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Reading, Writing, and Harassment: White–Latinx Test Score Disparities on the U.S.–Mexico Border 阅读、写作和骚扰:美国-墨西哥边境的白人-拉丁裔考试成绩差异
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1177/23326492231169248
Peggy Sue Carris
The U.S.–Mexico Border region is typified by enhanced immigration enforcement and legal violence, which are known to reduce the educational achievement of Latinx children and youth. Using data from the Stanford Education Data Archive, I compare math and reading test score disparities between White and Latinx students in public school districts in the four states along the U.S.–Mexico Border—California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas—with districts outside of the Border region. I find that reading and math test score disparities widen with proximity to the Border. Results indicate that educational and family-income differences between White and Latinx adults explain the disparity in math test scores. However, the reading test score disparity on the Border remains net of school and community factors, suggesting legal violence and immigration enforcement may be impacting Latinx youth and, therefore, increasing the size of the test score disparity. Finally, I find the test score disparities between the Border region and interior districts do not vary significantly in size across the four Border states.
美墨边境地区的典型特点是加强移民执法和法律暴力,众所周知,这降低了拉丁裔儿童和青少年的教育成就。利用斯坦福教育数据档案的数据,我比较了美国-墨西哥边境四个州(加利福尼亚、亚利桑那、新墨西哥和德克萨斯)公立学区的白人和拉丁裔学生的数学和阅读测试成绩与边境地区以外地区的差异。我发现,离边境越近,阅读和数学考试成绩的差距就越大。结果表明,白人和拉丁裔成年人之间的教育和家庭收入差异解释了数学测试成绩的差异。然而,边境地区的阅读测试成绩差距仍然没有受到学校和社区因素的影响,这表明法律暴力和移民执法可能正在影响拉丁裔青年,因此,增加了测试成绩差距的规模。最后,我发现边境地区和内陆地区之间的考试成绩差距在四个边境州之间没有显着变化。
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引用次数: 0
Toxic Debt: An Environmental Justice History of Detroit and Tainted Tap: Flint’s Journey from Crisis to Recovery 有毒债务:底特律和污染自来水的环境正义史:弗林特从危机到复苏的历程
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1177/23326492231168205
Ember McCoy
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引用次数: 1
“Why Can’t We Have Some Kind of Unity?” Cultural Contention Amongst Puerto Rican and Black Residents in Southern Suburbia “为什么我们不能有某种团结?”南部郊区波多黎各人和黑人居民之间的文化争论
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1177/23326492231169249
Stephanie A. Dhuman
This study examines Puerto Rican-Black intergroup relations in Poinciana, Florida, a new immigrant destination in the suburban south led by the country’s largest homeowners association. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with 47 residents, I interrogate interpersonal relationships, feelings of belonging, and how residents’ lack of sociopolitical agency contribute to perceptions of intergroup relations. Past research evidences both coalition and tensions between Puerto Rican and Black co-residents, including shared marginalization experiences leading to increased coalition, or economic competition leading to contention. As migration to new immigrant destinations continues to rise, this study suggests minoritized groups may hold discordant conceptualizations of their relationship, what I refer to as “cultural contention.” While Puerto Ricans describe a shared sense of marginalization and unity with their Black neighbors, Black residents express concerns over displacement. With the precarious status of the community, there are few opportunities for residents to coalesce, and further fragmentation is possible.
这项研究调查了佛罗里达州波因恰纳的波多黎各裔黑人族群间关系。波因恰纳是美国南部郊区的一个新移民目的地,由该国最大的房主协会领导。通过对47名居民的田野调查和访谈,我探究了人际关系、归属感,以及居民缺乏社会政治代理如何影响对群体间关系的看法。过去的研究证明了波多黎各人和黑人居民之间的联盟和紧张关系,包括共同的边缘化经历导致联盟增加,或经济竞争导致争论。随着向新移民目的地的移民不断增加,这项研究表明,少数群体可能对他们之间的关系持有不一致的概念,我称之为“文化争论”。虽然波多黎各人描述了与黑人邻居共同的边缘化和团结感,但黑人居民表达了对流离失所的担忧。由于社区的不稳定状态,居民很少有机会团结起来,进一步分裂是可能的。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the Positivism/Non-Positivism Binary as a Step Toward Inclusive Sociology 超越实证/非实证二元论:迈向包容性社会学的一步
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1177/23326492231170533
Vernon Headley, Annie Jones, Shannon K. Carter
This article contributes to a movement to interrogate the history and foundation of sociology. The current hegemonic narrative credits a few European men for establishing sociology as a mechanism for using science to understand social conditions amid the rise of industrialization and modern capitalism. This hegemonic story defines positivism as a central concern in the foundation of the discipline, justifying its continued dominance in U.S. sociology and using binary logic to position non-positivist approaches as subordinate and unscientific. In this article, we explore the ways early Black sociologists integrated positivist and non-positivist approaches in their work to arrive at truth and discuss ways that transcending binary distinctions facilitated rich developments in their understanding of social relations and institutions. We draw on existing scholarship to argue that privileging binary logic helped justify these scholars’ marginalization in the sociological canon and conclude with recommendations to move the discipline beyond the positivism/non-positivism binary as an important mechanism for transformation. In so doing, we contribute to the growing body of scholarship aimed at correcting the history of sociology and reimagining the foundational works and epistemological approaches to foster liberation within the discipline.
