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Affective intensities of polarization: the making of the Islamist/secularist divide through articulations of news media in Turkey 两极分化的情感强度:通过土耳其新闻媒体的表述形成伊斯兰教与世俗主义的分歧
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2022.2087703
Haktan Ural
ABSTRACT This study examines discursive articulations in mainstream news media in Turkey, through which the Islamist/secularist divide is imagined. Building upon discourse-theoretical analysis and affect theory, the study states that news media become the ultimate domain in which polarization is fuelled by affective forces. To illustrate this point, I draw upon the representations of Istanbul’s conquest by Ottoman forces, as a privileged signifier in articulations of Turkishness. I examine the opinion articles published in mainstream news media, following the framework of ‘reading for affect’. Accordingly, I identify two contrasting moods attributing affective value to Istanbul’s conquest. Hyperbolic narratives are central to Islamist imaginaries, as they attach utmost significance to Istanbul’s conquest. Conversely, secularist imaginaries are mostly built upon satire of disdain especially in relation to the celebrations of the conquest. Rhetorical works play a pivotal role in the signification of the city’s conquest. Rather than plainly constructing networks of meanings, they are the affective elements putting Istanbul’s conquest on the stage. From that vantage point, the study argues that affect and signification are not autonomous layers of discourse. Affective intensities are indeed articulated in chains of signifiers that conclude in the sedimentation and fixation of meanings.
ABSTRACT 本研究探讨了土耳其主流新闻媒体中的话语表述,通过这些话语表述,人们想象出了伊斯兰教与世俗主义之间的分歧。在话语理论分析和情感理论的基础上,本研究指出,新闻媒体是情感力量助长两极分化的最终领域。为了说明这一点,我借鉴了关于伊斯坦布尔被奥斯曼帝国军队征服的表述,将其作为阐述土耳其性的特权符号。我按照 "情感阅读 "的框架,研究了主流新闻媒体发表的评论文章。因此,我发现了两种截然不同的情绪,它们都赋予伊斯坦布尔的征服以情感价值。夸张的叙事是伊斯兰教想象的核心,因为他们对伊斯坦布尔的征服赋予了极其重要的意义。相反,世俗主义的想象则大多建立在蔑视的讽刺之上,尤其是在庆祝征服的时候。修辞作品在城市征服的象征意义中扮演着举足轻重的角色。它们不是简单地构建意义网络,而是将伊斯坦布尔的征服搬上舞台的情感元素。从这个角度来看,本研究认为情感和符号并不是独立的话语层。情感强度确实在符号链中得到了体现,而符号链的最终结果是意义的沉淀和固定。
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引用次数: 0
Corpus-Assisted Ecolinguistics Corpus-Assisted Ecolinguistics , by Robert Poole, London, Bloomsbury Academic, 2022, xvi+208 pp., $117 (eBook), ISBN 978-1-3501-3857-5 《语料库辅助生态语言学》,罗伯特·普尔著,伦敦,布卢姆斯伯里学术出版社,2022,16 +208页,117美元(电子书),ISBN 978-1-3501-3857-5
2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2278041
Yaru Zhao
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationFundingThis work is funded by the Outstanding Graduate Education Innovation Funding Project of CCNU (Project No.: 2023CXZZ086) and Graduate Teaching and Research Reform Project of CCNU (Project No.: 2022JG26).
