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Critical Discourse Studies最新文献

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A multimodal and ethnographic approach to textbook discourse 教科书话语的多模态和民族志方法
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-06 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2255311
Shimiao Guan
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引用次数: 0
‘For business it boils down to one thing’: affective legitimation in LGBTQ diversity discourse “对商业来说,这归结为一件事”:LGBTQ多样性话语中的情感合法化
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-06 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2255306
Joseph Comer
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引用次数: 0
Intersecting hostilities around the European migration crisis: the case of Carola Rackete and the Sea-Watch 3 围绕欧洲移民危机的交叉敌对:卡罗拉·拉凯特和海洋观察组织的案例
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-13 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2230600
Eleonora Esposito, A. Zottola
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引用次数: 0
Discourse, intersectionality, critique: theory, methods and practice 话语、交叉性、批判:理论、方法与实践
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-13 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2230602
Eleonora Esposito
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引用次数: 0
‘Sorry, You're Not A Winner’: considering critical relativism, competing interests and lateral power struggle in ethical critique “对不起,你不是赢家”:考虑道德批判中的批判相对主义、利益竞争和横向权力斗争
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2230599
Lexi Webster
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引用次数: 0
Examining gendered discourses from an African locale: towards an intrasectional feminist critical discourse analysis 从一个非洲地区考察性别话语:走向一种内部女权主义批评话语分析
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2230601
Nancy Henaku
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引用次数: 0
An ideological square analysis of the podcast discourse in “Chinese Dreams” of the BBC World Service BBC国际台“中国梦”播客话语的意识形态方阵分析
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2022.2087702
Laksup Apirakvanalee, Y. Zhai
ABSTRACT Employing the ideological square model (Van Dijk, 1998, 2000), this article examines polarization strategies of positive and negative representations of ‘us’ and ‘them’ in ideological discourse on the rise of China by Western media. We analyzed discourse properties in the narratives of five podcast episodes of the BBC World Service about the Chinese Dream, one episode each on Australia, Canada, India, Indonesia, and Kenya. The results revealed prevalent negative representations of ‘them’ – emphasizing negative characteristics and de-emphasizing positive ones of China. However, discourse strategies of emphasizing positive characteristics about ‘us’ and de-emphasizing negative things about ‘us’ were only found in Australia and Canada. The podcasts hardly avoided discussing negative aspects of India, Indonesia, and Kenya. In doing so, the BBC’s ideological discourse excluded these countries from ‘us.’ Our study indicates that the ideological square approach is not only useful to elucidate discourses behind positive and negative representations of ‘us’ and ‘them’ but also can identify nuances in discursive construction of ‘us.’
本文运用意识形态方形模型(Van Dijk, 1998,2000),考察了西方媒体在中国崛起意识形态话语中“我们”和“他们”的积极和消极表述的两极分化策略。我们分析了英国广播公司全球服务部关于中国梦的五集播客的话语属性,这五集分别在澳大利亚、加拿大、印度、印度尼西亚和肯尼亚播出。结果显示,“他们”的负面表征普遍存在,即强调中国的负面特征,而不强调中国的积极特征。然而,强调“我们”的积极特征和不强调“我们”的消极特征的话语策略只在澳大利亚和加拿大发现。这些播客几乎不回避讨论印度、印尼和肯尼亚的负面影响。在这样做的过程中,BBC的意识形态话语将这些国家排除在“我们”之外。“我们的研究表明,意识形态方阵方法不仅有助于阐明‘我们’和‘他们’的积极和消极表征背后的话语,而且可以识别‘我们’话语结构中的细微差别。”
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引用次数: 1
Between autonomy and representation: toward a post-foundational discourse analytic framework for the study of horizontality and verticality 在自主性和代表性之间:走向一个研究水平性和垂直性的后基础性话语分析框架
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2022.2077397
Seongcheol Kim
ABSTRACT This paper sets out to think the relationship between horizontality and verticality from the perspective of post-foundational discourse theory, taking as a starting point the diachronic development from Laclau’s and Mouffe’s joint work on radical democracy to Laclau’s theory of populism. The argument here is that the shift in conceptual terrain from the autonomy of ‘democratic struggles’ to the representative function of ‘empty’ popular signifiers points to deeper shifts and slippages – especially around the category of antagonism – as well as a more general tension between a horizontal politics of autonomy and a vertical politics of representation, for which radical democracy and populism respectively take on a paradigmatic character. While horizontality is predicated on the autonomous multiplicity and ‘multiplication of antagonisms’, verticality entails the simplification and concentration of antagonism around central representative signifiers. The question thus becomes how antagonism is organized, or – drawing on Nonhoff’s concept of contrariety – to what extent the contrarieties defining the constituent parts of an equivalential chain are more multiple or more concentrated. This is followed by empirical considerations on how horizontality and verticality are organizationally mediated within current political projects, including a distinction between movement parties and Volksparteien neuen Typs (‘people’s parties of a new type’).
