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Making the Maasai: revisiting the history of Rift Valley Maa-speakers c.1800–c.1930 马赛族的形成:重温 1800 年至 1930 年裂谷马阿语族的历史
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2280932
Richard Waller
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引用次数: 0
Western Sudanese marginalization, coups in Khartoum and the structural legacies of colonial military divide and rule, 1924-present 西部苏丹边缘化,喀土穆政变和殖民军事分而治之的结构性遗产,1924年至今
3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2280933
Willow Berridge
This paper discusses the long-term history underpinning the tension between the “national” army and provincial “militias” that led to the outbreak of conflict in Sudan in April 2023. Sudan’s British colonizers created the distinction between what would later become a professional military in the northern region of the country, and what were deemed as “tribal”, irregular and ethnically defined forces elsewhere. The aspiring revolutionaries of the post-independence era hoped they could use the military as a short-cut to social change and modernization that would sweep away the neo-tribal system of “Native Administration” imposed by the British, but by aligning themselves to an unreformed colonial army and economic system, found that they forced violent reactions in marginalized regions. The reactions included Western Sudanese involvement in attempts to change the regime in Khartoum by force in 1971, 1975, 1976, and 2008, which this paper documents. These crises exposed the broader tensions within Sudanese nationalism, based as it was on the ideal of synergy between military and people. The paper draws on a wide range of Arabic and English sources, including newspapers and archival content.
本文讨论了导致2023年4月苏丹爆发冲突的“国家”军队和省级“民兵”之间紧张关系的长期历史。苏丹的英国殖民者将苏丹北部地区后来成为专业军队的军队与其他地区被视为“部落”、非正规和种族界定的军队区分开来。在独立后的时代,有抱负的革命者希望他们可以利用军队作为社会变革和现代化的捷径,扫除英国强加的“本土管理”的新部落制度,但由于与未经改革的殖民军队和经济制度保持一致,他们发现他们迫使边缘地区发生暴力反应。这些反应包括西方苏丹在1971年、1975年、1976年和2008年试图通过武力改变喀土穆政权,本文记录了这些反应。这些危机暴露了苏丹民族主义内部更广泛的紧张局势,因为它是建立在军民协同的理想基础上的。该文件借鉴了广泛的阿拉伯语和英语来源,包括报纸和档案内容。
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引用次数: 0
Wealth and poverty in mining Africa: migration, settlement and occupational change in Tanzania during the global mineral boom, 2002–2012 非洲采矿业的财富与贫困:2002-2012年全球矿业繁荣期间坦桑尼亚的移民、定居和职业变化
3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2265726
Deborah Fahy Bryceson, Jesper Bosse Jønsson, Michael Clarke Shand
ABSTRACT This article interrogates place, process and people’s quest for enhanced welfare during the 2002–2012 global mineral price boom in northwest Tanzania. Mass in-migration of miners, traders and service providers generated diversified residential settlements. Processes of occupational change and urbanization, catalyzed by acquisition of employment, land, housing and other possessions at six contrasting mining locations were compared from a geo-social perspective. Our surveyed gold and diamond mining sites represented different manifestations of the mining trajectory namely: (1) artisanal rushes, (2) mature artisanal and (3) industrial mining. The article investigates who benefitted locationally and who lost in residents’ scrambles to gain improved living standards. Survey data on 216 household heads’ occupations, educational backgrounds, consumption and investments were collected, followed by construction of a household welfare index, revealing modest welfare improvements relative to rural consumption norms for the majority of interviewed resident households. However, in line with Picketty’s theoretical insights, extreme material inequality surfaced on the welfare spectrum between the outlier affluent and poor quintile groups. Those with higher educational attainment enjoyed superior welfare and occupational status, coalescing towards middle class formation. At the opposite end, single female-headed households stood out as extremely disadvantaged, handicapped by high child dependency ratios and occupational immobility.
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引用次数: 0
“Little Dubai” in the crossfire: trade corridor dynamics and ethno-territorial conflict in the Kenyan–Ethiopian border town Moyale 交火中的 "小迪拜":肯尼亚-埃塞俄比亚边境小镇莫亚莱的贸易走廊动态和民族-领土冲突
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2265042
Katrin Sowa
ABSTRACT Against the promise that new trade corridors in Africa lead to political stability and state control, this article presents a contradictory case. In the context of the implementation of the LAPSSET corridor, Moyale at the Kenyan–Ethiopian border has been undergoing a transformation. The formerly marginalized border town is today envisioned as a major trade hub for the region. However, this development has been recurrently disturbed not only by trade barriers and import regulations but also by violent clashes between local communities. Moyale’s history, economic rivalries, and an intra-federal boundary dispute make the new corridor a specifically dangerous setting for the local population, while alternative smuggle routes are perceived as more reliable and secure. The text provides insights into ethnographic research in a particular violent surrounding. Qualitative interviews and participant observations were conducted with locals and border officials in Moyale during clashes between the Borana and Garre communities in 2018. The article aims to understand trade and security strategies on the ground, which are far from being controlled by state monopoly.