点击增加图像sizeClick减少图像大小额外informationFundingThis工作是由CCNU优秀研究生教育创新基金项目(项目没有。项目编号:2023CXZZ086);: 2022 jg26)。
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引用次数: 0
Responding to questions at press conferences: confrontational maneuvering by Chinese spokespersons Responding to questions at press conferences: confrontational maneuvering by Chinese spokespersons , by Peng Wu, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2023, 188 pp., €99.00 (paperback), ISBN 97890 27213495 答记者问:中国发言人的对抗性策略答记者问:中国发言人的对抗性策略吴鹏著,阿姆斯特丹/费城,约翰·本杰明出版公司,2023年,188页,99.00欧元(平装本),ISBN 97890 27213495
2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2278038
Mila Ida Nurhidayah
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引用次数: 1
Settler colonialism and therapeutic discourses on the past: a response to Burnett et al.’s ‘a politics of reminding’ 定居者殖民主义和对过去的治疗性话语:对Burnett等人的“提醒政治”的回应
2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2273324
Rafael Verbuyst
ABSTRACTIn ‘A politics of reminding: Khoisan resurgence and environmental justice in South Africa’s Sarah Baartman district’, Burnett et al. scrutinize the memory activism of the Gamtkwa Khoisan Council, which is part of the wider ‘Khoisan resurgence’ sweeping across post-apartheid South Africa. Although the authors missed important nuances, they also pointed out flaws in the way I used Niezen’s ‘therapeutic history’ [Niezen, R. (2009). The rediscovered self: Indigenous identity and cultural justice. McGill-Queen’s Press] in my work to account for why Khoisan activists turn to the past. I therefore not only respond to their criticism, but also revise aspects of my theoretical framework. Therapeutic history is not divorced from material concerns. Nor is it representative of all engagements with the past by indigenous people or simply the opposite of academic history. Instead, by drawing on my ethnographic fieldwork and theorizing alongside the Khoisan, I show how it captures emic discourses on the past that entangle notions of indigenous identity, healing, and history in order to resist settler colonialism and its oppressive etic histories. While the concept of therapeutic history has its limitations, it effectively highlights indigenous people’s agency in the face of settler colonialism in South Africa and elsewhere.KEYWORDS: Therapeutic historyemic historyetic historysettler colonialismKhoisan activism AcknowledgementsI am grateful to the two anonymous peer reviewers who provided invaluable comments. I am also indebted to scholars Egon Bauwelinck and Francesco Longo for taking my arguments seriously when they were still in their infancy. Finally, I also thank Chiara Verbuyst Pugliese for her insightful feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The correct way of referring to the indigenous people of South Africa remains a hotly debated issue (Bam, Citation2021, pp. xxi-xxviii). I am aware of the controversies surrounding ‘Khoisan’ and I use peoples’ personal preferences whenever I can. ‘Khoisan’ is nevertheless my default option because it was the most common form of identification I encountered during my ethnographic fieldwork.2 The Traditional and Khoi-San Leadership Act has since been deemed unconstitutional because there has been insufficient public participation (Broughton, Citation2023).3 Khoisan activists also suffer the aftermath of racial discrimination by virtue of their classification as ‘Coloured’. However, these grievances should be analytically distinguished from those related to ongoing settler-colonial domination (Veracini & Verbuyst, Citation2020).4 ‘Coloured’ for instance remains an option on the census. It is also used as a metric in the context of affirmative action policies.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the Fonds Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek under Grant 12ZT622N.Notes on contributorsRafael VerbuystRafael Verbuyst is an anthropologist and histor
