Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2205678
Julian Sommerschuh
ABSTRACT Why do members of a southwest Ethiopian ethnic minority claim wanting to ‘stop being Aari’ and ‘become Amhara’? Since the mid-1990s, ethnic-based federalism has led many Ethiopians to identify more closely with ‘their’ ethnic group. This article presents a contrary case: building on two years of ethnographic fieldwork, I discuss Aari people’s quest to adopt the pan-Ethiopian identity of ‘Amhara’. I show that among Aari, a century of humiliation by northern Ethiopians has led to a profound sense of inferiority. The sense that all things ‘Aari’ are inferior makes it hard for people to connect to local culture and language as sources of pride and identity. In search of respect and self-esteem, Aari engage in linguistic, economic, and religious practices understood to affect ethnic identity change; by ‘becoming Amhara’ they hope to attain the recognition they were long denied. Contrary to what is widely assumed in present-day Ethiopia, this suggests that not all Ethiopians wish to make ‘their’ ethnicity the cornerstone of their identity. It also suggests that Amharization may be underway among other peripheral highlanders, sharing similar histories of humiliation and similar hopes for respect.
{"title":"Becoming Amhara: ethnic identity change as a quest for respect in Aari, Ethiopia","authors":"Julian Sommerschuh","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2023.2205678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2023.2205678","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Why do members of a southwest Ethiopian ethnic minority claim wanting to ‘stop being Aari’ and ‘become Amhara’? Since the mid-1990s, ethnic-based federalism has led many Ethiopians to identify more closely with ‘their’ ethnic group. This article presents a contrary case: building on two years of ethnographic fieldwork, I discuss Aari people’s quest to adopt the pan-Ethiopian identity of ‘Amhara’. I show that among Aari, a century of humiliation by northern Ethiopians has led to a profound sense of inferiority. The sense that all things ‘Aari’ are inferior makes it hard for people to connect to local culture and language as sources of pride and identity. In search of respect and self-esteem, Aari engage in linguistic, economic, and religious practices understood to affect ethnic identity change; by ‘becoming Amhara’ they hope to attain the recognition they were long denied. Contrary to what is widely assumed in present-day Ethiopia, this suggests that not all Ethiopians wish to make ‘their’ ethnicity the cornerstone of their identity. It also suggests that Amharization may be underway among other peripheral highlanders, sharing similar histories of humiliation and similar hopes for respect.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"455 - 471"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45182635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT This article critically analyses the history of the Ethiopian sugar industry, with emphasis on drivers, decision-making and processes of incorporation and exclusion aiming to transform lowlands. We argue that the government has used a state-led modernization and expansion of the sugar industry to consolidate the power of central governments. Through the creation of sugar-based agribusinesses, the changing regimes have sought to extend their control over natural resources, increase the movement of labour, and stimulate economic growth. This has led to deepened state structures and considerable transformation of power relations, causing marginalization of the affected communities. In Ethiopia’s post-2018 political and economic transition, this modernist and expansionist programme found itself in a set of deep economic and financial crises, leading to government initiatives to privatize the sugar industry. In response to the privatization initiatives, local elites articulate and contest the historical process of marginalization and compete in demanding redress for the adverse incorporation of the communities. They do so to expand the community space for agency and enforce their interests in gaining from, and perhaps dominating a privatization process through takeover strategies. The past modernist development approach that caused marginalization is likely to affect a new stage of lowland transformation.
