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OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbab017
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbab018
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引用次数: 0
Peddlers and the Policing of National Indifference in Palestine, 1920–1948 1920-1948年,巴勒斯坦的小贩和对民族冷漠的管制
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbaa026
Caroline Kahlenberg
This article explores nationalism and consumption in British-mandate Palestine using a history-from-below approach. It focuses on Arab and Jewish peddlers who regularly crossed national, cultural, and geographic borders in order to conduct petty trade with customers. Colonial and nationalist actors worked hard to curb the ubiquitous presence of such peddlers for various reasons. First, British colonial officials regarded urban hawking as unhygienic, noisy, and not modern. Second, many Zionist actors deemed Jewish-Arab trade threatening to the Zionist principle of ‘Hebrew consumption’. Zionist leaders also expressed concern about the presence of Jewish peddlers whom they viewed as the antithesis of the idealized, Hebrew-speaking Zionist ‘New Jew’. Third, Palestinian Arab nationalists policed Arab peddlers who violated the six-month national strike in 1936 by continuing to hawk their goods. In short, in the eyes of various nationalist actors, these peddlers displayed ‘national indifference’ that needed to be controlled. By studying how nationalist actors policed everyday, small-scale peddler-consumer exchanges, we are able to understand how a ‘culture of nationalism’ arose in mandatory Palestine.
本文用自下而上的历史方法探讨了英属巴勒斯坦的民族主义和消费。它关注的是阿拉伯和犹太小贩,他们经常跨越国家、文化和地理边界,与顾客进行小额贸易。出于各种原因,殖民地和民族主义者努力遏制这种无处不在的小贩。首先,英国殖民官员认为城市叫卖不卫生、吵闹、不现代。其次,许多犹太复国主义者认为犹太-阿拉伯贸易威胁到犹太复国主义的“希伯来消费”原则。犹太复国主义领导人也对犹太小贩的存在表示担忧,他们认为这些小贩是理想化的、讲希伯来语的犹太复国主义“新犹太人”的对立面。第三,巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族主义者对违反1936年为期六个月的全国罢工的阿拉伯小贩进行监管,这些小贩继续叫卖他们的商品。简而言之,在各种民族主义者眼中,这些小贩表现出需要控制的“民族冷漠”。通过研究民族主义演员如何管理日常的小规模小贩与消费者的交流,我们能够理解“民族主义文化”是如何在强制性的巴勒斯坦出现的。
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引用次数: 2
Byzantine Parades of Infamy through an Animal Lens 拜占庭式动物视角下的不忠游行
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbaa019
Maroula Perisanidi
In this article, I discuss humiliation parades as described by eleventh-century Byzantine historians, focusing on the role of mules and donkeys in them. More specifically, I examine how the presence of these equids could change the meaning of a scene in the works of Michael Attaleiates, John Skylitzes, and Michael Psellos. I argue that, as the social and religious connotations of mules and donkeys interacted with the social and religious status of their riders, humiliation could turn to humility and emasculation to masculinity, transforming the animals themselves into carriers of political rhetoric. When reading these scenes we need to consider whether our rider is a man or a woman, a cleric or a layman, a general or scholar, but also what kind of equid they are riding and how that might be juxtaposed with other animals in the text. In addition to emphasizing the role of animals in Byzantine political life, I consider the animals’ own experience of these parades, attempting to reconstruct something of their sense of the world with the help of modern veterinary science.