在“提醒的政治:南非Sarah Baartman地区的科伊桑复兴和环境正义”一文中,Burnett等人仔细研究了Gamtkwa科伊桑委员会的记忆行动主义,这是席卷后种族隔离南非的更广泛的“科伊桑复兴”的一部分。虽然作者忽略了重要的细微差别,但他们也指出了我使用Niezen的“治疗史”的方式的缺陷[Niezen, R.(2009)]。重新发现的自我:原住民认同与文化正义。在我的工作中解释为什么科伊桑激进分子转向过去。因此,我不仅要回应他们的批评,还要修改我的理论框架的各个方面。治疗史并没有脱离物质方面的考虑。它也不能代表土著人民与过去的所有接触,或者只是学术历史的对立面。相反,通过借鉴我的民族志田野调查和与科伊桑人一起理论化,我展示了它是如何捕捉到关于过去的主题话语的,这些话语纠缠着土著身份、治疗和历史的概念,以抵抗定居者殖民主义及其压迫性的etic历史。虽然治疗史的概念有其局限性,但它有效地突出了土著人民面对南非和其他地方的移民殖民主义时的能动性。【关键词】治疗性历史、疾病性历史、定居者殖民主义、科伊桑激进主义感谢两位匿名的同行评审,他们提供了宝贵的意见。我还要感谢学者埃贡·鲍威林克和弗朗西斯科·朗戈,他们在我的观点还处于幼年时期时就认真对待了我。最后,我还要感谢Chiara Verbuyst Pugliese的深刻反馈。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1正确称呼南非土著人民的方式仍然是一个激烈争论的问题(Bam, Citation2021, pp. xxi-xxviii)。我知道围绕“Khoisan”的争议,我尽可能地使用人们的个人偏好。然而,“科伊桑”是我的默认选择,因为这是我在民族志田野调查中遇到的最常见的身份识别形式由于公众参与不足,传统和科伊桑领导法案被认为是违宪的(Broughton, Citation2023)科伊桑积极分子还因被归类为“有色人种”而遭受种族歧视的后果。然而,这些不满应该从分析上与那些与正在进行的定居者-殖民统治有关的不满区分开来(Veracini & Verbuyst, Citation2020)。例如,“有色人种”仍然是人口普查的一个选项。它也被用作平权行动政策背景下的衡量标准。本研究由德国科学基金会资助,基金编号12ZT622N。作者简介:strafel Verbuyst是一位人类学家和历史学家。他目前是根特大学历史系博士后研究员。自2014年以来,他一直在科伊桑活动人士中进行民族志田野调查。拉斐尔的研究兴趣是科伊桑行动主义、土著、土地主张、定居者殖民主义和民族志方法论。他的作品发表在《南非人类学》、《欧洲发展研究杂志》、《南部非洲研究杂志》和《社会动力学》等期刊上。他的专著《科伊桑意识:种族隔离后开普敦的人种学和土著复兴》于2022年由布里尔出版社出版。
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引用次数: 0
‘Trapping my way up’: a corpus-assisted discourse analysis of Black Sherif’s songs “卡住我的路”:对黑人警长歌曲的语料库辅助话语分析
2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2269276
Emmanuel Mensah Bonsu
ABSTRACTTaking cognisance of the social and linguistic power of trap music and its song lyrics as crucial avenues for language use in society, this study set out to conduct a corpus-assisted discourse analysis of selected song lyrics of Black Sherif. The study synergised Wmatrix and a socio-cognitive approach to CDA to interpret the song lyrics. The analyses revealed three linguistic strategies: (a) pronouns; (b) Ghanaian Student Pidgin; and (c) metaphors in the song lyrics that served as a means of empowering the youth to survive and strive for success despite social and psychological aggressions in life. Also, the individualistic self-representation in the song lyrics included plural identities of people who share a common experience of struggle, pain, survival, and self-empowerment. Finally, the study highlighted crucial societal issues, such as economic hardship and social injustice, that may otherwise be overlooked or underrepresented in mainstream media or academia. Based on these findings, the study provides recommendations for practice and further research.KEYWORDS: Corpus-assistedidentitiesself-representationsong lyricssurvivaltrapping AcknowledgementI am grateful to the reviewers for their constructive and critical comments that improved the quality of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsEmmanuel Mensah BonsuEmmanuel Mensah Bonsu is an MPhil candidate at the Department of English, University of Cape Coast. His research interests include Academic Discourse, (Critical) Discourse Analysis, English for Specific/Academic Purposes, and Sociolinguistics. He is a member of the Linguistics Association of Ghana (LAG) and the West Africa Systemic Functional Linguistics Interest Group (WASFLIG).
