Pub Date : 2020-12-15DOI: 10.1177/0097700420976603
J. Lei
This article adopts an intersectional approach incorporating gender, race, and colonialism to illuminate a martial trend among Chinese men of letters at the turn of the twentieth century. Within the late Qing reformist intellectual discourses championed by Liang Qichao, it analyzes three racialized colonialist stereotypes: the “effeminate” Confucian literatus, the “Sick Man of East Asia,” and the “Yellow Peril.” The purpose is to reveal these stereotypes as collateral elements of the ideological reconfigurations of the Chinese nation and Chinese masculinities. I argue that although the homology of Western colonialist logic and gender politics powerfully manipulated narratives on Chinese masculinities, male Chinese intellectuals did not passively adopt orientalized images of “Chinamen.” Rather, they strategically reappropriated these stereotypes and invented a new homology of racial and gender politics in order to address abiding concerns with race, nation, and male sexual potency.
{"title":"Colonial Stereotypes and Martialized Intellectual Masculinity in Late Qing and Early Republican China","authors":"J. Lei","doi":"10.1177/0097700420976603","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700420976603","url":null,"abstract":"This article adopts an intersectional approach incorporating gender, race, and colonialism to illuminate a martial trend among Chinese men of letters at the turn of the twentieth century. Within the late Qing reformist intellectual discourses championed by Liang Qichao, it analyzes three racialized colonialist stereotypes: the “effeminate” Confucian literatus, the “Sick Man of East Asia,” and the “Yellow Peril.” The purpose is to reveal these stereotypes as collateral elements of the ideological reconfigurations of the Chinese nation and Chinese masculinities. I argue that although the homology of Western colonialist logic and gender politics powerfully manipulated narratives on Chinese masculinities, male Chinese intellectuals did not passively adopt orientalized images of “Chinamen.” Rather, they strategically reappropriated these stereotypes and invented a new homology of racial and gender politics in order to address abiding concerns with race, nation, and male sexual potency.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0097700420976603","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46832448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-06DOI: 10.1177/0097700420975102
Qingjun Liu
The success of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by the end of the Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) has generally been credited to its moderate approach to mobilizing the local peasantry through appeals to anti-Japanese nationalism and programs of social justice. However, the evidence presented in this article demonstrates that during late 1939 and early 1940 in some counties of the Southwest Shanxi Base Area and other major North China base areas the CCP abandoned its moderate approach and promoted a radical and violent class struggle. Based on its experiences in 1939–1940, the CCP created a model for mobilization in early 1942 that balanced radical and moderate approaches, which was then gradually applied to all Communist base areas. This article argues that the CCP relied on a combination of two contrasting and complementary approaches—radical and moderate—both of which played an indispensable role in its success by 1945.
{"title":"Reinterpreting the Chinese Revolution: The Balance between Radical and Moderate Approaches, 1937–1945","authors":"Qingjun Liu","doi":"10.1177/0097700420975102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700420975102","url":null,"abstract":"The success of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by the end of the Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) has generally been credited to its moderate approach to mobilizing the local peasantry through appeals to anti-Japanese nationalism and programs of social justice. However, the evidence presented in this article demonstrates that during late 1939 and early 1940 in some counties of the Southwest Shanxi Base Area and other major North China base areas the CCP abandoned its moderate approach and promoted a radical and violent class struggle. Based on its experiences in 1939–1940, the CCP created a model for mobilization in early 1942 that balanced radical and moderate approaches, which was then gradually applied to all Communist base areas. This article argues that the CCP relied on a combination of two contrasting and complementary approaches—radical and moderate—both of which played an indispensable role in its success by 1945.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0097700420975102","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43301472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-06DOI: 10.1177/0097700420976604
Yaoyao Cheng, Peikun Han
China’s “new agriculture,” characterized by a “capital-labor dual intensifying” pattern of production, is an effective way of linking small peasants with modern agriculture. Based on a field survey of several neighboring villages in Nijingzhen, Hebei, this article describes and compares each village’s level of agricultural development, and how the new agriculture differs within them. The analysis reveals that both soil texture and land layout affect the ability of villages to adopt new agricultural technologies that characterize the new agriculture. The current land layout is determined by the land division rules that are collectively made by villagers under village self-governance and deeply influenced by the effectiveness of rural governance. “Capable rural people,” family surname and clan structures, and the structure of peasant households, in addition to the choice to remain in the villages, interact with each other and affect the effectiveness of village governing authorities. In turn, the development of the new agriculture impacts the inflow and outflow of the rural labor force, and whether villagers remain in the village, which in turn affects rural governance and social stratification.