{"title":"State-led modernization of the Ethiopian sugar industry: questions of power and agency in lowland transformation","authors":"Yidneckachew Ayele Zikargie, Poul Wisborg, Logan Cochrane","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2023.2166449","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2023.2166449","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article critically analyses the history of the Ethiopian sugar industry, with emphasis on drivers, decision-making and processes of incorporation and exclusion aiming to transform lowlands. We argue that the government has used a state-led modernization and expansion of the sugar industry to consolidate the power of central governments. Through the creation of sugar-based agribusinesses, the changing regimes have sought to extend their control over natural resources, increase the movement of labour, and stimulate economic growth. This has led to deepened state structures and considerable transformation of power relations, causing marginalization of the affected communities. In Ethiopia’s post-2018 political and economic transition, this modernist and expansionist programme found itself in a set of deep economic and financial crises, leading to government initiatives to privatize the sugar industry. In response to the privatization initiatives, local elites articulate and contest the historical process of marginalization and compete in demanding redress for the adverse incorporation of the communities. They do so to expand the community space for agency and enforce their interests in gaining from, and perhaps dominating a privatization process through takeover strategies. The past modernist development approach that caused marginalization is likely to affect a new stage of lowland transformation.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"434 - 454"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48468164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2163124
Julaina A. Obika, Patrick W. Otim
ABSTRACT The encounters between Acholi and Europeans, beginning in 1904 with the settlement of the Church Missionary Society in Acholiland, had a profound impact on the people. Scholars have long examined the impact of these encounters on various aspects of life. But a study of their impact on mortuary practices in the region has largely been neglected. Recently, scholars have shined a spotlight on death and dying as a result of the armed conflict that engulfed Acholiland from the late 1980s. Drawing on previously untapped primary sources, interviews, and works of Acholi intellectuals, this article complements this new trend, by focusing on death and mortuary practices between the 1900s and the 1980s. Specifically, it recreates these practices and demonstrates change and continuity; and it concludes with a history of the cemetery in Acholiland.
{"title":"‘Returning to the world of ancestors’: death and dying among the Acholi of Northern Uganda, 1900s–1980s","authors":"Julaina A. Obika, Patrick W. Otim","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2163124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2163124","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The encounters between Acholi and Europeans, beginning in 1904 with the settlement of the Church Missionary Society in Acholiland, had a profound impact on the people. Scholars have long examined the impact of these encounters on various aspects of life. But a study of their impact on mortuary practices in the region has largely been neglected. Recently, scholars have shined a spotlight on death and dying as a result of the armed conflict that engulfed Acholiland from the late 1980s. Drawing on previously untapped primary sources, interviews, and works of Acholi intellectuals, this article complements this new trend, by focusing on death and mortuary practices between the 1900s and the 1980s. Specifically, it recreates these practices and demonstrates change and continuity; and it concludes with a history of the cemetery in Acholiland.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"375 - 394"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45502942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2163469
Anna Adima
ABSTRACT Vibrant social scene, intellectual hub and diverse glitterati: this was Kampala for its beau monde in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The city enjoyed a liberal reputation with ‘rosy’ race relations, attracting thinkers and socialites from across Africa and the world. It was in this singular space that Barbara Kimenye, a Black mixed-race woman of dual English and Caribbean heritage, self-identified Ugandan, and ‘one of East Africa’s most prolific children’s writers’, moved. An examination of her life in the Ugandan capital illuminates the nature of race and class, as brought about by British colonialism, in 1950s and 1960s Kampala. As a mixed-race woman, Kimenye occupied a unique position, living at the intersections of Black Ugandan and white expatriate communities. Her movement in Kampala’s elite circles, as an economically challenged single mother of two, was in part enabled through her proximity to whiteness. Drawing on Kimenye’s serialised memoirs and other archival sources, this article will demonstrate how her unique positionality challenged colonial taxonomies of race and class, highlighting their insubstantial and porous nature, and providing a new understanding of the nature of the post-colonial East African city.