摘要考虑到陷阱音乐及其歌词的社会和语言力量是社会语言使用的重要途径,本研究着手对黑人警长的精选歌词进行语料库辅助话语分析。该研究将Wmatrix和CDA的社会认知方法相结合来解释歌词。分析揭示了三种语言策略:(a)代词;(b)加纳学生洋泾浜语;(c)歌词中的隐喻,作为一种赋予年轻人生存和争取成功的手段,尽管生活中受到社会和心理上的侵害。此外,歌词中的个人主义自我表现包括了共同经历斗争、痛苦、生存、自我赋权的人们的多重身份。最后,该研究强调了一些关键的社会问题,如经济困难和社会不公正,否则这些问题可能被主流媒体或学术界忽视或代表性不足。基于这些发现,本研究为实践和进一步研究提供了建议。关键词:语料库辅助身份;自我表征;歌词;生存陷阱致谢感谢审稿人的建设性和批判性意见,这些意见提高了本文的质量。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。作者简介:emmanuel Mensah Bonsu是开普敦海岸大学英语系的一名硕士研究生。他的研究兴趣包括学术语篇、(批评)语篇分析、特定/学术用途英语和社会语言学。他是加纳语言学协会(LAG)和西非系统功能语言学兴趣小组(WASFLIG)的成员。
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引用次数: 0
‘From there everything changed’: conversion narrative in the biomimicry movement “从此一切都改变了”:仿生学运动中的转换叙事
2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2266513
Fransina Stradling, Valerie Hobbs
An increasingly influential approach to solving human ecological problems is an innovative design practice known as biomimicry. The Biomimicry Institute, a major stakeholder in the Biomimicry Movement, promotes biomimicry as a practice that mimics nature’s genius to solve human challenges and provides hope of sustainable futures. Despite increasing global interest in the practice, so far little is known about the value placed on biomimicry within practitioner communities. Employing a corpus-assisted discourse-analytic approach, this paper explores the ways video narratives shared by practitioners affiliated with and curated by the Biomimicry Institute position biomimicry as a sacred practice. Drawing on Stibbe’s ecolinguistic approach and Hobbs’ functional religious language framework, we observe an overarching discursive pattern of conversion narrative (incorporating both personal and collective storylines) which highlights the sacred significance of the movement. We explore how the linguistic strategies underlying these conversion narratives centre human experience, mark group identity and attract new converts, while constructing an ecologically ambivalent discourse. In particular, we find that use of vague language obscures the precise nature of involvement in the movement and blurs the lines between member and non-member, contributing to the conversion narratives’ potential as powerful proselytising tools.
一种越来越有影响力的解决人类生态问题的方法是一种被称为仿生学的创新设计实践。仿生学研究所是仿生学运动的主要利益相关者,它将仿生学推广为一种模仿大自然的天才来解决人类挑战的实践,并为可持续的未来提供希望。尽管全球对仿生学的兴趣日益浓厚,但到目前为止,人们对从业者群体中仿生学的价值知之甚少。采用语料库辅助的话语分析方法,本文探讨了与仿生学研究所相关的从业者分享的视频叙事方式,并将仿生学视为一种神圣的实践。利用斯蒂贝的生态语言学方法和霍布斯的功能宗教语言框架,我们观察到一种总体的转换叙事话语模式(包括个人和集体故事情节),突出了该运动的神圣意义。我们探讨了这些转换叙事背后的语言策略如何以人类经验为中心,标记群体身份并吸引新的转换者,同时构建生态矛盾的话语。特别是,我们发现使用模糊的语言模糊了参与运动的确切性质,模糊了成员和非成员之间的界限,有助于转换叙事作为强大的传教工具的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
‘Vicious, vitriolic, hateful and hypocritical’: the representation of feminism within the manosphere “恶毒、刻薄、可恨、虚伪”:庄园里女权主义的代表
2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2257816
Jessica Aiston
This paper examines the legitimation of antifeminist ideology within the manosphere, based on qualitative analysis of posts from an antifeminist Reddit community. Taking a discourse-historical approach to CDS, I analyse the nomination and predication strategies used to represent feminists in addition to the argumentation strategies used to convince others of the illegitimacy of feminism. Overall, I find that users typically did not distinguish between ‘good’ feminists and ‘bad’ feminists, instead making negative generalisations about feminists as an entire group. Arguments against feminism typically relied on the topos of justice in order to portray feminism as an illegitimate movement for equality given that it supposedly does not treat men and women in the same way. Alternatively, feminism was argued to be a threat to the ‘natural’ social order and men and women’s historical gender roles.
