This essay reveals the ways that runaways and abolitionists, through their critiques of American prisons in the decades prior to the American Civil War, collectively originated the ideas and practices of prison abolition. It began with fugitive slaves who named slavery the ‘prison house’. Runaways, and the most radical amongst abolitionists, many of whom served time for their activism, used fugitives’ carceral language to grasp the place of prisons within the greater ‘prison house’ of American slavery. They actively assisted others to escape this ‘prison house’. They engaged in projects of prison reform and abolition of capital punishment. They freed incarcerated runaways and abolitionists from jails, and resisted racist policing. In the process, these radicals became disenchanted with the modernizing reform project known as the ‘penitentiary’, in some cases calling for the abolition of prisons and police, alongside the abolition of slavery. In short, because the plantation and the penitentiary merged after the Civil War, abolitionist critiques of both provided the little-studied roots of contemporary prison-abolitionist thought.
{"title":"Runaway Slaves, Militant Abolitionists, and the Critique of American Prisons, 1830–60","authors":"Jesse Olsavsky","doi":"10.1093/HWJ/DBAA033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/HWJ/DBAA033","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This essay reveals the ways that runaways and abolitionists, through their critiques of American prisons in the decades prior to the American Civil War, collectively originated the ideas and practices of prison abolition. It began with fugitive slaves who named slavery the ‘prison house’. Runaways, and the most radical amongst abolitionists, many of whom served time for their activism, used fugitives’ carceral language to grasp the place of prisons within the greater ‘prison house’ of American slavery. They actively assisted others to escape this ‘prison house’. They engaged in projects of prison reform and abolition of capital punishment. They freed incarcerated runaways and abolitionists from jails, and resisted racist policing. In the process, these radicals became disenchanted with the modernizing reform project known as the ‘penitentiary’, in some cases calling for the abolition of prisons and police, alongside the abolition of slavery. In short, because the plantation and the penitentiary merged after the Civil War, abolitionist critiques of both provided the little-studied roots of contemporary prison-abolitionist thought.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/HWJ/DBAA033","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48605574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the movement, led by prominent black British activists, which was established in the aftermath of the 1981 New Cross fire. The campaign showed how the racism long experienced by black urban communities eroded trust in state institutions, and it contested the official narrative of the police investigation and a coroner’s inquest through protests and the deployment of alternative forms of expertise. This was not an isolated case. The 1980s was a decade of disasters which led people in marginalized communities to engage in long-running disputes with the state, eroding trust in the truths presented by he state.
{"title":"Truth, Justice, and Expertise in 1980s Britain: The Cultural Politics of the New Cross Massacre","authors":"Aaron Andrews","doi":"10.1093/hwj/dbab010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbab010","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article examines the movement, led by prominent black British activists, which was established in the aftermath of the 1981 New Cross fire. The campaign showed how the racism long experienced by black urban communities eroded trust in state institutions, and it contested the official narrative of the police investigation and a coroner’s inquest through protests and the deployment of alternative forms of expertise. This was not an isolated case. The 1980s was a decade of disasters which led people in marginalized communities to engage in long-running disputes with the state, eroding trust in the truths presented by he state.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42373694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper considers the meetings of the interwar Pan-African Congress movement. It examines the Congress in the context of how conferencing became a dominant mode of international politics in the 1920s and the opportunities this offered to non-state actors. The Congress exemplified the hope which race reformers placed in the new international system established after the First World War, and in the League of Nations specifically. The paper considers three key conferencing elements in turn: delegates, venues, and resolutions. In each case, organizers mobilized the framework of conferencing to validate their political demands within this international system whilst, also in each case, their constrained circumstances required them to be strategically ambiguous with the facts of their meetings. As such, the paper encourages a broader methodological reflection on how historians approach seemingly unreliable historical sources. I argue that inconsistencies in reports of the Congress are themselves important historical artefacts of the political manoeuvres undertaken by race reformers. Foregrounding these strategies allows us to consider how political authority was circumscribed in the past, the resourcefulness of those on the political margins, and the promise and failure of international governance on the race question in the 1920s.