{"title":"Mixed-ish: race, class and gender in 1950s–60s Kampala through a life history of Barbara Kimenye","authors":"Anna Adima","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2163469","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2163469","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Vibrant social scene, intellectual hub and diverse glitterati: this was Kampala for its beau monde in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The city enjoyed a liberal reputation with ‘rosy’ race relations, attracting thinkers and socialites from across Africa and the world. It was in this singular space that Barbara Kimenye, a Black mixed-race woman of dual English and Caribbean heritage, self-identified Ugandan, and ‘one of East Africa’s most prolific children’s writers’, moved. An examination of her life in the Ugandan capital illuminates the nature of race and class, as brought about by British colonialism, in 1950s and 1960s Kampala. As a mixed-race woman, Kimenye occupied a unique position, living at the intersections of Black Ugandan and white expatriate communities. Her movement in Kampala’s elite circles, as an economically challenged single mother of two, was in part enabled through her proximity to whiteness. Drawing on Kimenye’s serialised memoirs and other archival sources, this article will demonstrate how her unique positionality challenged colonial taxonomies of race and class, highlighting their insubstantial and porous nature, and providing a new understanding of the nature of the post-colonial East African city.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"355 - 374"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42181917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2143468
An Ansoms, Elena Aoun, Benjamin Chemouni, R. Niyonkuru, T. Williams
ABSTRACT The article links policy adaptation in Rwanda to the wider phenomenon of authoritarian persistence. We analyse political decision-making and implementation in a variety of policy domains (agriculture, energy, and education) to argue that the reality of governance in Rwanda requires more nuance than what is commonly portrayed in the literature. Hovering through the past decade, we first reflect upon how the Rwandan government’s ambitions have been translated into concrete policies, and how these policies have evolved throughout time as policymakers have had to deal with evidence on negative policy impact. Finally, we discuss the conditions for policy adaptation, analysing whether, when, how, and from whom criticism is taken on board. We show how policy adaptation is frequent in Rwanda, despite the context of a tightly managed political space. And yet responding to policy problems is not institutionalised and is inherently fragile in an authoritarian regime, leading to the question of how sustainable the country’s trajectory can be over the longer term.
{"title":"The politics of policymaking in Rwanda: adaptation and reform in agriculture, energy, and education","authors":"An Ansoms, Elena Aoun, Benjamin Chemouni, R. Niyonkuru, T. Williams","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2143468","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2143468","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article links policy adaptation in Rwanda to the wider phenomenon of authoritarian persistence. We analyse political decision-making and implementation in a variety of policy domains (agriculture, energy, and education) to argue that the reality of governance in Rwanda requires more nuance than what is commonly portrayed in the literature. Hovering through the past decade, we first reflect upon how the Rwandan government’s ambitions have been translated into concrete policies, and how these policies have evolved throughout time as policymakers have had to deal with evidence on negative policy impact. Finally, we discuss the conditions for policy adaptation, analysing whether, when, how, and from whom criticism is taken on board. We show how policy adaptation is frequent in Rwanda, despite the context of a tightly managed political space. And yet responding to policy problems is not institutionalised and is inherently fragile in an authoritarian regime, leading to the question of how sustainable the country’s trajectory can be over the longer term.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"205 - 227"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46628212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2143436
H. Cross
ABSTRACT This article examines the 1958 cotton crisis in Sudan, an event that has hitherto been absent in histories of the country and the region. I present the cotton crisis as a crisis of capital during which political, religious, and corporate elites each struggled to regain liquidity and to determine the resulting distribution of money, debts, and power in Sudanese society. The ways in which each of these actors sought to recover investments and refinance their positions had a lasting impact on the politics of the postcolonial state in Sudan, as different sections of capital sought different policy responses to the crisis from government. This article highlights how religious elites in Sudan had renewed and expanded their influence within the corporate business structures created by the colonial economy. Profits from these structures then flowed into the political system, shaping conflict and crisis after decolonisation.