ABSTRACT 与非洲新贸易走廊带来政治稳定和国家控制的承诺相反,本文介绍了一个矛盾的案例。在实施 LAPSSET 走廊的背景下,肯尼亚-埃塞俄比亚边境的莫亚莱经历了一场变革。这个昔日被边缘化的边境小镇如今被设想为该地区的主要贸易枢纽。然而,这一发展不仅经常受到贸易壁垒和进口法规的干扰,还经常受到当地社区之间暴力冲突的影响。莫亚莱的历史、经济竞争和联邦内部的边界争端使得新走廊对当地居民来说特别危险,而其他走私路线则被认为更加可靠和安全。文中对特定暴力环境下的人种学研究进行了深入探讨。在 2018 年博拉纳和加雷社区之间的冲突期间,对莫亚莱的当地人和边境官员进行了定性访谈和参与观察。文章旨在了解当地的贸易和安全战略,这些战略远非国家垄断所能控制。
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引用次数: 0
Environmental risk management from below: living with landslides in Bududa, eastern Uganda 自下而上的环境风险管理:在乌干达东部布杜达与山体滑坡为伴
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2268361
P. Khanakwa
ABSTRACT This article explores how the people of Bududa used culturally and spiritually embedded knowledge to tame extreme weather and ably live with the spectre and reality of landslides since the turn of the twentieth century. Drawing on multiple oral and written sources, the article shows how landslides were experienced in the past and chronicles recent government and community responses to living with landslides. The article shows that local approaches to managing risks worked effectively when land for expansion was still readily available. However, increasing population and heavy cultivation of the land over the course of the twentieth century put heavy pressure on the land thereby making it more susceptible to landslides. Consequently, the impact of the landslides became so severe necessitating government intervention to support the affected communities. Focusing on landslides as recurring risks that are socially constructed and managed, the article shows the innovativeness and resilience of the people of Bududa in living with and managing environmental risks.
摘要 本文探讨了自二十世纪初以来,布杜达人如何利用蕴含在文化和精神中的知识来应对极端天气,以及如何与山体滑坡的阴影和现实共存。文章利用多种口头和书面资料,展示了过去是如何经历山体滑坡的,并记录了近期政府和社区应对山体滑坡的措施。文章显示,在土地仍可随时用于扩张时,当地的风险管理方法行之有效。然而,二十世纪以来,人口的增加和土地的大量耕种给土地带来了沉重的压力,从而使其更容易受到山体滑坡的影响。因此,山体滑坡的影响变得非常严重,需要政府进行干预,为受影响的社区提供支持。文章以山体滑坡作为由社会构建和管理的经常性风险为重点,展示了布杜达人民在应对和管理环境风险方面的创新能力和复原力。
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引用次数: 0
The politics of being Murle in South Sudan: state violence, displacement and the narrativisation of identity 南苏丹穆尔勒人的政治:国家暴力、流离失所和身份叙事化
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2259547
Diana Felix da Costa
ABSTRACT The article offers a nuanced account of how identities are negotiated and contested in South Sudan, by focusing on how Murle and ŋalam identities were deployed in different ways in different places in overlapping periods during a time of armed conflict. As such, it explores the interplay between political violence and the instrumental deployment of ethnicity. Focusing on the 2012–2014 period of war between South Sudan's government and a largely Murle rebellion, it unpacks the longstanding Murle stereotyping as ‘fierce and hostile’ – an image fostered by the interlocution of more powerful neighbours in the colonial encounters and sustained by their dominance in subsequent governance structures. The article specifically discusses how Murle agricultural communities from Boma found protection strategies by activating temporary sub-ethnic identities and navigating the violence of being Murle. This challenges the “naturalised” linkages between modes of subsistence or ecology, and identity, and demonstrates how spatial movements affect the instrumental narrativisation of ethnic identities. The article argues for the continual interplay of ethnicity in relation to the state and its strategies and opportunities. Identity-making and identity-politics are dialctical processes – deployed by the state as much as by those on the receiving end as a source of protection from violence.