{"title":"The Elusive History of the Pan-African Congress, 1919–27","authors":"Jake Hodder","doi":"10.1093/HWJ/DBAA032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/HWJ/DBAA032","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper considers the meetings of the interwar Pan-African Congress movement. It examines the Congress in the context of how conferencing became a dominant mode of international politics in the 1920s and the opportunities this offered to non-state actors. The Congress exemplified the hope which race reformers placed in the new international system established after the First World War, and in the League of Nations specifically. The paper considers three key conferencing elements in turn: delegates, venues, and resolutions. In each case, organizers mobilized the framework of conferencing to validate their political demands within this international system whilst, also in each case, their constrained circumstances required them to be strategically ambiguous with the facts of their meetings. As such, the paper encourages a broader methodological reflection on how historians approach seemingly unreliable historical sources. I argue that inconsistencies in reports of the Congress are themselves important historical artefacts of the political manoeuvres undertaken by race reformers. Foregrounding these strategies allows us to consider how political authority was circumscribed in the past, the resourcefulness of those on the political margins, and the promise and failure of international governance on the race question in the 1920s.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/HWJ/DBAA032","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45849038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
From November 1954 until July 1962, the National Liberation Front (FLN) fought, militarily and diplomatically, to free Algeria from French colonial control. The eventual victory of the FLN was heralded across the globe by other liberation and revolutionary movements, many of whose members then flocked to Algeria, and specifically to its capital city Algiers, hoping to benefit from political support and practical training that would enable them to obtain similar results in their own struggles. In addition to the challenges of building a new nation from the rubble of colonialism in the wake of an extremely violent and destructive war, presidents Ahmed Ben Bella (1962–5) and Houari Boumediene (1965–78) and their socialist regimes thus also had to navigate the expectations surrounding Algeria’s new-found status as the ‘Mecca of Revolutions’, to use anti-colonial activist Amilcar Cabral’s famous phrase. Employed for her language and communication skills first by the FLN and then by the post-independence Algerian government and multiple liberation movements who landed in Algiers, Elaine Mokhtefi was afforded a front row seat to all of the above. From this unique vantage point, her memoir provides personal insights and intimate anecdotes which reveal the human dynamics that animated and shaped some of the major geopolitical events and processes that defined these decades. The book opens in 1951, as twenty-three-year-old Mokhtefi (still Klein) boards a boat in Virginia headed for France, a country she had fallen in love with from afar. Once there, she soon abandons her studies in favour of increased involvement in political activism, continuing a path first embarked upon in the United States when she was a member of the Union of World Federalists. Her introduction to Algeria’s struggle for independence and her associated realization of the hollowness of the French motto ‘liberty, equality, fraternity’, comes after she witnesses the exclusion of Algerian labourers from the annual May Day parade in 1952. Drawn progressively into anti-colonial activism and into the orbit of FLN militants, including Frantz Fanon, she ends up working for the Algerian Office at the United
从1954年11月至1962年7月，民族解放阵线通过军事和外交手段将阿尔及利亚从法国殖民统治下解放出来。民族解放阵线的最终胜利在全球得到了其他解放和革命运动的欢呼，其中许多成员随后涌向阿尔及利亚，特别是其首都阿尔及尔，希望从政治支持和实际训练中受益，使他们能够在自己的斗争中取得类似的结果。除了在一场极端暴力和破坏性的战争之后从殖民主义的废墟中建立一个新国家的挑战之外，总统艾哈迈德·本·贝拉(1962-5)和胡阿里·布梅丁(1965-78)以及他们的社会主义政权也因此不得不驾驭围绕阿尔及利亚新发现的“革命麦加”地位的期望，用反殖民活动家阿米尔卡·卡布拉尔的名言来说。由于语言和沟通能力，伊莱恩·莫赫特菲先是被民族解放阵线雇佣，后来又被独立后的阿尔及利亚政府和在阿尔及尔登陆的多个解放运动雇佣，她得到了上述所有人的前排座位。从这个独特的角度来看，她的回忆录提供了个人的见解和亲密的轶事，揭示了人类的动力，这些动力激发和塑造了决定这几十年的一些重大地缘政治事件和进程。这本书从1951年开始，23岁的莫赫特菲(仍然是克莱恩)在弗吉尼亚州登上了一艘前往法国的船，一个她从远方爱上的国家。一到那里，她很快就放弃了学业，转而更多地参与政治活动，继续她作为世界联邦主义者联盟(Union of World Federalists)成员在美国开始的道路。1952年，她目睹了阿尔及利亚劳工被排除在一年一度的五一游行之后，她开始了解阿尔及利亚争取独立的斗争，并由此认识到法国座右铭“自由、平等、博爱”的空洞。她逐渐被卷入反殖民激进主义和FLN武装分子的轨道，包括弗朗茨·法农，她最终为阿尔及利亚驻美国办事处工作