{"title":"The 1958 cotton crisis and the advent of military rule in Sudan","authors":"H. Cross","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2143436","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2143436","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the 1958 cotton crisis in Sudan, an event that has hitherto been absent in histories of the country and the region. I present the cotton crisis as a crisis of capital during which political, religious, and corporate elites each struggled to regain liquidity and to determine the resulting distribution of money, debts, and power in Sudanese society. The ways in which each of these actors sought to recover investments and refinance their positions had a lasting impact on the politics of the postcolonial state in Sudan, as different sections of capital sought different policy responses to the crisis from government. This article highlights how religious elites in Sudan had renewed and expanded their influence within the corporate business structures created by the colonial economy. Profits from these structures then flowed into the political system, shaping conflict and crisis after decolonisation.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"289 - 308"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43144534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2076385
Bhekizulu Bethaphi Tshuma, L. Tshuma, Mphathisi Ndlovu
ABSTRACT Social networks such as Twitter are transforming political engagements in contemporary societies. Dominant literature places emphasis on the counter-hegemonic opportunities offered by social media in the Zimbabwean political landscape. However, there is a need to draw scholarly attention to how supporters of the ruling party, Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU PF), are appropriating and using Twitter for political engagements. Drawing upon the case of Varakashi (ZANU PF’s social media trolls and supporters), this paper examines how supporters of the ruling party in the post-Robert Mugabe era are increasingly occupying online spaces that were traditionally associated with opposition voices. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s regime has been grappling with legitimacy issues in the wake of the November 2017 coup that toppled Mugabe, the contested July 2018 election, and the shooting of civilians in August 2018. Focusing on four Twitter handles of Varakashi, this article employs rhetorical argumentation to analyse how these Twitter propagandists are defending and promoting the interests of the Mnangagwa regime. Findings demonstrate that the Varakashi are sanitising and justifying the November 2017 coup, campaigning for Mnangagwa in the July 2018 election, and in justifying the killing of civilians in August 2018.
{"title":"Twitter and political discourses: how supporters of Zimbabwe’s ruling ZANU PF party use Twitter for political engagement","authors":"Bhekizulu Bethaphi Tshuma, L. Tshuma, Mphathisi Ndlovu","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2076385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2076385","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Social networks such as Twitter are transforming political engagements in contemporary societies. Dominant literature places emphasis on the counter-hegemonic opportunities offered by social media in the Zimbabwean political landscape. However, there is a need to draw scholarly attention to how supporters of the ruling party, Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU PF), are appropriating and using Twitter for political engagements. Drawing upon the case of Varakashi (ZANU PF’s social media trolls and supporters), this paper examines how supporters of the ruling party in the post-Robert Mugabe era are increasingly occupying online spaces that were traditionally associated with opposition voices. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s regime has been grappling with legitimacy issues in the wake of the November 2017 coup that toppled Mugabe, the contested July 2018 election, and the shooting of civilians in August 2018. Focusing on four Twitter handles of Varakashi, this article employs rhetorical argumentation to analyse how these Twitter propagandists are defending and promoting the interests of the Mnangagwa regime. Findings demonstrate that the Varakashi are sanitising and justifying the November 2017 coup, campaigning for Mnangagwa in the July 2018 election, and in justifying the killing of civilians in August 2018.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"269 - 288"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44928954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2149915
G. Kibreab, G. Cole
ABSTRACT The growing availability of previously declassified material on the Cold War has allowed scholars to revisit old questions with new, more decisive, evidence. In this paper, we draw on this archival material to address the unresolved question of what Cuba’s involvement against the Eritrean Liberation struggle consisted of in the late 1970s, and importantly why they engaged in this way, given a historical commitment to the Eritrean Liberation movement’s goals. While a seemingly minor point in a protracted 30-year struggle for Eritrean independence, we argue that clarifying this matters for several reasons, not least that Cuban support for the Ethiopian offensive against the Eritreans was seemingly pivotal for temporarily reversing the fighters’ major gains in the late 1970s, meaning fifteen more years of fighting until Eritrea’s de facto independence was secured. Drawing upon excerpts from the first author’s original book manuscript on this topic, we also suggest that the effects of Havana’s and other government’s denial of Cuba’s involvement in suppressing the Eritrean struggle contributed to the sense of betrayal and distrust that still haunts Eritrean politics and its leadership, as well as those Eritrean liberation fighters who experienced their staunch ally turn into an ideological and material adversary.