{"title":"Resource Endowment, Rural Governance, and the “New Agriculture” in China","authors":"Yaoyao Cheng, Peikun Han","doi":"10.1177/0097700420976604","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700420976604","url":null,"abstract":"China’s “new agriculture,” characterized by a “capital-labor dual intensifying” pattern of production, is an effective way of linking small peasants with modern agriculture. Based on a field survey of several neighboring villages in Nijingzhen, Hebei, this article describes and compares each village’s level of agricultural development, and how the new agriculture differs within them. The analysis reveals that both soil texture and land layout affect the ability of villages to adopt new agricultural technologies that characterize the new agriculture. The current land layout is determined by the land division rules that are collectively made by villagers under village self-governance and deeply influenced by the effectiveness of rural governance. “Capable rural people,” family surname and clan structures, and the structure of peasant households, in addition to the choice to remain in the villages, interact with each other and affect the effectiveness of village governing authorities. In turn, the development of the new agriculture impacts the inflow and outflow of the rural labor force, and whether villagers remain in the village, which in turn affects rural governance and social stratification.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0097700420976604","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46328365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-30DOI: 10.1177/0097700420969923
Huasha Zhang
This article analyzes the transformation of Lhasa’s Chinese community from the embodiment of an expansionist power in the early eighteenth century to the orphan of a fallen regime after the Qing Empire’s demise in 1911. Throughout the imperial era, this remote Chinese enclave represented Qing authority in Tibet and remained under the metropole’s strong political and social influence. Its members intermarried with the locals and adopted many Tibetan cultural traits. During the years surrounding the 1911 Xinhai Revolution, this community played a significant role in a series of interconnected political and ethnic confrontations that gave birth to the two antagonistic national bodies of Tibet and China. The community’s history and experiences challenge not only the academic assessment that Tibet’s Chinese population had fully assimilated into Tibetan society by the twentieth century but also the widespread image of pre-1951 Lhasa as a harmonious town of peaceful ethnic coexistence.
{"title":"Orphans of the Empire: Lhasa’s Chinese Community from the Qing Era to the Early Twentieth Century","authors":"Huasha Zhang","doi":"10.1177/0097700420969923","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700420969923","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the transformation of Lhasa’s Chinese community from the embodiment of an expansionist power in the early eighteenth century to the orphan of a fallen regime after the Qing Empire’s demise in 1911. Throughout the imperial era, this remote Chinese enclave represented Qing authority in Tibet and remained under the metropole’s strong political and social influence. Its members intermarried with the locals and adopted many Tibetan cultural traits. During the years surrounding the 1911 Xinhai Revolution, this community played a significant role in a series of interconnected political and ethnic confrontations that gave birth to the two antagonistic national bodies of Tibet and China. The community’s history and experiences challenge not only the academic assessment that Tibet’s Chinese population had fully assimilated into Tibetan society by the twentieth century but also the widespread image of pre-1951 Lhasa as a harmonious town of peaceful ethnic coexistence.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0097700420969923","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46215194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-11DOI: 10.1177/0097700420967667
Jun-Yang Wang
Veterans have become one of China’s largest and most vocal protest groups. Studies on the country’s veterans have focused on their grievances and have identified these individuals as “unlucky” victims of economic reforms who suffer because of the state’s inadequate attention and local governments’ poor policy implementation. However, this article argues that the difficulties veterans face are the product of piecemeal policies adopted by central authorities. These policies have been inherited from the Maoist era’s principle of local resettlement of demobilized soldiers. Local governments have tried to reduce the heavy burden this resettlement policy imposes on them. Drawing on a review of a large number of policy documents, as well as interviews with dozens of veterans, this article presents a comprehensive picture of the resettlement system and the way piecemeal reforms have spurred various forms of unrest among veterans. It also shows that the differential treatment of various veteran groups in similar situations, as a result of the fragmented system and accumulated policy changes, has exacerbated veterans’ grievances. Finally, the article explores the conundrum of reforming the resettlement system. While the local resettlement of veterans is guaranteed and remains a cornerstone of civil/party-military relations, it has become impossible for the government to locally resettle all veterans. The resettlement system’s internal fragmentation also allows different authorities to shirk responsibility and eventually puts the burden on the veterans themselves. The elusive reforms proposed by the current leadership are unlikely to resolve these tensions.