{"title":"Algiers, Mecca of Revolutions","authors":"C. Eldridge","doi":"10.1093/HWJ/DBAB006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/HWJ/DBAB006","url":null,"abstract":"From November 1954 until July 1962, the National Liberation Front (FLN) fought, militarily and diplomatically, to free Algeria from French colonial control. The eventual victory of the FLN was heralded across the globe by other liberation and revolutionary movements, many of whose members then flocked to Algeria, and specifically to its capital city Algiers, hoping to benefit from political support and practical training that would enable them to obtain similar results in their own struggles. In addition to the challenges of building a new nation from the rubble of colonialism in the wake of an extremely violent and destructive war, presidents Ahmed Ben Bella (1962–5) and Houari Boumediene (1965–78) and their socialist regimes thus also had to navigate the expectations surrounding Algeria’s new-found status as the ‘Mecca of Revolutions’, to use anti-colonial activist Amilcar Cabral’s famous phrase. Employed for her language and communication skills first by the FLN and then by the post-independence Algerian government and multiple liberation movements who landed in Algiers, Elaine Mokhtefi was afforded a front row seat to all of the above. From this unique vantage point, her memoir provides personal insights and intimate anecdotes which reveal the human dynamics that animated and shaped some of the major geopolitical events and processes that defined these decades. The book opens in 1951, as twenty-three-year-old Mokhtefi (still Klein) boards a boat in Virginia headed for France, a country she had fallen in love with from afar. Once there, she soon abandons her studies in favour of increased involvement in political activism, continuing a path first embarked upon in the United States when she was a member of the Union of World Federalists. Her introduction to Algeria’s struggle for independence and her associated realization of the hollowness of the French motto ‘liberty, equality, fraternity’, comes after she witnesses the exclusion of Algerian labourers from the annual May Day parade in 1952. Drawn progressively into anti-colonial activism and into the orbit of FLN militants, including Frantz Fanon, she ends up working for the Algerian Office at the United","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/HWJ/DBAB006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42063504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Following the foundation of the NHS in 1948, a new sub-genre of romantic fiction emerged: ‘Doctor–Nurse’ romances, usually involving romance between a male doctor and a female nurse, were set in NHS hospitals. Drawing on the Mills & Boon archive and the novels themselves, this article explores representations of the health service and notions of gendered healthcare professionalism in postwar Britain. I argue that rather than presenting ‘retrograde’ and ‘limited’ views of women’s lives, medical Mills & Boon novels frequently put forward nuanced versions of womanhood, professional identity, clinical labour, and the effective functioning of the welfare state.
{"title":"Racing Pulses: Gender, Professionalism and Health Care in Medical Romance Fiction","authors":"A. Arnold-Forster","doi":"10.1093/hwj/dbab011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbab011","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Following the foundation of the NHS in 1948, a new sub-genre of romantic fiction emerged: ‘Doctor–Nurse’ romances, usually involving romance between a male doctor and a female nurse, were set in NHS hospitals. Drawing on the Mills & Boon archive and the novels themselves, this article explores representations of the health service and notions of gendered healthcare professionalism in postwar Britain. I argue that rather than presenting ‘retrograde’ and ‘limited’ views of women’s lives, medical Mills & Boon novels frequently put forward nuanced versions of womanhood, professional identity, clinical labour, and the effective functioning of the welfare state.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44579744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On 16 September 2018, the University of Glasgow released the report ‘Slavery, Abolition and the University of Glasgow’. This acknowledged that slave-owners, merchants and planters with connections to New World slavery – and their descendants – donated capital between 1697 and 1937 that influenced the development of the institution. In producing this report, the institution became the first British university to declare historical income derived from transatlantic slavery. In response, a nine-point programme reported as reparative justice was launched, the first British university to launch a project on such a scale. This article traces both the methodological approach undertaken in the study and the historical evidence related to the University of Glasgow. This provides insights into the process of collecting and analysing the evidence on which the report and strategy was based. Current understandings about British universities and transatlantic slavery are shaped by the institutional relationship with owners of enslaved people. This article underlines the importance of merchant capital – in this case, mainly via West India commerce – to the development of one institution.