{"title":"Cuba’s involvement in and against the Eritrean liberation struggle: a history and historiography","authors":"G. Kibreab, G. Cole","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2149915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2149915","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The growing availability of previously declassified material on the Cold War has allowed scholars to revisit old questions with new, more decisive, evidence. In this paper, we draw on this archival material to address the unresolved question of what Cuba’s involvement against the Eritrean Liberation struggle consisted of in the late 1970s, and importantly why they engaged in this way, given a historical commitment to the Eritrean Liberation movement’s goals. While a seemingly minor point in a protracted 30-year struggle for Eritrean independence, we argue that clarifying this matters for several reasons, not least that Cuban support for the Ethiopian offensive against the Eritreans was seemingly pivotal for temporarily reversing the fighters’ major gains in the late 1970s, meaning fifteen more years of fighting until Eritrea’s de facto independence was secured. Drawing upon excerpts from the first author’s original book manuscript on this topic, we also suggest that the effects of Havana’s and other government’s denial of Cuba’s involvement in suppressing the Eritrean struggle contributed to the sense of betrayal and distrust that still haunts Eritrean politics and its leadership, as well as those Eritrean liberation fighters who experienced their staunch ally turn into an ideological and material adversary.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"181 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43831782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2143435
Verdiana T. Tilumanywa
ABSTRACT This paper analyses long-term and incremental land use changes that have taken place in Mount Rungwe ecosystem in Tanzania from 1973 to 2010 basing on information derived from satellite images, household socio-economic data, focus group discussions and interviews with key informants. While most literature on land use change reports negative effects, land use changes in Mount Rungwe ecosystem have positively benefited communities through more diversification and greater commercialisation. The paper demonstrates that rural communities’ livelihoods are both a cause and a result of changes in the natural Mount Rungwe ecosystem. The changes in land use through cropping patterns and reforestation took advantage of opportunities from population increase, access to markets and agricultural resources management. Consequently, the changes have qualitatively improved communities’ livelihoods and forest ecosystems. The paper broadens our understanding on the potential land use changes in mountain ecosystems for enhancing rural livelihoods and the environment in line with the Boserup’s agricultural intensification theory.
{"title":"Mountain farmers and ecosystems: changing land use and livelihoods in Mount Rungwe, Tanzania","authors":"Verdiana T. Tilumanywa","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2143435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2143435","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper analyses long-term and incremental land use changes that have taken place in Mount Rungwe ecosystem in Tanzania from 1973 to 2010 basing on information derived from satellite images, household socio-economic data, focus group discussions and interviews with key informants. While most literature on land use change reports negative effects, land use changes in Mount Rungwe ecosystem have positively benefited communities through more diversification and greater commercialisation. The paper demonstrates that rural communities’ livelihoods are both a cause and a result of changes in the natural Mount Rungwe ecosystem. The changes in land use through cropping patterns and reforestation took advantage of opportunities from population increase, access to markets and agricultural resources management. Consequently, the changes have qualitatively improved communities’ livelihoods and forest ecosystems. The paper broadens our understanding on the potential land use changes in mountain ecosystems for enhancing rural livelihoods and the environment in line with the Boserup’s agricultural intensification theory.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"309 - 334"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41931138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2150281
Hewan Semon
ABSTRACT This article contextualizes football fandom in Ethiopia during a period of increasing political dissent, drawing on interviews and first-hand observations as well as historical and contemporary media and academic sources. The analysis takes into consideration socio-political realities while presenting the complexity of identity and belonging in contemporary Ethiopia. By engaging with spectator cultures, and the aesthetics of fandom at Ethiopian football stadiums, the article shows that the stadium is a space where Ethiopian fans express their concerns about socio-political injustices, the ethics of the media and police, and about identity and belonging.
{"title":"Identity and dissent in Ethiopian football fandom (2012–2019)","authors":"Hewan Semon","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2150281","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2150281","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article contextualizes football fandom in Ethiopia during a period of increasing political dissent, drawing on interviews and first-hand observations as well as historical and contemporary media and academic sources. The analysis takes into consideration socio-political realities while presenting the complexity of identity and belonging in contemporary Ethiopia. By engaging with spectator cultures, and the aesthetics of fandom at Ethiopian football stadiums, the article shows that the stadium is a space where Ethiopian fans express their concerns about socio-political injustices, the ethics of the media and police, and about identity and belonging.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"228 - 247"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49506028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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