在这篇文章中,我讨论了11世纪拜占庭历史学家所描述的羞辱游行,重点是骡子和驴子在其中的作用。更具体地说,我研究了这些马科动物的存在是如何改变迈克尔·阿塔利茨、约翰·斯基利茨和迈克尔·普塞洛斯作品中场景的意义的。我认为,随着骡子和驴子的社会和宗教内涵与它们的骑手的社会和宗教地位相互作用,羞辱可能转变为谦卑,阉割可能转变为男子气概,将动物本身转变为政治修辞的载体。在阅读这些场景时,我们需要考虑我们的骑手是男人还是女人,是牧师还是俗人,是将军还是学者,还要考虑他们骑的是哪种马,以及如何将其与文本中的其他动物并列。除了强调动物在拜占庭政治生活中的作用外,我还考虑了动物自己在这些游行中的经历,试图在现代兽医科学的帮助下重建它们对世界的一些感觉。
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引用次数: 1
Remembering 1807: Lessons from the Archives 回顾1807年:来自档案的教训
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbaa016
J. Oldfield, Mary Wills
This article offers new perspectives on the commemorative events organized around the UK in 2007 to mark the bicentenary of the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act (1807). Drawing from the resources contained in Remembering 1807, a digital archive of information about nearly 350 events and exhibitions held in 2007, it offers a closer look at the variety, diversity and creativity of projects organized by heritage organizations and community groups from all parts of the UK. While agreeing that much of the national narrative focused on the celebratory aspects of Britain’s role in abolition, we argue that many other projects gave voice to a wide range of concerns relating to transatlantic slavery, challenging participants to rethink the boundaries of slavery and abolition in Britain’s public history. This included highlighting the role of transatlantic slavery in hitherto unexplored areas of British history, in local stories and in broader narratives of Britain’s commercial, military, and imperial expansion. Other projects drew attention to the lasting legacies of slavery, emphasized stories of resistance or celebrated the Black presence in Britain. Recognizing these other perspectives within the commemorative impulse in 2007 can help us to (re)orientate future memory work around Britain’s role in transatlantic slavery.
这篇文章为2007年在英国各地组织的纪念活动提供了新的视角,以纪念废除奴隶贸易法案(1807)200周年。《回忆1807》是一个数字档案,收录了2007年举办的近350场活动和展览的信息,它提供了一个关于英国各地遗产组织和社区团体组织的项目的多样性、多样性和创造性的更近距离的观察。虽然我们同意大部分国家叙事都集中在英国在废奴运动中所扮演的角色的庆祝方面,但我们认为,许多其他项目表达了与跨大西洋奴隶制有关的广泛关注,挑战参与者重新思考英国公共历史中奴隶制和废奴的界限。这包括强调跨大西洋奴隶制在英国历史上迄今未被探索的领域、当地故事以及英国商业、军事和帝国扩张的更广泛叙述中的作用。其他项目则吸引了人们对奴隶制的持久遗产的关注,强调了反抗的故事,或者庆祝了黑人在英国的存在。在2007年的纪念冲动中认识到这些其他的观点,可以帮助我们(重新)定位围绕英国在跨大西洋奴隶制中的角色的未来记忆工作。
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引用次数: 0
Military History from the Street 街头军事史
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbaa025
E. Morrison
In Ireland and the Great War, the late Keith Jeffery argued that the 1914–18 conflict was an essential context for the Irish independence struggle, and that the Easter Rising (1916), the War of Independence (1919–21) and Civil War (1922–3) were integral parts of the same story. This is also the starting point of Dublin’s Great Wars, a ‘new military history’ and prosopography of British soldiers and Irish republicans who resided in Ireland’s capital city during these years. There is much to commend ‘military history from the street’, Grayson’s methodology of using ‘every source possible to draw in the military service of everyone from a given area’. Online sources have transformed the speed and ease with which researchers can search for and cross-reference information. The author’s approach is predicated largely on the vast word-searchable collections of primary-source records relating to the First World War that have become available online in recent years. Some marvellous material has been unearthed in British military pension and service records, diaries, newspapers, personal testimony and journals. Sixteen of Grayson’s twenty-one chapters contextualize and discuss the period up to the November 1918 Armistice. It is estimated that 210,000 men resident in Ireland joined the British armed forces over 1914–18, out of whom about 30,000 were killed and many thousands more wounded. This has been described by one historian as ‘proportionately the greatest deployment of armed manpower in the history of Irish militarism’. Grayson estimates that, in all, between 35,000 and 40,000 Dublin residents served in some branch of the British armed forces during the First World War, with over seventy percent fighting in the infantry. As with his previous study of Belfast, for the most part he eschews thematic analysis. The book consists mainly of chronologically ordered battle narratives punctuated with statistics, snippets of battlefield folklore – like the apocryphal recapture of guns by the 9th Lancers at Mons in October 1914 and rumours of a Turkish female sniper found dead at Gallipoli wearing fourteen soldiers’ identification badges around her neck – and biographical vignettes of individual
