Pub Date : 2022-12-27DOI: 10.1177/00977004221137529
Soonyi Lee
This article explores guild socialism in China after the First World War, arguing that it presented a pluralist vision of the state and society, posing an alternative to the collectivist vision of socialism put forward by the Chinese Communist Party as well as the state-centered notion of politics endorsed by the Chinese Nationalist Party. In an effort to break from the existing scholarly tendency to focus on the theme of state building in the history of Republican China, which tends to restrict the historical meaning of Chinese socialism to national revolution, this article situates interwar Chinese socialisms, including guild socialism, within a global context. It investigates how the Chinese guild socialist Zhang Dongsun and his colleagues formulated their theory in connection to the postwar global trend of criticizing established theories of the state. In so doing, this article will show that Chinese guildsmen attempted to transform socialism into a humanitarian movement, rather than a class revolution, aiming to overcome capitalist alienation and realize freedom as the general principle of human life.
{"title":"A Pluralist Vision of Society in Defiance of State Power: Guild Socialism in China after the First World War","authors":"Soonyi Lee","doi":"10.1177/00977004221137529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00977004221137529","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores guild socialism in China after the First World War, arguing that it presented a pluralist vision of the state and society, posing an alternative to the collectivist vision of socialism put forward by the Chinese Communist Party as well as the state-centered notion of politics endorsed by the Chinese Nationalist Party. In an effort to break from the existing scholarly tendency to focus on the theme of state building in the history of Republican China, which tends to restrict the historical meaning of Chinese socialism to national revolution, this article situates interwar Chinese socialisms, including guild socialism, within a global context. It investigates how the Chinese guild socialist Zhang Dongsun and his colleagues formulated their theory in connection to the postwar global trend of criticizing established theories of the state. In so doing, this article will show that Chinese guildsmen attempted to transform socialism into a humanitarian movement, rather than a class revolution, aiming to overcome capitalist alienation and realize freedom as the general principle of human life.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47073766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-12DOI: 10.1177/00977004221134211
S. Fong
By examining the Guomindang’s (GMD’s) on-the-ground implementation of its student military training program, this article addresses the ideological tensions and diplomatic predicaments underlying the party-state’s youth mobilization strategies. While fetishizing a regimented society, the program incorporated a heterogeneous set of tactics to both inspire and control youth martial activism. The peculiar mix of military discipline, Confucian modes of education, and liberal ideals of voluntarism and competition gave rise to multifarious experiences and sentiments that muddied the main objective of the state—to convert military training into a form of personal cultivation. This study sheds light on the gap between Chiang Kai-shek’s conception of militarization as the practice of everyday discipline and Chinese students’ embrace of military training as patriotic resistance against Japanese invasion. Ultimately, the program’s mobilizational potential was undercut by its obsession with managing the trivialities of everyday life and Nanjing’s appeasement policy toward Japan.
{"title":"Militarization as Personal Cultivation: Student Military Training in Guomindang China, 1928–1937","authors":"S. Fong","doi":"10.1177/00977004221134211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00977004221134211","url":null,"abstract":"By examining the Guomindang’s (GMD’s) on-the-ground implementation of its student military training program, this article addresses the ideological tensions and diplomatic predicaments underlying the party-state’s youth mobilization strategies. While fetishizing a regimented society, the program incorporated a heterogeneous set of tactics to both inspire and control youth martial activism. The peculiar mix of military discipline, Confucian modes of education, and liberal ideals of voluntarism and competition gave rise to multifarious experiences and sentiments that muddied the main objective of the state—to convert military training into a form of personal cultivation. This study sheds light on the gap between Chiang Kai-shek’s conception of militarization as the practice of everyday discipline and Chinese students’ embrace of military training as patriotic resistance against Japanese invasion. Ultimately, the program’s mobilizational potential was undercut by its obsession with managing the trivialities of everyday life and Nanjing’s appeasement policy toward Japan.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48255384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1177/00977004221133444
D. Leese
After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) faced a major predicament. Since the new leadership did not allow free exchange of opinions, the problem was how to obtain reliable information. To deal with this dilemma, the CCP developed a two-pronged approach. Besides public news items that catered to the mobilizational aspects of party policies, it established secret feedback channels, the so-called neican 内参, or internal reference, bulletins. These were strictly tasked with separating facts from opinion to provide the leadership with an objective account of developments in China and abroad. Over time, a distinct system for the controlled circulation of intelligence, an “information order,” took shape. This article looks at one of the most important reference bulletins, Xuanjiao dongtai 宣教动态, edited by the Central Propaganda Department between 1953 and 1966, and traces changes in the bulletin’s international coverage over time.