{"title":"British Universities and Transatlantic Slavery: The University of Glasgow Case","authors":"Stephen Mullen","doi":"10.1093/hwj/dbaa035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbaa035","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 On 16 September 2018, the University of Glasgow released the report ‘Slavery, Abolition and the University of Glasgow’. This acknowledged that slave-owners, merchants and planters with connections to New World slavery – and their descendants – donated capital between 1697 and 1937 that influenced the development of the institution. In producing this report, the institution became the first British university to declare historical income derived from transatlantic slavery. In response, a nine-point programme reported as reparative justice was launched, the first British university to launch a project on such a scale. This article traces both the methodological approach undertaken in the study and the historical evidence related to the University of Glasgow. This provides insights into the process of collecting and analysing the evidence on which the report and strategy was based. Current understandings about British universities and transatlantic slavery are shaped by the institutional relationship with owners of enslaved people. This article underlines the importance of merchant capital – in this case, mainly via West India commerce – to the development of one institution.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48548661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Between 1833 and 1841 the Children’s Friend Society, a London-based philanthropic organization, sent some eight hundred children from England to the Cape, where they were apprenticed to local settlers. This article focuses on two of them: Alfred Brooks, aged thirteen or fourteen, and twelve-year-old Elizabeth Foulger. Both of these children appear in archival traces because they transgressed and were subsequently disciplined by their masters. The article argues that a series of binaries shaped these young migrants’ lives: between infant and adult, black and white, and colonizer and colonized. The in-between status of the CFS apprentices had the potential to disrupt increasingly rigid hierarchies at the colonial Cape, during a time of significant social and political turmoil. The context of slave emancipation, as well as concerns over juvenile delinquency in London, affected these children’s experiences. Concerns over their categorization illustrate the complicated range of positions that migrant workers in the British empire could hold beyond simply ‘free’ and ‘unfree’. Thinking through the position of these young white emigrant workers in the post-emancipation Cape sheds light on the fragility of classed, gendered, racialized, adult and free identities in that context.
{"title":"Children In Between: Child Migrants from England to the Cape in the 1830s","authors":"R. Swartz","doi":"10.1093/HWJ/DBAA034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/HWJ/DBAA034","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Between 1833 and 1841 the Children’s Friend Society, a London-based philanthropic organization, sent some eight hundred children from England to the Cape, where they were apprenticed to local settlers. This article focuses on two of them: Alfred Brooks, aged thirteen or fourteen, and twelve-year-old Elizabeth Foulger. Both of these children appear in archival traces because they transgressed and were subsequently disciplined by their masters. The article argues that a series of binaries shaped these young migrants’ lives: between infant and adult, black and white, and colonizer and colonized. The in-between status of the CFS apprentices had the potential to disrupt increasingly rigid hierarchies at the colonial Cape, during a time of significant social and political turmoil. The context of slave emancipation, as well as concerns over juvenile delinquency in London, affected these children’s experiences. Concerns over their categorization illustrate the complicated range of positions that migrant workers in the British empire could hold beyond simply ‘free’ and ‘unfree’. Thinking through the position of these young white emigrant workers in the post-emancipation Cape sheds light on the fragility of classed, gendered, racialized, adult and free identities in that context.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/HWJ/DBAA034","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46471782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Looking at the casebooks kept by the early modern astrologer-physician Richard Napier, this article offers a close reading of cases in which he linked his patients’ ‘madness’ to their recent childbearing. Exploring this linkage, it engages with a longstanding historiographical debate about the relationship of culture, corporeality, and subjective embodiment. Napier’s ideas about childbirth-related mental ill health were profoundly gendered, and we cannot begin to understand them without studying the early modern gendering of planets, seasons, flesh, and blood. Contemporaries’ constructions of sex difference, in particular, underline the distance between their phenomenology of bodies and our own. Yet reading the case histories of these patients can give rise to impressions of familiarity, as well as strangeness. The article asks how historians should interpret the parallels between present-day understandings of childbirth-related health risks and those described in early modern England. It argues that we need to develop historical methodologies which allow room for both culture and the ‘extra-cultural’, even if we cannot separate out the two for scrutiny.
{"title":"Childbirth, 'Madness', and Bodies in History","authors":"Philippa Carter","doi":"10.1093/HWJ/DBAB004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/HWJ/DBAB004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Looking at the casebooks kept by the early modern astrologer-physician Richard Napier, this article offers a close reading of cases in which he linked his patients’ ‘madness’ to their recent childbearing. Exploring this linkage, it engages with a longstanding historiographical debate about the relationship of culture, corporeality, and subjective embodiment. Napier’s ideas about childbirth-related mental ill health were profoundly gendered, and we cannot begin to understand them without studying the early modern gendering of planets, seasons, flesh, and blood. Contemporaries’ constructions of sex difference, in particular, underline the distance between their phenomenology of bodies and our own. Yet reading the case histories of these patients can give rise to impressions of familiarity, as well as strangeness. The article asks how historians should interpret the parallels between present-day understandings of childbirth-related health risks and those described in early modern England. It argues that we need to develop historical methodologies which allow room for both culture and the ‘extra-cultural’, even if we cannot separate out the two for scrutiny.","PeriodicalId":46915,"journal":{"name":"History Workshop Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/HWJ/DBAB004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46549755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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