摘要本文试图从后基础话语理论的角度来思考横向与纵向的关系,并以拉克劳与莫夫的激进民主合作到拉克劳的民粹主义理论的历时发展为切入点。这里的论点是,从“民主斗争”的自主性到“空的”流行能指的代表性功能的概念领域的转变,指向了更深层次的转变和失误——尤其是在对立范畴周围——以及横向自治政治和纵向代表政治之间更普遍的紧张关系,激进民主和民粹主义分别具有典型特征。虽然水平性是基于自主的多重性和“对立的倍增”,但垂直性意味着围绕中心代表能指的对立的简化和集中。因此,问题变成了对抗是如何组织的,或者——借鉴农霍夫的反向性概念——定义等价链组成部分的反向性在多大程度上更多重或更集中。随后是对当前政治项目中如何在组织上调节水平性和垂直性的经验考虑,包括运动党和新人民党(“新型人民党”)之间的区别。
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引用次数: 3
Intersectionalisation as meta-discursive practice: complicated power dynamics in Pink Dot’s movement-building 作为元话语实践的交叉性:粉红点运动建构中的复杂权力动态
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2228935
M. Lazar
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引用次数: 0
Gender equality in the name of the state: state feminism or femonationalism in civic orientation for newly arrived migrants in Sweden? 国家名义下的性别平等:瑞典新移民公民取向中的国家女权主义还是女性民族主义?
IF 1.5 2区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1080/17405904.2023.2228933
S. Bauer, Tommaso M. Milani, Kerstin von Brömssen, A. Spehar
In a widely cited article, Joppke (2007) has underscored how the shared focus on rights, women’s rights in particular, in integration policies is indicative of a post-national turn characterized by a decrease in national and cultural distinctiveness and a convergence around universal liberal values. In his view, these policies ‘are not born of sources extrinsic to liberalism, such as nationalism and racism, but are inherent in liberalism itself.’ (2007, p. 14). A diametrically opposite interpretation has been provided by Farris (2017), who contends that ‘the concrete national articulation of the themes of gender equality and women’s rights within the civic orientation national programs is precisely what attests to the persistence and even strengthening, rather than a disappearance, of a nationalist (and racist) trope, which I conceive as intrinsic and not extrinsic to liberalism’ (2017, p. 81). And she goes on to propose that ‘civic integration policies are arguably the most concrete and insidious form of femonationalism’ (ibid.). Here, femonationalism refers to ‘both to the exploitation of feminist themes by nationalists and neoliberals in anti-Islam (but, as I will show, also antiimmigration) campaigns and to the participation of certain feminists and femocrats in the stigmatization of Muslim men under the banner of gender equality’ (Farris, 2017, p. 4).
在一篇被广泛引用的文章中,Joppke(2007)强调了融合政策中对权利,特别是妇女权利的共同关注如何表明了一种后民族转向,其特征是民族和文化独特性的减少以及围绕普遍自由主义价值观的趋同。在他看来,这些政策“不是来自自由主义的外在来源,如民族主义和种族主义,而是自由主义本身固有的。”(2007年,第14页)。Farris(2017)提出了一个截然相反的解释,他认为“在公民取向的国家计划中,性别平等和妇女权利主题的具体国家表达恰恰证明了民族主义(和种族主义)修辞的持续甚至加强,而不是消失,我认为这是自由主义的内在而不是外在”(2017,第81页)。她接着提出,“公民融合政策可以说是女性民族主义最具体、最阴险的形式”(同上)。在这里,女性民族主义指的是“民族主义者和新自由主义者在反伊斯兰(但是,正如我将展示的,也是反移民)运动中利用女权主义主题,以及某些女权主义者和女权主义者在性别平等的旗帜下参与对穆斯林男性的污名化”(法里斯,2017年,第4页)。
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引用次数: 2
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Critical Discourse Studies
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