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Institutionalization within Revolutionary Crisis: The Chinese Communist Party’s Radio Communications and Reconnaissance, 1933–1936 革命危机中的制度化:中国共产党的无线电通讯与侦察,1933-1936 年
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1177/00977004241265285
Zhongtian Han
This article highlights how a revolutionary crisis in 1933–1936 drove the institutional development of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) radio communications and reconnaissance and provided inadvertent opportunities for institutional integration and standardization in radio communications across the revolutionary movement. It also reveals how effective radio communications and reconnaissance operations contributed to the survival of the revolution and the rise of Mao Zedong. The findings suggest that the turbulent and politicized environment of revolutionary crisis within the CCP could facilitate institutional development and integration. Nonetheless, it also contributed to the rise of an authoritarian command structure that would be embedded in this institutionalization.
本文重点介绍了 1933-1936 年的一场革命危机如何推动了中国共产党无线电通信和侦察的制度发展,并在不经意间为整个革命运动的无线电通信制度整合和标准化提供了机会。研究还揭示了有效的无线电通信和侦察行动如何促进了革命的生存和毛泽东的崛起。研究结果表明,中国共产党内部革命危机的动荡和政治化环境能够促进机构发展和整合。然而,这种环境也助长了专制指挥结构的兴起,而这种专制指挥结构将嵌入这种制度化之中。
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引用次数: 0
Speaking with Devils: Sino-European Vernaculars and Translingual Communication before the Treaty Ports 与魔鬼对话:条约口岸前的中欧白话文与跨语言交流
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1177/00977004241259078
Carl Kubler
This article examines the dynamics of Chinese–Western translingual contact in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, with particular attention to the problem of oral communication between native speakers of Sinitic and European languages. Despite a robust body of scholarship on the economic and political dimensions of Chinese and Euro-American interaction in the decades preceding the First Opium War, the routine linguistic practices and adaptations that mediated everyday commercial and social exchanges remain only superficially understood. Critical to such exchanges was the development, circulation, and adoption of Chinese pidgins (trade languages) as vernacular instruments for negotiating not just business matters but a range of grassroots interactions and relationships that developed out of the South China coast’s position as a nexus for global interchange. A deeper understanding of these linguistic dynamics provides new insights into the interwoven histories of trade, migration, and translingual enterprise and offers a more nuanced picture of Sino-Western relations before the First Opium War.
本文探讨了十八世纪末十九世纪初中西跨语言接触的动态,尤其关注以汉语言为母语者与以欧洲语言为母语者之间的口语交流问题。第一次鸦片战争之前的几十年间,关于中国与欧美之间经济和政治互动的学术研究十分活跃,但对日常商业和社会交流中的常规语言实践和适应性的了解仍然很肤浅。对这种交流至关重要的是中国皮钦语(贸易语言)的发展、流通和采用,它不仅是谈判商业事务的白话工具,也是一系列基层互动和关系的白话工具。加深对这些语言动态的理解,可为贸易、移民和跨语言企业相互交织的历史提供新的见解,并为第一次鸦片战争前的中西关系提供更细致入微的图景。
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引用次数: 0
Going Local: Policy Intellectuals’ Adaptive Strategies under Xi Jinping 走向本土:习近平领导下政策知识分子的适应策略
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-23 DOI: 10.1177/00977004241259079
Yoel Kornreich
During the Hu Jintao era, policy intellectuals participated in public debates, openly criticizing existing government policies. During the Xi Jinping era, despite regime efforts to tame intellectuals, some critical voices have retained influence over policymaking processes. What adaptation strategies have they utilized to circumvent the regime’s control over public speech? This article points to two strategies. First, policy intellectuals formed shifting collaborations with both state and nonstate actors. Second, they utilized collaborations with state actors to enter consultative forums. The article finds that policy intellectuals not only formed Beijing-based alliances but also cultivated closer cooperation with local officials. By “going local” in this way, they bypassed Beijing’s tightening political environment. This article focuses on two important policy intellectuals in the healthcare arena who have gone local. It also includes a comparison between these two policy intellectuals and seven of their prominent peers who did not go local, as well as with intellectuals from another policy arena: education.