这篇文章促成了一场质疑社会学的历史和基础的运动。当前的霸权叙事归功于一些欧洲人,他们将社会学建立为一种利用科学来理解工业化和现代资本主义兴起时期社会状况的机制。这个霸权主义的故事将实证主义定义为该学科基础的中心关注点,证明了它在美国社会学中的持续主导地位,并使用二元逻辑将非实证主义方法定位为从属的和不科学的。在本文中,我们探讨了早期黑人社会学家在他们的工作中整合实证主义和非实证主义方法以达到真理的方法,并讨论了超越二元区分的方法,这些方法促进了他们对社会关系和制度的理解的丰富发展。我们利用现有的学术成果来论证,赋予二元逻辑特权有助于证明这些学者在社会学经典中被边缘化是合理的,并在结论中建议将该学科超越实证主义/非实证主义二元作为重要的转型机制。在这样做的过程中,我们为不断增长的学术机构做出了贡献,这些学术机构旨在纠正社会学的历史,重新构想基础著作和认识论方法,以促进学科内部的解放。
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引用次数: 0
Geek Girls: Inequality and Opportunity in Silicon Valley 《极客女孩:硅谷的不平等与机遇
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/23326492231168194
Grace Cole
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引用次数: 0
Refusing Death: Immigrant Women and the Fight for Environmental Justice in LA 拒绝死亡:洛杉矶的移民妇女和为环境正义而战
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/23326492231168195
Sanchita Dasgupta
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引用次数: 0
Suspended: Punishment, Violence, and the Failure of School Safety 暂停:惩罚、暴力和学校安全的失败
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-22 DOI: 10.1177/23326492231168203
August G. Smith
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引用次数: 5
Brown and Gay in LA: The Lives of Immigrant Sons 布朗和同性恋在洛杉矶:移民儿子的生活
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-22 DOI: 10.1177/23326492231168204
J. Lee
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引用次数: 1
Building Downtown Los Angeles: The Politics of Race and Place in Urban America 洛杉矶市中心的建设:美国城市的种族和地域政治
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-22 DOI: 10.1177/23326492231168202
Luis Flores
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Birthing Black Mothers 书评:《生育黑人母亲》
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/23326492221120671
R. Williams
One legacy of the era of Black Lives Matter (BLM)—beginning around the murder of Trayvon Martin in 2012, but arguably, with President Obama’s 2008 election—has been the way it highlights and provides language to identify structural racism or racialized crises, including excessive force by the police, weakened immune systems from exposure to chronic stress, infrastructural deficits that cause lead poisoning in public water systems, and medical racism. In Birthing Black Mothers, Jennifer Nash argues that if Black men symbolize the dead body, often murdered by police, then Black mothers capaciously symbolize racialized crises. Their association with crises makes them worthy of suffering. This is a shift from Black mothers’ historical designations as deviant and pathological during slavery and within welfare discourse. Seemingly, the shift from being viewed derisively to being viewed empathetically and, thus, worthy of political support, would benefit Black mothers. However, as Nash makes clear through deft and structured analyses, this is not the case. A primary consequence is that Black mothers’ association with the pain and grief of ongoing crises converts them into political currency for U.S. Left politicians and progressive institutions, where the mere mention of the conditions