本文基于对Reddit反女权主义社区帖子的定性分析,探讨了反女权主义意识形态在管理圈内的合法性。采用话语历史的方法,我分析了用来代表女权主义者的提名和预测策略,以及用来说服他人女权主义的非法性的论证策略。总的来说,我发现用户通常不会区分“好的”女权主义者和“坏的”女权主义者,而是将女权主义者作为一个整体进行负面概括。反对女权主义的论点通常依赖于正义的主题,以将女权主义描绘成一种非法的平等运动,因为它被认为不会以同样的方式对待男性和女性。另一方面,女权主义被认为是对“自然”社会秩序和男女历史性别角色的威胁。
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引用次数: 0
The politics of climate change metaphors in the U.S. discourse: conceptual metaphor theory and analysis from an ecolinguistics and critical discourse analysis perspective 美国语篇中的气候变化政治隐喻:生态语言学和批评语篇分析视角下的概念隐喻理论与分析
2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2257815
Yang Hu
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引用次数: 0
How to ‘decaffeinate’ a legislative report: emerging discourses on the climate change-migration nexus within the European Parliament 如何“脱咖啡因”立法报告:欧洲议会内关于气候变化-移民关系的新兴话语
2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2258424
Mert Söyler, Martín Torino Zavaleta, Olivia Jane Whelan
ABSTRACTThis paper examines the different discourses adopted concerning the climate change-migration nexus within the European Parliament (EP). It uses a critical discourse analysis approach to analyse a specific motion for resolution report, its amendments, and plenary debates, as well as an expert interview with the rapporteur to gain further insights into the political dynamics and challenges involved in the process. An own-initiative report is chosen for the analysis to reveal conflicting discourse-making processes between various political groups within the EP and to better understand the role of the EP in the legislative branch of the European Union. It is found that political ideology plays an influential role. Even though political groups agree on the aims of the report, they constantly debate and use amendments to change content and extent. Therefore, we claimed that political discourses in a parliamentary setting should be analysed by specifically evaluating diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational arguments of discourses.KEYWORDS: Climate changemigrationEuropean Parliamentown-initiative procedurecritical discourse analysis AcknowledgementsWe would like to express our sincere thanks to Thomas Faist for his helpful comments and guidance in developing this paper from a research placement on climate change and migration at Bielefeld University. We are also grateful to two anonymous reviewers for their invaluable insights and feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Argentinian and Spanish politician González holds a prominent position within the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and has served as a member of the Madrid Assembly. Since 2019, she has been actively involved in the EP as a member, where she serves as the Co-Chair of the Intergroups for Disability and Anti-Racism and Diversity. Additionally, she has taken on the role of EP Standing Rapporteur for humanitarian aid.2 S&D is the second largest political group in the European Parliament, with 143 members out of 769. This gives the S&D a share of 18.60% of the Parliament's total membership. The S&D