胡锦涛时代,政策知识分子参与公共辩论,公开批评政府的现行政策。在习近平时代,尽管政权努力驯服知识分子,但一些批评的声音仍然对决策过程产生了影响。他们利用了哪些适应策略来规避政权对公共言论的控制?本文指出了两种策略。首先,政策知识分子与国家和非国家行为者形成了多变的合作关系。其次,他们利用与国家行为者的合作进入协商论坛。文章发现,政策知识分子不仅结成了以北京为基地的联盟,还与地方官员建立了更紧密的合作关系。通过这种 "去地方化 "的方式,他们绕过了北京日益收紧的政治环境。本文重点介绍了医疗保健领域两位重要的 "去地方化 "政策知识分子。文章还将这两位政策知识分子与七位没有 "去地方化 "的著名同行以及另一个政策领域--教育--的知识分子进行了比较。
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引用次数: 0
Cross-Boundary Subsumption: Toward a Political Economy of Platform Labor 跨界消费:走向平台劳动的政治经济学
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00977004241256295
Hao Qi, Zhongjin Li
The existing body of research on the platform economy provides a variety of interpretations of platform labor. Nevertheless, current studies have either placed exchange rather than production at the core of their interpretations or overlooked the historical continuity of the type of labor to which platform labor belongs. Employing a historical-comparative approach, this article introduces the concept of “cross-boundary subsumption” to illuminate the characteristics of platform labor. Drawing insights from investigations and interviews conducted on ride-hailing platforms in China from 2018 to 2020, this article delves into how cross-boundary subsumption works in reality. The goal is to improve the understanding of platform labor and uncover the limits of the current models of the platform economy.
关于平台经济的现有研究对平台劳动做出了各种解释。然而,目前的研究要么将交换而非生产作为解释的核心,要么忽视了平台劳动所属劳动类型的历史延续性。本文采用历史比较的方法,提出了 "跨界吸纳 "的概念,以阐明平台劳动的特征。本文从2018年至2020年对中国打车平台的调查和访谈中汲取启示,深入探讨跨界吸纳在现实中是如何发挥作用的。目的是增进对平台劳动的理解,揭示当前平台经济模式的局限性。
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引用次数: 0
Natural Embeddedness, Place Attachment, and Local Opposition to Developmental Projects: A Polanyian Analysis of the Origins of Preemptive Environmental Protests in China 自然嵌入性、地方依恋和地方对发展项目的反对:对中国先发制人的环境抗议起源的波兰尼分析
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-21 DOI: 10.1177/00977004241254042
Jian Lu
This article aims to uncover the underlying social and institutional origins of China’s local preemptive environmental protests against developmental projects with negative externalities, which have not been fully investigated by the extant literature on “NIMBY” (“not-in-my-backyard”) activism in China. Primarily through the perspective of Karl Polanyi’s environmental sociology, this article presents a case study of the 2012 protest in Qidong, Jiangsu province, against an industrial waste disposal pipeline. The case of Qidong shows how local ecology has been deeply embedded in the social context and relations that have historically shaped the economic structures, culinary traditions, and place attachment in the area. Such a nexus between the environment and society in turn significantly impacted the opposition pattern of the local communities, which involved various social strata by triggering their economic and health concerns as well as an emotional response. Moreover, the article finds that the unified cross-class action under the banner of defending public interests was possible in Qidong largely because the actors were all part of the same holistic local ecological system, with shared economic interests, dietary preferences, and cultural identities. This research thus echoes the insights of environmental sociology and argues that it is necessary to take into account the interplay between ecology and locality to understand local environmental politics.