{"title":"The CCP Information Order in the Early People’s Republic of China: The Case of Xuanjiao Dongtai","authors":"D. Leese","doi":"10.1177/00977004221133444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00977004221133444","url":null,"abstract":"After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) faced a major predicament. Since the new leadership did not allow free exchange of opinions, the problem was how to obtain reliable information. To deal with this dilemma, the CCP developed a two-pronged approach. Besides public news items that catered to the mobilizational aspects of party policies, it established secret feedback channels, the so-called neican 内参, or internal reference, bulletins. These were strictly tasked with separating facts from opinion to provide the leadership with an objective account of developments in China and abroad. Over time, a distinct system for the controlled circulation of intelligence, an “information order,” took shape. This article looks at one of the most important reference bulletins, Xuanjiao dongtai 宣教动态, edited by the Central Propaganda Department between 1953 and 1966, and traces changes in the bulletin’s international coverage over time.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41946259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-15DOI: 10.1177/00977004221121073
Xian Wang
The “Shadian conflict,” which erupted in 1964 and continued until at least 1975, was the largest religious resistance of the Cultural Revolution, but its local dynamics and sociopolitical impacts are significantly understudied. This article sheds light on how Chinese Communist Party (CCP) authorities have dealt with Shadian Muslims’ petitions and requests for religious freedom from 1979 until 2019. It argues that the post–Mao Zedong CCP leadership has continued to implement the same mentality and methods as in the Mao period to deal with ethno-religious conflicts. At the center of this process lies the events of 1975 that have come to be known as the “Shadian incident” or “Shadian massacre,” in which around 1,600 Shadian Muslims were killed. The party’s approaches to redressing the events of 1975 have secularized and simplified the causes of the Shadian massacre and the religious requests of Muslim villagers by attributing the tragedy and villagers’ protests to factional struggles launched by “followers of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four” and “a handful of chaos-making figures.” Embedded in ongoing struggles between vernacular and official narratives of the 1975 tragedy, the Shadian problem has resulted in unreconciled discord between the CCP, which prioritizes the Maoist class-struggle mentality, and villagers, who emphasize Islamic religiosity.
{"title":"Justice for Whom? Redressing the “1975 Shadian Incident” in the Post-Mao Era, 1978–2019","authors":"Xian Wang","doi":"10.1177/00977004221121073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00977004221121073","url":null,"abstract":"The “Shadian conflict,” which erupted in 1964 and continued until at least 1975, was the largest religious resistance of the Cultural Revolution, but its local dynamics and sociopolitical impacts are significantly understudied. This article sheds light on how Chinese Communist Party (CCP) authorities have dealt with Shadian Muslims’ petitions and requests for religious freedom from 1979 until 2019. It argues that the post–Mao Zedong CCP leadership has continued to implement the same mentality and methods as in the Mao period to deal with ethno-religious conflicts. At the center of this process lies the events of 1975 that have come to be known as the “Shadian incident” or “Shadian massacre,” in which around 1,600 Shadian Muslims were killed. The party’s approaches to redressing the events of 1975 have secularized and simplified the causes of the Shadian massacre and the religious requests of Muslim villagers by attributing the tragedy and villagers’ protests to factional struggles launched by “followers of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four” and “a handful of chaos-making figures.” Embedded in ongoing struggles between vernacular and official narratives of the 1975 tragedy, the Shadian problem has resulted in unreconciled discord between the CCP, which prioritizes the Maoist class-struggle mentality, and villagers, who emphasize Islamic religiosity.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48776940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-29DOI: 10.1177/00977004221119082
K. O’Brien
As repression grows in China, some pastors, lawyers, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are neither resisting it nor withdrawing from the public sphere, but instead are finding ways to adapt. Coping strategies include the following: being transparent about their activities and maintaining close communication with the authorities; cultivating allies in the government and giving credit to officials for their achievements; keeping the size of their organizations nonthreatening and consenting to a heightened party presence; staying a safe distance from “red lines” and focusing on less controversial issues; encouraging their constituents to accept compromises and government priorities; distancing themselves from activists who speak out against restrictions; shedding connections with foreign countries; and arguing that loyalty and moderation are the best means to make progress. The hope is that cooperation and exhibiting an understanding view of the Chinese Communist Party’s motives will preserve space to operate and suggest a path toward long-term coexistence. Accommodating pastors, lawyers, and NGOs take the regime as a given and work with the state rather than against it. By doing so, they retain some agency, even as deepening authoritarianism blurs the line between accommodation and co-optation. Potentially restive professionals are directed away from activities and ways of thinking that the authorities do not like and toward organizing themselves and acting in a manner that is deemed acceptable. They learn to avoid confrontation while they are steered to a safe place and rewarded (or at least tolerated) if they stay there.