{"title":"Behind Veterans’ Protests: Passive and Piecemeal Policy-Making in China","authors":"Jun-Yang Wang","doi":"10.1177/0097700420967667","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700420967667","url":null,"abstract":"Veterans have become one of China’s largest and most vocal protest groups. Studies on the country’s veterans have focused on their grievances and have identified these individuals as “unlucky” victims of economic reforms who suffer because of the state’s inadequate attention and local governments’ poor policy implementation. However, this article argues that the difficulties veterans face are the product of piecemeal policies adopted by central authorities. These policies have been inherited from the Maoist era’s principle of local resettlement of demobilized soldiers. Local governments have tried to reduce the heavy burden this resettlement policy imposes on them. Drawing on a review of a large number of policy documents, as well as interviews with dozens of veterans, this article presents a comprehensive picture of the resettlement system and the way piecemeal reforms have spurred various forms of unrest among veterans. It also shows that the differential treatment of various veteran groups in similar situations, as a result of the fragmented system and accumulated policy changes, has exacerbated veterans’ grievances. Finally, the article explores the conundrum of reforming the resettlement system. While the local resettlement of veterans is guaranteed and remains a cornerstone of civil/party-military relations, it has become impossible for the government to locally resettle all veterans. The resettlement system’s internal fragmentation also allows different authorities to shirk responsibility and eventually puts the burden on the veterans themselves. The elusive reforms proposed by the current leadership are unlikely to resolve these tensions.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0097700420967667","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48744101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-03DOI: 10.1177/0097700420967288
T. Johnson, Kathinka Fürst
This article examines how artists have engaged with the issue of air pollution in Beijing, where poor air quality has become a serious public health matter. Artists have utilized various mediums including performance art, photography, and painting to represent smog. Through generating media and online attention this work has contributed to a relatively vibrant “green public sphere” (Yang and Calhoun, 2007) of air pollution discourse. In contrast to much resistance in China that relies upon making specific claims to government officials, artistic expression bypasses the authorities and appeals instead to public opinion. Artists utilize ambiguity to portray air pollution in novel ways that subtly question the structures that produce and sustain it. In this way, artists can challenge popular perceptions of smog and raise public awareness, thus intensifying support for policies that tackle smog. Yet art can also embody deep frustration at the powerlessness that artists, and the public more widely, experience when confronted by severe air pollution. Art therefore serves both as a form of activism and as an expression of curtailed agency in a politically restrictive environment.
{"title":"Praying for Blue Skies: Artistic Representations of Air Pollution in China","authors":"T. Johnson, Kathinka Fürst","doi":"10.1177/0097700420967288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700420967288","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how artists have engaged with the issue of air pollution in Beijing, where poor air quality has become a serious public health matter. Artists have utilized various mediums including performance art, photography, and painting to represent smog. Through generating media and online attention this work has contributed to a relatively vibrant “green public sphere” (Yang and Calhoun, 2007) of air pollution discourse. In contrast to much resistance in China that relies upon making specific claims to government officials, artistic expression bypasses the authorities and appeals instead to public opinion. Artists utilize ambiguity to portray air pollution in novel ways that subtly question the structures that produce and sustain it. In this way, artists can challenge popular perceptions of smog and raise public awareness, thus intensifying support for policies that tackle smog. Yet art can also embody deep frustration at the powerlessness that artists, and the public more widely, experience when confronted by severe air pollution. Art therefore serves both as a form of activism and as an expression of curtailed agency in a politically restrictive environment.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0097700420967288","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42564672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-03DOI: 10.1177/0097700420969135
N. Baranovitch
The “bilingual education” policy in Xinjiang has been one of the most contentious policies implemented in the region in recent decades. Given its negative impact on one of the most important markers of Uyghur ethnic identity, it has been a major cause of Uyghur discontent. Nevertheless, our knowledge of the genesis of this policy and the negotiations that took place around its implementation has been partial at best. Through an in-depth analysis of two essays published in the early and mid-2000s by two prominent Uyghur scholars, a large body of academic publications by other Uyghur scholars, and ethnographic data collected since the early 2000s, this article reexamines part of the conventional academic wisdom that relates to this policy, particularly the role Uyghurs have played in relation to it. The article suggests two main revisions to the existing knowledge. One has to do with the amount and form of Uyghur resistance to the policy, and the other with the role Uyghurs have played in promoting the policy. I argue that at least in its early stages, not only did not all Uyghurs resist the policy, but also, in fact, part of the Uyghur political and academic elite played an active role in promoting it. In addition, contrary to the implicit agreement in the existing scholarship that Uyghurs could resist the policy only in covert forms, in fact a considerable number of Uyghur academics have been engaged for years in persistent and overt struggle against it.