本文旨在揭示中国地方针对具有负外部性的开发项目所发起的先发制人的环境抗议活动的社会和制度渊源,而关于中国 "NIMBY"("不在我家后院")行动主义的现有文献尚未对此进行充分研究。本文主要从卡尔-波兰尼(Karl Polanyi)环境社会学的视角出发,对 2012 年江苏启东针对工业废物处理管道的抗议活动进行了案例研究。启东的案例表明,当地的生态环境是如何深深嵌入社会背景和关系之中的,这些社会背景和关系在历史上塑造了当地的经济结构、饮食传统和地方依恋。环境与社会之间的这种联系反过来又极大地影响了当地社区的反对模式,这种模式涉及到不同的社会阶层,引发了他们对经济和健康的担忧以及情感上的反应。此外,文章还发现,启东之所以能够出现打着维护公共利益旗号的跨阶层统一行动,主要是因为行动者都是当地整体生态系统的一部分,有着共同的经济利益、饮食偏好和文化认同。因此,这项研究呼应了环境社会学的观点,认为要理解地方环境政治,就必须考虑生态与地方性之间的相互作用。
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引用次数: 0
Unsung Heroine: Wang Ruqi, the 1950 Marriage Law, and State-Legal Feminism 无名英雄:王汝骐、1950 年《婚姻法》和国家法律女性主义
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/00977004241247296
Shangyang Li, Qiliang He
This article analyses Wang Ruqi’s contribution to the drafting of the 1950 Marriage Law, the first codified law promulgated by the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It argues that Wang—who had been a legal specialist and a female political activist dating back to the 1930s and 1940s—was the actual author of the law’s first draft. In rehabilitating Wang’s long-forgotten contribution to the making of the Marriage Law, this study highlights that, first of all, lawmaking in the early years of the PRC was characterized by legal “professionalism,” rather than the “vernacularism” that scholars in recent years have tended to ascribe to this period. Second, Wang was an exemplary figure of a new breed of “state feminists” in the PRC, which we term “state-legal feminists.” State-legal feminists, like state feminists in general, were brought into the PRC state apparatus and took advantage of their role in the state to advance sociopolitical agendas. However, they differed from their fellow state feminists because they firmly believed that the state’s will and intent could be best articulated and exercised through codified laws and legal institutions. The making of the Marriage Law thus exemplifies the state-legal feminist approach insofar as it resorted to a codified law to push for the political agendas of women’s emancipation and restructuring families in China. While recent scholarship highlights the politicization of the law in the 1953 campaign to promote the Marriage Law, this study inverts this by addressing the legalization of political and social movements.
本文分析了王汝琪在起草 1950 年《婚姻法》(中华人民共和国颁布的第一部成文法)过程中的贡献。文章认为,王汝琪是一位法律专家,也是一位女性政治活动家,她的历史可以追溯到 20 世纪 30 年代和 40 年代,她才是该法初稿的真正作者。通过还原王氏在制定《婚姻法》过程中长期被遗忘的贡献,本研究强调,首先,建国初期的法律制定具有法律 "专业化 "的特点,而不是近年来学者们倾向于归因于这一时期的 "乡土主义"。其次,王秀珍是中华人民共和国新一代 "国家女权主义者 "的典范,我们称之为 "国家法律女权主义者"。与一般的国家女权主义者一样,国家法律女权主义者也被纳入中华人民共和国的国家机器,并利用她们在国家中的角色推进社会政治议程。然而,她们与其他国家女权主义者不同,因为她们坚信国家的意志和意图可以通过成文法和法律机构得到最好的表达和实施。因此,《婚姻法》的制定体现了国家法律型女权主义者的做法,即通过成文法来推动中国妇女解放和家庭重组的政治议程。最近的学术研究强调了 1953 年《婚姻法》宣传运动中法律的政治化,而本研究则反其道而行之,探讨了政治和社会运动的法律化。
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引用次数: 0
Fifty Years of Modern China: An International Journal of History and Social Science 现代中国五十年国际历史与社会科学杂志
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-20 DOI: 10.1177/00977004241247275
Philip C. C. Huang, Kathryn Bernhardt
Looking back at the past half-century since the founding of the journal Modern China in 1975, we can see that in the beginning non–Chinese American scholars accounted for fully 73 percent of all articles. That figure remained at a fairly high 64 percent at the end of the century, but has declined greatly since, first down to 26 percent by 2005-2009, and further to just 11 percent in 2020-2022. That decline has been partly countered by the increasing numbers of Chinese-origin scholars (US citizens or not) based in the United States. At the same time, the proportion of articles published by mainland China–based scholars has steadily increased in the past two decades, reaching the present 28 percent. If we add to that articles by Chinese-origin scholars both inside and outside the United States, citizens or not, the total proportion rises to 65 percent, nearly two-thirds of all our articles, a sea change for the journal. Alongside that change, there has been the rise and expansion also of non–Chinese-origin scholars in the rest of the English–language world outside the United States, who now account for 24 percent of all our articles. Together these changes tell about the dramatic transnationalization of English language–based China studies as a whole, from mainly non–Chinese-origin American scholars to an ever-increasing proportion of Chinese-origin scholars, and from mainly a US endeavor to an ever more transnational one.