{"title":"Neither Withdrawal nor Resistance: Adapting to Increased Repression in China","authors":"K. O’Brien","doi":"10.1177/00977004221119082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00977004221119082","url":null,"abstract":"As repression grows in China, some pastors, lawyers, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are neither resisting it nor withdrawing from the public sphere, but instead are finding ways to adapt. Coping strategies include the following: being transparent about their activities and maintaining close communication with the authorities; cultivating allies in the government and giving credit to officials for their achievements; keeping the size of their organizations nonthreatening and consenting to a heightened party presence; staying a safe distance from “red lines” and focusing on less controversial issues; encouraging their constituents to accept compromises and government priorities; distancing themselves from activists who speak out against restrictions; shedding connections with foreign countries; and arguing that loyalty and moderation are the best means to make progress. The hope is that cooperation and exhibiting an understanding view of the Chinese Communist Party’s motives will preserve space to operate and suggest a path toward long-term coexistence. Accommodating pastors, lawyers, and NGOs take the regime as a given and work with the state rather than against it. By doing so, they retain some agency, even as deepening authoritarianism blurs the line between accommodation and co-optation. Potentially restive professionals are directed away from activities and ways of thinking that the authorities do not like and toward organizing themselves and acting in a manner that is deemed acceptable. They learn to avoid confrontation while they are steered to a safe place and rewarded (or at least tolerated) if they stay there.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42787831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-19DOI: 10.1177/00977004221123497
Wen-Yao Lee
This article describes the marriage institution’s disintegration and the resulting diversification of reproductive practices in Pumi (Premi) villages in Yongning, northwest Yunnan. Yongning Pumi currently practice formal marriages, visiting relationships, and cohabitation without marriage. I argue that this diversity has resulted from both the expansion of state intervention and local individuals’ agency to fulfill cultural ideals and personal desires. The changing economic-political environment in the nineteenth century and the unequal power relations between Pumi and Mosuo (Na), whose elites ruled Yongning as native officials 土官 authorized by the imperial court, jointly contributed to Pumi’s acceptance of visiting relationships. The popularity of visiting relationships in Yongning reflects the decline of the local status-differentiation system exemplified in divergent forms of marriage and reproductive relations. Moreover, the increasing commonalities and similarities of diversification in Pumi and Mosuo reproductive and residential practices are symptomatic of the region’s further incorporation into a larger economic and political system.