在《爱尔兰与一战》一书中,已故的基思·杰弗瑞认为,1914年至1918年的冲突是爱尔兰独立斗争的重要背景,而复活节起义(1916年)、独立战争(1919年至1921年)和内战(1922年至1922年)是同一故事的组成部分。这也是《都柏林大战》(Dublin ' s Great Wars)的起点。《都柏林大战》是一部“新军事史”,记录了这些年来居住在爱尔兰首都的英国士兵和爱尔兰共和派。“来自街头的军事历史”有很多值得赞扬的地方,格雷森的方法是“利用一切可能的资源,从一个给定的地区吸引每个人的兵役”。在线资源已经改变了研究人员搜索和交叉参考信息的速度和便利性。作者的方法很大程度上是基于近年来在网上可以搜索到的与第一次世界大战有关的大量可搜索的原始记录。在英国军队养老金和服役记录、日记、报纸、个人证词和日记中发现了一些了不起的材料。格雷森的21个章节中有16个章节将1918年11月停战之前的时期作为背景进行了讨论。据估计,在1914年至1918年期间,有21万爱尔兰居民加入了英国武装部队,其中约3万人阵亡,数千人受伤。这被一位历史学家描述为“爱尔兰军国主义历史上最大规模的武装力量部署”。格雷森估计,在第一次世界大战期间,总共有3.5万至4万都柏林居民在英国武装部队的某些部门服役,其中超过70%的人在步兵部队服役。就像他之前对贝尔法斯特的研究一样,他在很大程度上避开了主题分析。这本书主要由按时间顺序排列的战斗叙述组成,其中穿插着统计数据、战场民间传说的片段——比如1914年10月第9枪兵团在蒙斯夺回枪支的杜撰故事,以及一名土耳其女狙击手被发现死于加里波利,脖子上戴着14名士兵的身份徽章的传言——以及个人的传记小特写
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引用次数: 0
'I have only One Country, it is the World': Madame Cama, Anticolonialism, and Indian-Russian Revolutionary Networks in Paris, 1907–17 “我只有一个国家,那就是世界”:卡马夫人、反殖民主义和巴黎的印度-俄罗斯革命网络,1907–17
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-24 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbaa014
Ole Birk Laursen
In September 1912, the Russian author Maxim Gorky wrote to the Paris-based Indian revolutionary Madame Cama and asked her to write an article on Indian women and their role in the Indian freedom struggle. Their correspondence highlights several issues: Cama’s central role among Indian and anticolonial nationalists from across the world in early twentieth-century Paris; the inspiration from the 1905 Russian Revolution and alliances between exiled Indian and Russian revolutionaries; the role of women in revolutionary movements. Focusing on Indian-Russian networks in early twentieth century Paris, this article examines Cama’s thoughts on feminism and socialism, and the inspiration from Russian revolutionaries in Cama’s anticolonial activities.
1912年9月,俄罗斯作家马克西姆·高尔基写信给巴黎的印度革命家卡马夫人,请她写一篇关于印度妇女及其在印度自由斗争中的作用的文章。他们的信件强调了几个问题:在20世纪初的巴黎,卡马在来自世界各地的印度和反殖民民族主义者中的核心作用;1905年俄罗斯革命和流亡的印度和俄罗斯革命者联盟的启示;妇女在革命运动中的作用。本文以二十世纪初巴黎的印度-俄罗斯网络为中心,考察了卡马的女权主义和社会主义思想,以及俄罗斯革命者对卡马反殖民活动的启示。
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引用次数: 2
Creative Dislocation: an Experiment in Collaborative Historical Research 创造性错位:协同历史研究的实验
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-20 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbaa030
Robert A. Bickers, T. Cole, Marianna Dudley, E. Hanna, J. McLellan, William Pooley, B. Williamson
This article introduces an experiment in collaborative historical practice. It describes how six historians visited the East Devon village of Branscombe, with the aim of creatively engaging with the present and past of the village. This was a collaborative and collective act of what we term here ‘creative dislocation’. By dislocating from our usual routines, subjects, places, methods, and styles, and adopting creative methods and constraints, we aimed to shed light on the role of creativity in the historical research process. Our experiment resulted in six pieces of writing – three of which are presented here. However, a key argument of this article is that creativity lies in process as much as in the finished product. Creative work happened at each stage of the research process, in ways that were not always immediately visible in the final written pieces. The creativity in historical research and writing does not necessarily lie in opposition to archival explorations and fact-driven narratives, but can also lie within them. Creativity informs the questions we ask, our ways of working with the archive and our approach to writing.