回顾《现代中国》杂志自1975年创刊以来的半个世纪,我们可以发现,在创刊之初,非华裔美国学者的文章占到所有文章的73%。在本世纪末,这一数字还保持在相当高的 64%,但此后大幅下降,先是在 2005-2009 年降至 26%,到 2020-2022 年进一步降至仅 11%。在美国工作的中国裔学者(无论是否为美国公民)人数不断增加,在一定程度上抵消了这一比例的下降。与此同时,中国大陆学者发表文章的比例在过去二十年中稳步上升,目前已达到 28%。如果再加上美国境内外的华裔学者(无论是否为美国公民)发表的文章,总比例上升到 65%,几乎占本刊所有文章的三分之二,这对本刊来说是一个翻天覆地的变化。在这一变化的同时,美国以外英语世界其他地区的非华裔学者也在崛起和壮大,他们现在占本刊所有文章的 24%。这些变化共同说明了以英语为基础的中国研究整体上的巨大跨国化,从主要是非华裔美国学者到华裔学者的比例不断增加,从主要是美国的努力到越来越多的跨国努力。
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引用次数: 0
Transitional Frictions: Intimate Ties, Grassroots Bureaucracy, and Family Reunion in Post-Mao China, 1975–1985 过渡摩擦:1975-1985年后毛泽东时代中国的亲密关系、基层官僚机构和家庭团聚
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-26 DOI: 10.1177/00977004241240050
Yanjie Huang
During the Cultural Revolution, millions of youths, workers, intellectuals, and cadres were separated from their families and mobilized to work in distant places according to the needs of the state. For these families, the transition to the post-Mao era was experienced not as an epochal change but as a family reunion often delayed by specific institutional constraints. The constant friction between families’ strategies to reunite and the bureaucratic logic specific to local contexts led to a sense of victimhood and a turn to domestic life and hope in children as the new sacred in life. By examining the processes of family reunion told in three sets of family letters, this article explores “transitional frictions,” defined as the conflicts and tensions arising from different speeds of institutional change during a rapid transition, as a ubiquitous phenomenon in the post-Mao transition.
文革期间,数百万青年、工人、知识分子和干部与家人分离,根据国家需要被动员到远方工作。对于这些家庭来说,向后毛泽东时代的过渡不是一场划时代的变革,而是一次家庭团聚,而这种团聚往往被特定的制度限制所拖延。家庭团聚的策略与当地特有的官僚逻辑之间的不断摩擦,导致了一种受害者意识,转而将家庭生活和对孩子的希望作为生活中的新神圣。通过研究三封家书中讲述的家庭团聚过程,本文探讨了 "转型摩擦",即在快速转型过程中,不同的制度变迁速度所产生的冲突和紧张关系,它是毛泽东时代后转型期的一个普遍现象。
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引用次数: 0
Constrained Power Expansion: China’s Procuratorial Reforms within and beyond Criminal Justice 受制约的权力扩张:中国刑事司法内外的检察改革
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-07 DOI: 10.1177/00977004241232874
Wanqiang Wu, Xifen Lin
This article employs the ecological theory of “boundary work and exchange” to elucidate the latest reforms in China’s procuratorial system, delineating the expanding remits of the procuratorates both within and beyond their traditional domain of criminal justice. Following the national supervision system pilot reform in 2016, which stripped the procuratorial bodies of their authority to investigate official crimes, China’s procuratorates have endeavored to expand their jurisdictions in areas such as criminal, civil, administrative, and public interest litigation. By examining how China’s procuratorates leverage their respective institutional advantages to broaden their functions, we find that they have not only strengthened their role in criminal proceedings but have also continuously expanded their functions beyond criminal litigation. These reforms follow a well-defined trajectory shaped by boundary work and exchange. However, in contrast to boundary work and exchange as usually theorized, which usually starts in ambiguous and elastic areas, China’s procuratorial reforms are notably confined to a fixed sphere. This can be attributed to the procuratorate’s pursuit of state support, which has, in turn, led to its constrained expansion. This enhanced theoretical framework sheds light on the evolving role of China’s procuratorates and underscores the potential significance of ecological theory for understanding broader institutional reforms in China.