endangering Black mothers stands in for policy change and actual investment. For instance, in her chapter on hospitals and politicians heralding unpaid and unregulated Black doulas as the answer against Black maternal and infant mortality, Nash asks “how the state’s embrace of doulas’ fugitive and paraprofessional practices might actually stand as evidence of the state’s deep divestment in Black maternal health?” (91). Nash interrogates how and why resilience and trauma are necessary to make Black mothers legible as political subjects, making the book excellent for Black feminist scholars working in other fields, political theorists, cultural theorists, politicians, and Black feminist practitioners. She does this by showing how Black mothers are discursively locked to the genre of crisis. Nash draws upon Lauren Berlant to unpack how crisis as a genre, and not a state of being, markets pain and loss that overtly and surreptitiously puts bodies out of time and place. The genre of crisis, then, is a “relational tactic” (12) in which temporality indexes relationality. For Nash, BLM has emphasized black mothers’ positions as (potential) carriers and caretakers of Black infants, and thus, “more life.” As carriers of Black children, Black mothers represent the out-of-reach future in ways that Black men cannot; thus, Black mothers can stand in for slain Black men murdered suddenly and index the long-durée of structural racism that breaks the body down at the molecular level. Nash concludes, then, that Black mothers are, perhaps, the most symbolic of BLM as they are tied to destitute presents and potentially destitute futures. She illustrates her point by arguing how Black women’s
“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter,BLM)时代的一个遗产是,它强调并提供了识别结构性种族主义或种族化危机的语言,包括警察过度使用武力、因长期压力而削弱的免疫系统、,导致公共供水系统铅中毒的基础设施赤字,以及医疗种族主义。詹妮弗·纳什(Jennifer Nash)在《出生的黑人母亲》(Birting Black Mothers)一书中认为,如果黑人男性象征着经常被警察谋杀的尸体,那么黑人母亲则有力地象征着种族化的危机。他们与危机的联系使他们值得遭受痛苦。这与黑人母亲在奴隶制时期和福利话语中被历史认定为离经叛道和病态不同。从表面上看,从被嘲笑到被同情的转变,因此值得政治支持,将有利于黑人母亲。然而,正如纳什通过巧妙和结构化的分析所表明的那样,情况并非如此。一个主要后果是,黑人母亲与持续危机的痛苦和悲伤的联系将其转化为美国左翼政客和进步机构的政治货币,在这些机构中,仅仅提及危及黑人母亲的条件就代表着政策的改变和实际投资。例如,在她关于医院和政客们宣称无薪和不受监管的黑人导盲犬是反对黑人孕产妇和婴儿死亡率的答案的一章中,纳什问道:“该州对导盲犬逃亡和非专业行为的接受,实际上如何证明该州对黑人孕产妇健康的深度撤资?”(91)。纳什质疑韧性和创伤是如何以及为什么有必要让黑人母亲成为清晰的政治主题,这使得这本书非常适合其他领域的黑人女权主义学者、政治理论家、文化理论家、政治家和黑人女权主义实践者。她通过展示黑人母亲如何被危机类型所束缚来做到这一点。纳什利用劳伦·贝兰特(Lauren Berlant)揭示了危机是如何作为一种类型而非一种存在状态来营销痛苦和损失的,这种痛苦和损失会让身体不合时宜。因此,危机的类型是一种“关系策略”(12),其中时间性表示关系性。对纳什来说,土地管理局强调了黑人母亲作为黑人婴儿的(潜在)携带者和照顾者的地位,从而强调了“更多的生命”。作为黑人儿童的携带者,黑人母亲以黑人男性无法做到的方式代表着遥不可及的未来;因此,黑人母亲可以代替突然被谋杀的黑人男性,并在分子水平上指出结构性种族主义的长期存在。纳什得出结论,黑人母亲可能是土地管理局最具象征意义的,因为她们与贫困的礼物和潜在的贫困未来息息相关。她通过争论黑人女性的乳房(通常被视为色情过度)如何与母乳联系在一起,成为“黑人生活的技术”来说明自己的观点。黑人导盲犬通常被视为古怪人的生育伴侣,现在被认为是重要的一线工作者,保护黑人母亲和婴儿免受药物“暴力”的侵害。纳什确实阐明了黑人女性对危机的不同定位,并没有将她们锁定在“悲伤、悲伤和哀悼”的“文化授权”影响之下(9)。纳什以书的后半部分为中心,通过一个她称之为“黑人母亲1120671 SREXXX10.1177/2326492221120671种族和民族社会学书评2022”的术语,关注了危机的时间、政治和美学需求
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Sociology of Race and Ethnicity
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