{"title":"The “Bilingual Education” Policy in Xinjiang Revisited: New Evidence of Open Resistance and Active Support among the Uyghur Elite","authors":"N. Baranovitch","doi":"10.1177/0097700420969135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700420969135","url":null,"abstract":"The “bilingual education” policy in Xinjiang has been one of the most contentious policies implemented in the region in recent decades. Given its negative impact on one of the most important markers of Uyghur ethnic identity, it has been a major cause of Uyghur discontent. Nevertheless, our knowledge of the genesis of this policy and the negotiations that took place around its implementation has been partial at best. Through an in-depth analysis of two essays published in the early and mid-2000s by two prominent Uyghur scholars, a large body of academic publications by other Uyghur scholars, and ethnographic data collected since the early 2000s, this article reexamines part of the conventional academic wisdom that relates to this policy, particularly the role Uyghurs have played in relation to it. The article suggests two main revisions to the existing knowledge. One has to do with the amount and form of Uyghur resistance to the policy, and the other with the role Uyghurs have played in promoting the policy. I argue that at least in its early stages, not only did not all Uyghurs resist the policy, but also, in fact, part of the Uyghur political and academic elite played an active role in promoting it. In addition, contrary to the implicit agreement in the existing scholarship that Uyghurs could resist the policy only in covert forms, in fact a considerable number of Uyghur academics have been engaged for years in persistent and overt struggle against it.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0097700420969135","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43969792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0097700419869603
Andrew Kuech
Amid a lull in the Korean conflict of early 1952, Chinese officials launched a sensationalized propaganda campaign against purported American germ attacks in Korea and China. To boost enthusiasm for the war, the Chinese government sought to foment popular anxieties about the strange specter of American insects and diseases raining down from the skies. Officials quickly capitalized upon public outcries and mobilized them toward the aims of the state. Using dramatized fears of an American germ war, propagandists combined the government’s aims of increasing popular anti-Americanism, developing the Patriotic Hygiene Campaign, and rallying the country for total war. As this article argues, Chinese leaders honed imagery of a microbial American invasion to teach the public about science and educate them about the threats of germs and diseases. In this fusion of state propaganda and pedagogy, the citizenry was mobilized to performatively confront fictional American germ attacks in ways that entrenched a dogmatic anti-Americanism into the banal constructions of everyday life.