本文运用 "边界工作与交换 "的生态理论来阐释中国检察制度的最新改革,勾勒出检察院在其传统刑事司法领域内外不断扩大的职权范围。继2016年国家监察体制改革试点,剥夺检察机关职务犯罪侦查权后,中国检察机关努力在刑事、民事、行政、公益诉讼等领域拓展职权。通过研究中国检察机关如何利用各自的制度优势拓展职能,我们发现检察机关不仅加强了在刑事诉讼中的作用,还不断拓展刑事诉讼以外的职能。这些改革遵循着边界工作和交流所形成的明确轨迹。然而,与通常理论上的边界工作和交换不同,边界工作和交换通常从模糊和弹性的领域开始,而中国的检察改革则明显局限于一个固定的领域。这可以归因于检察院对国家支持的追求,这反过来又导致了其扩张受到限制。这一强化的理论框架揭示了中国检察院不断演变的角色,并强调了生态理论对于理解中国更广泛制度改革的潜在意义。
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引用次数: 0
The Rise in Cesarean Births and the Technocratic Medicalization of Childbirth in Late-Reform China 改革晚期中国剖宫产率的上升和分娩的技术官僚医疗化
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/00977004241231474
Gonçalo D. Santos, Jun Zhang
The surge in cesarean section (CS) deliveries in China over the past several decades has led to significant international discussion, yet critical social science inquiry remains limited. Drawing on insights from sociological and anthropological studies of childbirth, this article moves away from the premise that having a CS is a matter of individual choice. Instead, we treat childbirth as ground zero of a set of complex negotiations between multiple actors, and we show how the biopolitical and politico-economic reconfiguration of the process of childbirth governance from the 1990s onwards has contributed to a dramatic increase in cesarean deliveries. Combining ethnographic materials from China’s rural and urban areas with an analysis of documents and quantitative data, we argue that the surge in CS rates in post-1990s China is part of a larger globalized process of the technocratic medicalization of birth, which has had a profound impact on the normative procedures and conditions shaping the process of childbirth, including the methods and forms of knowledge guiding childbirth management. This has contributed to the increasing normalization of a highly medicalized and interventionist model of childbirth, which has in turn facilitated the routinization of cesarean procedures.
过去几十年来,中国剖宫产(CS)的激增引起了国际上的广泛讨论,但批判性的社会科学研究仍然有限。本文借鉴了社会学和人类学对分娩的研究,摒弃了 "剖腹产是个人选择 "这一前提。相反,我们将分娩视为多方参与者之间一系列复杂谈判的原点,并展示了自 20 世纪 90 年代以来,分娩管理过程中的生物政治和政治经济重构是如何导致剖宫产急剧增加的。结合来自中国农村和城市地区的人种学材料以及对文件和定量数据的分析,我们认为,1990 年代后中国剖宫产率的激增是更大范围的全球化生育技术官僚医疗化进程的一部分,这一进程对塑造生育过程的规范程序和条件,包括指导生育管理的方法和知识形式产生了深远影响。这促使高度医疗化和干预主义的分娩模式日趋正常化,反过来又促进了剖宫产手术的常规化。
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引用次数: 0
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Modern China
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