本文介绍了协同历史实践中的一个实验。它描述了六位历史学家如何访问东德文郡的布兰斯库姆村,目的是创造性地参与村庄的现在和过去。这是一种协作和集体行为,我们称之为“创造性错位”。通过从我们的常规,主题,地点,方法和风格中解脱出来,采用创造性的方法和约束,我们旨在阐明创造力在历史研究过程中的作用。我们的实验产生了六篇文章,其中三篇在这里展示。然而,本文的一个关键论点是,创造力既存在于成品中,也存在于过程中。创造性的工作发生在研究过程的每个阶段,在最终的书面作品中并不总是立即可见。历史研究和写作的创造力并不一定与档案探索和事实驱动的叙事相对立,也可能存在于其中。创造力告诉我们提出的问题,我们处理档案的方式和我们的写作方法。
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引用次数: 4
A Secret Longing for a Trade in Human Flesh: the Decline of British Slavery and the Making of the Settler Colonies 对人肉贸易的秘密渴望:英国奴隶制的衰落和移民殖民地的形成
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-20 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbaa021
Jane Lydon
Focusing upon the achievement of the abolition of British slavery in 1833 has obscured significant continuities between slavery, apprenticeship, and the post-emancipation period, particularly in the new Anglophone settler colonies. During the decade leading up to abolition, domestic unrest intensified the tension between the elite abolitionist movement’s humanitarian concern for Caribbean slaves, and its leaders’ simultaneous implication in the repression of British workers – a corollary of which relegated convicts to the category of unreformable ‘voluntary slaves’. Edward Gibbon Wakefield’s 1829 proposal for colonization entered a longstanding debate about labour discipline that was central both to ameliorative slave reform and to experiments in emigration and settler colonialism, and expressed his ambivalence regarding the benefits of ‘free labour’. In the transition to new labour regimes, systematic colonization translated categories and practices developed in the Caribbean into colonial projects, including raced and classed labour hierarchies targeted to specific climatic zones. As Caribbean slavery ended and settler colonialism began, the new colonies offered a solution to the loss of the ‘trade in human flesh’ by removing dissenters from the British social order, opening up new fields for investment, and creating a disciplined colonial labour force.
关注1833年废除英国奴隶制的成就,模糊了奴隶制、学徒制和解放后时期之间的重要连续性,特别是在新的英语移民殖民地。在废奴运动之前的十年里,国内的动荡加剧了精英废奴运动对加勒比奴隶的人道主义关怀和其领导人同时对英国工人的镇压之间的紧张关系——这是将囚犯降级为不可改造的“自愿奴隶”的必然结果。爱德华·吉本·韦克菲尔德(Edward Gibbon Wakefield)在1829年提出的殖民化建议引发了一场关于劳动纪律的长期争论,这对改善奴隶改革、移民和定居者殖民主义实验都至关重要,并表达了他对“自由劳动”的好处的矛盾心理。在向新劳工制度过渡的过程中,有系统的殖民化将加勒比地区发展起来的类别和做法转化为殖民项目,包括针对特定气候带的种族和分类劳工等级制度。随着加勒比地区奴隶制的结束和移民殖民主义的开始,新殖民地通过将持不同政见者驱逐出英国社会秩序,开辟新的投资领域,并创造一支纪律严格的殖民地劳动力,为“人肉贸易”的丧失提供了解决方案。
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引用次数: 3
Citizenry and Nationality: the Participation of Immigrants in Urban Politics in Later Medieval England 公民与国籍:中世纪后期英格兰移民对城市政治的参与
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-20 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbaa013
Bart Lambert
This article explores the participation of immigrants, or people born outside the kingdom, in urban politics in later medieval England. It demonstrates that the nationality of these newcomers was of only secondary importance. What mattered most was whether immigrants’ economic and political interests aligned with those of the civic political elites. If they did not, aliens’ nationality could be mobilized to exclude them from urban politics. If, however, immigrants’ activities complemented those of the urban elites economically and politically, they had every chance to engage with all aspects of civic political life and be elected into the highest civic offices.
本文探讨了移民或出生在王国以外的人在中世纪后期英格兰城市政治中的参与。这表明这些新来者的国籍只是次要的。最重要的是,移民的经济和政治利益是否与公民政治精英的利益一致。如果他们不这样做,外国人的国籍可以被动员起来,将他们排除在城市政治之外。然而,如果移民的活动在经济和政治上补充了城市精英的活动,他们就完全有机会参与公民政治生活的各个方面,并被选为最高的公民职位。
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引用次数: 3
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History Workshop Journal
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