{"title":"Cultural Interaction under State Expansion in the Sino-Tibetan Borderlands: Changes in Marriage and Reproductive Practices in Yunnan since the Mid-Nineteenth Century","authors":"Wen-Yao Lee","doi":"10.1177/00977004221123497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00977004221123497","url":null,"abstract":"This article describes the marriage institution’s disintegration and the resulting diversification of reproductive practices in Pumi (Premi) villages in Yongning, northwest Yunnan. Yongning Pumi currently practice formal marriages, visiting relationships, and cohabitation without marriage. I argue that this diversity has resulted from both the expansion of state intervention and local individuals’ agency to fulfill cultural ideals and personal desires. The changing economic-political environment in the nineteenth century and the unequal power relations between Pumi and Mosuo (Na), whose elites ruled Yongning as native officials 土官 authorized by the imperial court, jointly contributed to Pumi’s acceptance of visiting relationships. The popularity of visiting relationships in Yongning reflects the decline of the local status-differentiation system exemplified in divergent forms of marriage and reproductive relations. Moreover, the increasing commonalities and similarities of diversification in Pumi and Mosuo reproductive and residential practices are symptomatic of the region’s further incorporation into a larger economic and political system.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44637607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-14DOI: 10.1177/00977004221123323
Ning Wang
Using recently published personal correspondence and a diary (supplemented by camp gazetteers, recollections, etc.), this article attempts to examine the experiences and inner world of Liu Yuxuan, an intellectual persecuted in 1950s China, during his internment in a reeducation-through-labor (laojiao) camp—his activism in ideological remolding, his perspectives on himself and his campmates, his wife’s role in his redemption, and some practices of and conditions in the Shandong First Laojiao Institution. While recent scholarship has noted the presence of relatively benevolent laojiao camps in the Mao Zedong era, this article shows what reeducation was like for a single individual. It also shows that, for certain types of victims of the Chinese Communist Party’s political campaigns, reeducation involved both genuine efforts for transformation and pragmatic concerns regarding surviving laojiao.
{"title":"Benevolent Reeducation and Active Remolding: A Perspective from Liu Yuxuan’s Diary and Correspondence","authors":"Ning Wang","doi":"10.1177/00977004221123323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00977004221123323","url":null,"abstract":"Using recently published personal correspondence and a diary (supplemented by camp gazetteers, recollections, etc.), this article attempts to examine the experiences and inner world of Liu Yuxuan, an intellectual persecuted in 1950s China, during his internment in a reeducation-through-labor (laojiao) camp—his activism in ideological remolding, his perspectives on himself and his campmates, his wife’s role in his redemption, and some practices of and conditions in the Shandong First Laojiao Institution. While recent scholarship has noted the presence of relatively benevolent laojiao camps in the Mao Zedong era, this article shows what reeducation was like for a single individual. It also shows that, for certain types of victims of the Chinese Communist Party’s political campaigns, reeducation involved both genuine efforts for transformation and pragmatic concerns regarding surviving laojiao.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43426377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-14DOI: 10.1177/00977004221123224
Yun Zhou
This article explores the Christian efforts to modernize rural women, who were placed at the center of rural reform in Republican China in the 1920s. Rural women represented an important, untapped force for change in rural communities. The Christian magazine Nü xing 女星 (Woman’s Star), launched in 1932, reached out to this group. Through a new model of rural womanhood, a figure called Mrs. Wang, the magazine demonstrated how rural women could transform local communities through domesticity and Christian faith. The modern model of rural womanhood promoted by Nü xing emerged as a part of a global Christian movement in which creating Christian households was the primary goal. The magazine thus represents the integration of a marginalized group of women into a global community founded on shared domestic concerns and spiritual practices. Nü xing reveals how rural women, as historical agents of change, were connected to rural reform and nation-building in China and to a global collective of Christian domestic womanhood.