is a centre-left and pro-EU political group that is committed to the values of social justice, equality, and social democracy.3 MEP González employed the term ‘decaffeination’ to emphasise how centre-right, and right political groups sought to diminish the report's content, in other words, to dilute or weaken it.4 Draft report – on the impacts of climate change on vulnerable populations in developing countrieshttps://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/DEVE-PR-650537_EN.html.5 Amendments 1–309https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/DEVE-AM-657479_EN.pdf.6 Final reporthttps://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2021-0115_EN.pdf.7 The impacts of climate change on vulnerable populations in developing countries (debate)https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/CRE-9-2021-05-17-ITM-022_EN.html.8 EPP is the large
摘要本文考察了欧洲议会(EP)内部关于气候变化-移民关系的不同论述。它使用批判性话语分析方法来分析决议报告的具体动议,其修正案和全体会议辩论,以及与报告员的专家访谈,以进一步了解该过程中涉及的政治动态和挑战。本文选择了一份主动报告进行分析,以揭示欧洲议会内部不同政治团体之间相互冲突的话语制定过程,并更好地理解欧洲议会在欧盟立法部门中的作用。研究发现,政治意识形态在其中起着重要作用。尽管政治团体对报告的目的达成一致,但他们不断辩论并使用修正案来改变内容和范围。因此,我们认为议会环境中的政治话语应该通过具体评估话语的诊断性、预测性和动机性论证来分析。本文作者Thomas Faist在比勒菲尔德大学从事气候变化与移民的研究工作,在此过程中,他提供了有益的意见和指导,我们对此表示衷心的感谢。我们也感谢两位匿名评论者,他们提供了宝贵的见解和反馈。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1阿根廷和西班牙政治家González在西班牙社会主义工人党(PSOE)中占有重要地位,并曾担任马德里议会成员。自2019年以来,她一直作为成员积极参与欧洲议会,在那里她担任残疾与反种族主义和多样性小组的联合主席。此外,她还担任欧洲议会人道主义援助问题常设报告员S&D是欧洲议会第二大政治团体,在769个席位中拥有143个席位。这使得S&D在议会成员总数中占有18.60%的份额。标准与发展党是一个中左翼、亲欧盟的政治团体,致力于社会公正、平等和社会民主的价值观MEP González使用“脱咖啡因”一词来强调中右翼和右翼政治团体如何试图减少报告的内容,换句话说,稀释或削弱它报告草案-关于气候变化对发展中国家弱势群体的影响https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/DEVE-PR-650537_EN.html.5修正案1-309https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/DEVE-AM-657479_EN.pdf.6最终报告ttps://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2021-0115_EN.pdf.7气候变化对发展中国家弱势群体的影响(辩论)https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/CRE-9-2021-05-17-ITM-022_EN.html.8欧洲人民党是欧洲议会中最大的政治集团,有177名成员,占议会总成员的23.02%。欧洲人民党是一个中右翼和亲欧盟的政治团体,致力于自由保守主义和基督教民主的价值观Renew是欧洲议会中的一个自由和亲欧政党集团。它有101个成员,占议会成员总数的13.13%。该团体致力于古典的、社会的和保守的自由主义ECR是欧洲议会中一个反联邦主义的中右翼政治团体。它有66个成员,占议会成员总数的8.58%。该组织的主要目标是保护国家主权,促进自由市场,缩小欧盟的规模和范围。身份是欧洲议会中的右翼,欧洲怀疑论者和反移民政治团体。它有62个成员,占议会成员总数的8.06%。该组织的主要目标是保护民族认同,阻止移民,并促进更传统的欧洲愿景。绿党是一个中左翼政治团体,主张环境保护,区域自治和欧洲一体化。他们有72个成员,在欧洲议会中占有9.36%的席位。GUE/NGL是一个左翼政治团体,由怀疑欧洲的民主社会主义和共产主义政党组成。他们有37个成员,在欧洲议会中占有4.81%的席位。smert SöylerMert Söyler拥有比勒费尔德大学社会学硕士学位。他的研究兴趣包括历史社会学、政治社会学、民族主义和批评话语分析。Martín Torino ZavaletaMartín Torino Zavaleta拥有比勒费尔德大学社会学硕士学位和伯克贝克大学全球政治学硕士学位。他的研究兴趣包括框架、话语分析和全球治理。
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引用次数: 0
Sensegiving doesn't always make sense: framing the implementation of performance-based funding in Ohio 意义给予并不总是有意义的:在俄亥俄州制定实施基于绩效的资金
2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2255295
Amanda (Mandie) Maxwell, Victoria Barbosa Olivo
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引用次数: 0
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Critical Discourse Studies
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