I ultimately argue that these acts help light the way to a world not based on profit and its tendency to displace people, but rather based on sharing resources in solidarity. The latter roots people together instead of uprooting them from homes and from one another.
摘要本文探讨了一个关于移民司法的跨国口述历史项目,该项目是我与希腊难民组织者和犹他大学“边境与移民”课程的学生合作开发的。在该项目中,美国和希腊的移民社区就他们的斗争和经历相互交流口述历史。我认为,这次交流揭示了在世界各地的移民正义运动中建立国际主义团结的途径。该项目揭示了一些共同的“连根拔起的根源”,即资本主义和帝国主义结构将不同民族从家园连根拔出的方式。因此,我认为,在这些口述历史中,迁徙自由和免于背井离乡的自由是两种斗争。然后,我探讨了交流双方强调的社区不需要由公民身份文件或缺乏公民身份文件、(军事化的)国家边界或人们的特定种族身份来定义的方式。相反,与会者相互交谈,在互助的基础上坚定地建立强大、有意义的社区,尽管他们的存在被视为非法或非法。其中包括难民在雅典一家空置酒店的直接行动,以及该项目美国一侧的DAAmended青年的其他形式的社区建设。我最终认为,这些行为有助于照亮通往一个不是基于利润及其使人民流离失所的趋势,而是基于团结共享资源的世界的道路。后者把人们团结在一起,而不是把他们从家里和彼此之间连根拔起。
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引用次数: 1
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