{"title":"Rural Reform in Republican China: Christian Women, Print Media, and a Global Vision of Domesticity","authors":"Yun Zhou","doi":"10.1177/00977004221123224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00977004221123224","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the Christian efforts to modernize rural women, who were placed at the center of rural reform in Republican China in the 1920s. Rural women represented an important, untapped force for change in rural communities. The Christian magazine Nü xing 女星 (Woman’s Star), launched in 1932, reached out to this group. Through a new model of rural womanhood, a figure called Mrs. Wang, the magazine demonstrated how rural women could transform local communities through domesticity and Christian faith. The modern model of rural womanhood promoted by Nü xing emerged as a part of a global Christian movement in which creating Christian households was the primary goal. The magazine thus represents the integration of a marginalized group of women into a global community founded on shared domestic concerns and spiritual practices. Nü xing reveals how rural women, as historical agents of change, were connected to rural reform and nation-building in China and to a global collective of Christian domestic womanhood.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47559538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-14DOI: 10.1177/00977004221123519
Chuan-hsi Chen, D. Huang
Existing studies have demonstrated that China’s people’s congresses are co-optative and constituency-based representative institutions where regime outsiders’ interests and regional interests are articulated. Drawing on data of the municipal people’s congresses in Shenzhen and Kunming, this article shows that the congresses are also “workplace-based” representative institutions, that is, institutions through which deputies express the interests of their work organizations. Different from the conventional view that deputies’ workplaces make them less active in performing in the congresses, this article first shows that a “workplace-based connection” exists in people’s congresses and thus deputies are driven by incentives from their workplaces to articulate the latter’s interests. Furthermore, municipal deputies whose work organizations depend more on municipal units (i.e., municipal party-state organs) or have less influence on municipal policy making usually put forward more proposals about workplace-based interests. These findings indicate that people’s congresses can be channels utilized by both state and nonstate sectors to articulate organizational interests.
{"title":"Workplace-Based Connection: Interest Articulation of Deputies in China’s Municipal People’s Congresses","authors":"Chuan-hsi Chen, D. Huang","doi":"10.1177/00977004221123519","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00977004221123519","url":null,"abstract":"Existing studies have demonstrated that China’s people’s congresses are co-optative and constituency-based representative institutions where regime outsiders’ interests and regional interests are articulated. Drawing on data of the municipal people’s congresses in Shenzhen and Kunming, this article shows that the congresses are also “workplace-based” representative institutions, that is, institutions through which deputies express the interests of their work organizations. Different from the conventional view that deputies’ workplaces make them less active in performing in the congresses, this article first shows that a “workplace-based connection” exists in people’s congresses and thus deputies are driven by incentives from their workplaces to articulate the latter’s interests. Furthermore, municipal deputies whose work organizations depend more on municipal units (i.e., municipal party-state organs) or have less influence on municipal policy making usually put forward more proposals about workplace-based interests. These findings indicate that people’s congresses can be channels utilized by both state and nonstate sectors to articulate organizational interests.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42959765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-14DOI: 10.1177/00977004221118577
Wen-hsuan Tsai, G. Tian
Through field research conducted within the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) County S Organization Department, this article finds that, under the CCP’s 2012 Eighteenth Party Congress policies of strengthening local governance and “whoever recommends a cadre is responsible for their performance,” the powers of the county organization departments have been enhanced. The main task of an organization department is the selection of cadres for postings. The County S Organization Department can put forward candidates for posts and also exercises an alarm function for the county party committee, although the party committee still has the final say in cadre appointments. The County S Organization Department has also enhanced its management of cadres’ personnel files to provide accurate reference material for use in cadre selection. The strengthening of the powers of the organization departments may provide an effective solution to the problem of information asymmetry faced by the party committees, enabling their leaders to avoid being held to account for mistakes in cadre selection. It appears that, since 2012, more norms have been developed for selecting cadres, thus facilitating the creation of a “political meritocracy” at the grassroots level.
{"title":"The Recruitment Process for Grassroots Cadres in a Chinese County: The CCP Organization Department and Its Alarm Function","authors":"Wen-hsuan Tsai, G. Tian","doi":"10.1177/00977004221118577","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00977004221118577","url":null,"abstract":"Through field research conducted within the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) County S Organization Department, this article finds that, under the CCP’s 2012 Eighteenth Party Congress policies of strengthening local governance and “whoever recommends a cadre is responsible for their performance,” the powers of the county organization departments have been enhanced. The main task of an organization department is the selection of cadres for postings. The County S Organization Department can put forward candidates for posts and also exercises an alarm function for the county party committee, although the party committee still has the final say in cadre appointments. The County S Organization Department has also enhanced its management of cadres’ personnel files to provide accurate reference material for use in cadre selection. The strengthening of the powers of the organization departments may provide an effective solution to the problem of information asymmetry faced by the party committees, enabling their leaders to avoid being held to account for mistakes in cadre selection. It appears that, since 2012, more norms have been developed for selecting cadres, thus facilitating the creation of a “political meritocracy” at the grassroots level.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45787526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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