ABSTRACT 这篇文章通过关注在武装冲突期间,穆尔勒人和ŋalam 人的身份是如何在不同地方以不同方式重叠使用的,对南苏丹的身份是如何被协商和争夺的进行了细致入微的阐述。因此,本报告探讨了政治暴力与种族的工具性部署之间的相互作用。文章以 2012-2014 年南苏丹政府与穆尔勒族叛军之间的战争为重点,揭示了穆尔勒族长期以来 "凶猛、充满敌意 "的刻板形象--这一形象是在殖民地时期与更强大的邻国交涉时形成的,并因其在随后的治理结构中占据主导地位而得以延续。文章特别讨论了来自博马的穆尔勒族农业社区如何通过激活临时的次族裔身份和驾驭穆尔勒族的暴力来找到保护策略。这挑战了生计或生态模式与身份之间 "自然化 "的联系,并展示了空间移动如何影响种族身份的工具性叙事。文章认为,民族性与国家及其战略和机遇之间存在持续的相互作用。身份认同的形成和身份认同政治是一个相互联系的过程--国家和接受者都将其作为保护自己免受暴力侵害的手段。
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引用次数: 0
A non-event: ratifying the African Women’s Rights framework in Ethiopia 非事件:埃塞俄比亚批准非洲妇女权利框架
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2268363
Karmen Tornius
ABSTRACT Ethiopia, the host of the African Union, did not ratify the African Women’s Rights framework (the Maputo Protocol) for fifteen years. While realist, liberal and constructivist scholars have theorised why countries ratify human rights treaties, this article adds to this debate by asking ‘why not?’. Based on interviews, archival material, document analysis and fieldwork in Addis Ababa, the article explores the dominant explanations for adopting human rights treaties, such as donor pressure, legitimacy, openness of a political system and normative alignment. By analysing the Ethiopian government’s decision not to ratify the Maputo Protocol on numerous occasions before finally ratifying it quietly and with a long list of reservations, the article argues that countries may adopt regional human rights treaties for different reasons than the global ones. By tracing this ‘non-event’ from the early attempts to adopt the Maputo Protocol until its ratification in 2018, the article provides an in-depth analysis of the recent history of women’s rights in Ethiopia’s complex national context, including the rise of women’s movements, closing civil space, growing authoritarianism, anti-rights rhetoric, and a government crisis that paved way for reform.
摘要 埃塞俄比亚作为非洲联盟的东道国,十五年来一直没有批准非洲妇女权利框架(《马普托议定书》)。现实主义、自由主义和建构主义学者对各国批准人权条约的原因进行了理论分析,而本文则提出了 "为什么不批准?根据在亚的斯亚贝巴进行的访谈、档案材料、文件分析和实地调查,文章探讨了通过人权条约的主要解释,如捐助者的压力、合法性、政治制度的开放性和规范的一致性。通过分析埃塞俄比亚政府多次决定不批准《马普托议定书》,最后才悄无声息地批准了该议定书,并提出了一长串保留意见,文章认为,各国通过地区性人权条约的原因可能与通过全球性条约的原因不同。通过追溯从早期试图通过《马普托议定书》到2018年批准《议定书》的这一 "非事件",文章深入分析了埃塞俄比亚复杂的国家背景下妇女权利的近代史,包括妇女运动的兴起、公民空间的关闭、日益增长的独裁主义、反权利言论以及为改革铺平道路的政府危机。
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引用次数: 0
Ascendant recentralisation: the politics of urban governance and institutional configurations in Nairobi 权力下放:内罗毕的城市治理政治和机构配置
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2268364
Smith Ouma
ABSTRACT This paper draws from two experiences with decentralisation in Kenya to illustrate the different ways through which the central government has sought to bolster its power at the expense of the local government in the country’s capital, Nairobi during periods of vertically-unified authority. In the first instance, it examines the years between 1983 and 1992 during which the central government appointed a Commission to replace the elected Nairobi City Council. The second period that is examined is between 2017 and 2022 when certain devolved functions were transferred from the elected Nairobi City County Government to a newly established institution appointed by the President, the Nairobi Metropolitan Service. During both periods authority was vertically unified with the ruling parties also being in control of the city. Drawing on a series of interviews with various stakeholders and inhabitants of informal settlements, the paper argues that contrary to what much literature suggests, recentralisation of urban governance not only occurs in situations of vertically-divided authority but can also occur where authority is unified. Some of the conditions that enabled these power consolidation moves together with the outcomes that these generated are also examined.