{"title":"Cultivating, Cleansing, and Performing the American Germ Invasion: The Anatomy of a Chinese Korean War Propaganda Campaign","authors":"Andrew Kuech","doi":"10.1177/0097700419869603","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700419869603","url":null,"abstract":"Amid a lull in the Korean conflict of early 1952, Chinese officials launched a sensationalized propaganda campaign against purported American germ attacks in Korea and China. To boost enthusiasm for the war, the Chinese government sought to foment popular anxieties about the strange specter of American insects and diseases raining down from the skies. Officials quickly capitalized upon public outcries and mobilized them toward the aims of the state. Using dramatized fears of an American germ war, propagandists combined the government’s aims of increasing popular anti-Americanism, developing the Patriotic Hygiene Campaign, and rallying the country for total war. As this article argues, Chinese leaders honed imagery of a microbial American invasion to teach the public about science and educate them about the threats of germs and diseases. In this fusion of state propaganda and pedagogy, the citizenry was mobilized to performatively confront fictional American germ attacks in ways that entrenched a dogmatic anti-Americanism into the banal constructions of everyday life.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0097700419869603","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42429299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0097700419873896
Zhengyang Jiang
In the historical context of the confrontation between the Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region and the Guomindang-controlled areas, the system of “turning oneself in” 自首 greatly impacted the struggle between the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party. This system was not only a “soft” means of governance that weakened the enemy without resorting to force, but also a weapon in the struggle to obtain secret information, to divide and rule, and to expand power. As a part of the political system in the border region, the policy of leniency toward offenders was widely used. In actual practice, there were not only special criminal laws for dealing with confessors to specified crimes, but also some unusual forms, such as “public confession declarations” 坦白布告 and even “confession campaigns” 坦白运动. Since the system was applied in an environment of confrontation and struggle, its instrumentalist side became increasingly prominent, while its theoretical moralism side became progressively weaker. On the one hand, this revolutionary change differentiates it from its traditional counterpart rooted in Confucianism as reflected in the practical moralism of traditional Chinese law; on the other hand, the continuity and change of the practice may reveal the historical basis for its growing degeneration.
{"title":"Between Instrumentalism and Moralism: Representation and Practice of the System of “Turning Oneself In” in the Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region","authors":"Zhengyang Jiang","doi":"10.1177/0097700419873896","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700419873896","url":null,"abstract":"In the historical context of the confrontation between the Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region and the Guomindang-controlled areas, the system of “turning oneself in” 自首 greatly impacted the struggle between the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party. This system was not only a “soft” means of governance that weakened the enemy without resorting to force, but also a weapon in the struggle to obtain secret information, to divide and rule, and to expand power. As a part of the political system in the border region, the policy of leniency toward offenders was widely used. In actual practice, there were not only special criminal laws for dealing with confessors to specified crimes, but also some unusual forms, such as “public confession declarations” 坦白布告 and even “confession campaigns” 坦白运动. Since the system was applied in an environment of confrontation and struggle, its instrumentalist side became increasingly prominent, while its theoretical moralism side became progressively weaker. On the one hand, this revolutionary change differentiates it from its traditional counterpart rooted in Confucianism as reflected in the practical moralism of traditional Chinese law; on the other hand, the continuity and change of the practice may reveal the historical basis for its growing degeneration.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0097700419873896","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49233884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0097700419890391
Xiangyu Hu
The early Qing regulations on fugitive slaves, which originated in pre-1644 Manchu society, aimed to stop banner slaves from escaping. Because very harsh punishments were imposed on both those who harbored fugitive slaves as well as the harborers’ neighbors (both of whom were mainly Han), these regulations led to many tragedies among the Han population and became a key site of Manchu-Han conflict during the Shunzhi and Kangxi reigns. Scholars have thus tended to see them as representative of Manchu alien rule. Unlike previous scholars’ perspectives that emphasize the early Qing rulers’ cruelty toward the Han population in implementing the fugitive regulations, this article demonstrates that Qing rulers, including Dorgon, Shunzhi, and Oboi, protected the interests of the Han population, and that Han legal principles eventually prevailed.
{"title":"The Evolution of Early Qing Regulations on Fugitive Slaves","authors":"Xiangyu Hu","doi":"10.1177/0097700419890391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700419890391","url":null,"abstract":"The early Qing regulations on fugitive slaves, which originated in pre-1644 Manchu society, aimed to stop banner slaves from escaping. Because very harsh punishments were imposed on both those who harbored fugitive slaves as well as the harborers’ neighbors (both of whom were mainly Han), these regulations led to many tragedies among the Han population and became a key site of Manchu-Han conflict during the Shunzhi and Kangxi reigns. Scholars have thus tended to see them as representative of Manchu alien rule. Unlike previous scholars’ perspectives that emphasize the early Qing rulers’ cruelty toward the Han population in implementing the fugitive regulations, this article demonstrates that Qing rulers, including Dorgon, Shunzhi, and Oboi, protected the interests of the Han population, and that Han legal principles eventually prevailed.","PeriodicalId":47030,"journal":{"name":"Modern China","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0097700419890391","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48434475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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