ABSTRACT 本文借鉴了肯尼亚权力下放的两次经验,以说明在垂直统一权力时期,中央政府试图以牺牲肯尼亚首都内罗毕地方政府的利益为代价来加强自身权力的不同方式。首先,本报告审查了 1983 年至 1992 年期间中央政府任命一个委员会取代选举产生的内罗毕市议会的情况。第二个研究时段是 2017 年至 2022 年,在此期间,某些下放的职能从民选的内罗毕市县政府转移到一个由总统任命的新机构--内罗毕市政服务局。在这两个时期内,权力都是垂直统一的,执政党也控制着城市。本文通过对非正式居住区的各种利益相关者和居民进行一系列访谈,认为与许多文献所指出的相反,城市治理的权力再集中不仅发生在权力垂直分割的情况下,也可能发生在权力统一的情况下。本文还探讨了促成这些权力整合行动的一些条件,以及这些行动所产生的结果。
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引用次数: 0
Military decolonisation and Africanisation: the first African officers in the Kenyan army, 1957–1964 军事非殖民化和非洲化:1957-1964 年肯尼亚军队中的首批非洲军官
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2257897
Poppy Cullen
ABSTRACT On 15 July 1961, the first eight African officers were commissioned into the King’s African Rifles in Kenya. This was very late to begin Africanising the colonial military force. The colonial army, even more than other institutions, was neither anticipating nor preparing for independence until it was imminent. Then, Africanisation was dramatically sped up to try and match political progress. This article explores how the first African officer corps was created in Kenya. Using lists of commissions published in The Kenya Gazette, it shows what types of people were commissioned, focusing on ethnicity, age, experience, training, education, and promotion. Three types of servicemen were commissioned: effendis, with years of colonial experience; non-commissioned officers, who were briefly trained in Britain and rapidly promoted; and direct-entry officers, better educated, younger, and trained in Britain. The article argues that the opportunities that military decolonisation and Africanisation offered to these varied groups of men had an impact which lasted for decades, as these first commissioned officers became and remained the leaders of Kenya’s military. Understanding the process of Africanisation therefore helps to explain the trajectory of Kenya’s military after independence.
摘要 1961 年 7 月 15 日,首批八名非洲军官被派往肯尼亚的非洲国王步枪队。这对于殖民地军队的非洲化来说是非常晚的。与其他机构相比,殖民军队在独立迫在眉睫之前既没有预料到也没有做好准备。随后,非洲化进程急剧加快,试图与政治进步保持一致。本文探讨了肯尼亚是如何创建第一支非洲军官队伍的。文章利用《肯尼亚公报》上公布的委任名单,从种族、年龄、经验、培训、教育和晋升等方面说明了哪些类型的人被委任。三类军人被任命为军官:具有多年殖民地经验的军官;在英国接受过短期培训并迅速晋升的军士;以及教育程度更高、更年轻并在英国接受过培训的直入军官。文章认为,军事非殖民化和非洲化为这些不同的人群提供了机会,这种影响持续了几十年,因为这些首批委任军官成为并一直是肯尼亚军队的领导人。因此,了解非洲化进程有助于解释肯尼亚独立后军队的发展轨迹。
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引用次数: 0
Mother Earth is for us all: the discontent of Oromo pottery-making women at land dispossession in Southwest Oromia, Ethiopia 地球母亲是我们大家的:埃塞俄比亚西南奥罗米亚奥罗莫制陶妇女对土地被剥夺的不满
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2262116
B. Wayessa
ABSTRACT This paper examines the effects of changes in land tenure on female potters in the southern highlands of Ethiopia. Communal land has historically played an important role in the livelihoods of pottery-making women, who rely on the non-agricultural use of this land. Data was gathered through interviews and observations, and the resulting evidence was organized and analyzed to address the research objectives and contextualize the findings within a broader empirical framework. Recent changes to Ethiopia’s communal land tenure system have disproportionally affected the socio-economy of the pottery-making women in comparison to their non-pottery-making counterparts by constraining their access to clay mining sites. Meanwhile, globalization and the free-market economy have facilitated the unrestricted import and distribution of plastic and metal objects, significantly reducing the need for pottery objects, and further impacting the potters’ livelihoods and social status. The fact that globalization and government changes to the communal land tenure system have disproportionally affected artisan women in Ethiopia resonates with the need for academia to pay more attention to intersectionality when studying gender bias, given that the situation has created an additional level of discrimination for socially marginalized women.
摘要 本文探讨了土地使用权的变化对埃塞俄比亚南部高地女陶工的影响。公有土地历来在制陶妇女的生计中发挥着重要作用,她们依赖于对土地的非农业利用。研究人员通过访谈和观察收集数据,并对所得证据进行整理和分析,以实现研究目标,并在更广泛的实证框架内对研究结果进行背景分析。埃塞俄比亚的公有土地使用权制度最近发生了变化,限制了制陶妇女进入粘土矿地的机会,从而对她们的社会经济造成了与非制陶妇女相比不成比例的影响。同时,全球化和自由市场经济促进了塑料和金属制品的无限制进口和销售,大大减少了对陶器的需求,进一步影响了陶艺家的生计和社会地位。全球化和政府对公有土地使用权制度的改变对埃塞俄比亚手工艺妇女的影响尤为严重,这一事实引起了学术界的共鸣,即在研究性别偏见时需要更多地关注交叉性,因为这种情况对社会边缘化妇女造成了额外的歧视。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Eastern African Studies
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