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Understanding the place of punishment: Disadvantage, politics, and the geography of imprisonment in 21st century America 理解惩罚的位置:21世纪美国监禁的劣势、政治和地理
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-05 DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12161
Katherine Beckett, Lindsey Beach

Studies suggest that the spatial distribution of punishment in the United States is shifting. This article analyzes variation in prison admissions across U.S. counties to deepen our understanding of the contemporary geography of punishment. While research on punishment generally treats economic and political theories of punishment as distinct, we draw on recent studies of penal attitudes to develop a theoretical argument regarding their possible interconnection. We then use Hierarchical Linear Modeling to test the hypothesis that conservatism, race, and disadvantage are associated with the use of prison and that these factors help to explain why prison admission rates are higher in rural and suburban counties than in urban ones, despite notably higher crime rates in the latter. The results indicate that nonurban counties send more people to prison than urban counties and that socioeconomic disadvantage, the size of the Black population, and conservatism are significant predictors of prison admissions after controlling for crime-related problems. These findings suggest that poverty, race, and politics work in concert to shape the distribution of punishment across 21st century America.

研究表明,美国刑罚的空间分布正在发生变化。本文分析了美国各县监狱入学率的变化,以加深我们对当代刑罚地理的理解。虽然对惩罚的研究通常将惩罚的经济和政治理论视为不同的,但我们借鉴了最近对刑罚态度的研究,以发展关于它们可能相互联系的理论论点。然后,我们使用层次线性模型来检验保守主义、种族和劣势与监狱使用有关的假设,这些因素有助于解释为什么农村和郊区县的入狱率高于城市县,尽管后者的犯罪率明显更高。结果表明,非城市县比城市县送更多的人入狱,社会经济劣势、黑人人口规模和保守主义是控制犯罪相关问题后入狱人数的重要预测因素。这些发现表明,贫困、种族和政治共同影响了21世纪美国惩罚的分布。
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引用次数: 0
Critical coverage: How the media criticize supreme courts—Evidence from Israel 批评性报道:媒体如何批评最高法院——来自以色列的证据
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-01-21 DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12160
Bryna Bogoch, Yifat Holzman-Gazit

This paper examines media criticism of the Israeli Supreme Court from 2002 to 2011 in two newspapers. We analyze the nature and patterns of press criticism in different contexts by 1) distinguishing between diffuse and specific criticism and 2) by analyzing criticism separately from political framing and the tone of the article. We find that the increase in diffuse criticism and political framing over time was often balanced with counter-criticism, resulting in a neutral or even positive tone toward the Court. This complex picture enables a more sophisticated understanding of the nature and implications of criticism of supreme courts in the press.

本文考察了2002年至2011年两家报纸对以色列最高法院的媒体批评。我们分析了不同背景下新闻批评的性质和模式:1)区分漫射批评和具体批评;2)将批评与政治框架和文章基调分开分析。我们发现,随着时间的推移,扩散批评和政治框架的增加往往与反批评相平衡,导致对法院的中立甚至积极的语气。这种复杂的情况使我们对新闻界对最高法院的批评的性质和影响有了更复杂的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond evidence: Anticipatory regimes in law 证据之外:法律中的预见性制度
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2020-12-10 DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12159
Elen Stokes

This article lays the groundwork for a new approach to understanding how law engages with the future, based on the social science theory and practice of anticipation. Anticipation, as depicted by an extensive interdisciplinary literature, encourages a shift in attention from the future as a matter solely of probability and effect, to the future as a wider array of possibilities operating on the present. Notably absent from this literature is law. This article offers a framework for analyzing how law mobilizes future possibilities to serve present regulatory purposes, focusing in particular on the role of legal horizons, forms and affect.

本文以社会科学理论和预期实践为基础,为理解法律如何与未来联系的新方法奠定了基础。正如广泛的跨学科文献所描述的那样,预期鼓励人们将注意力从仅仅作为概率和效果的未来转移到作为对现在进行操作的更广泛的可能性的未来。值得注意的是,这些文献中没有法律。本文提供了一个框架来分析法律如何调动未来的可能性来服务于当前的监管目的,特别关注法律视界、形式和影响的作用。
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引用次数: 6
The paradox of regulatory discretion 监管自由裁量权的悖论
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12158
Despoina Mantzari, Francesca Pia Vantaggiato

Regulatory authorities in the utilities sector typically employ economic evidence and analysis to make expert discretionary judgments under uncertainty. However, economic analysis does not provide clear answers regarding policy outcomes. This exposes regulators to environmental uncertainty, that is, uncertainty regarding the reactions of other actors in the institutional system to their decisions. When policy outcome and environmental uncertainty are high, discretion takes center stage. Will regulators pursue the course of action suggested by economic analysis and their expert judgment or not? What explains this choice? To answer these questions, we carry out a comparative analysis of three British regulatory authorities in the utilities sector: the Office of Communications, the Office of Gas and Electricity, and the Water Services Regulation Authority. We consider two key sectoral and organizational characteristics: the extent of market competition, and statutory discretion. We rely on interview evidence and documentary analysis and a principal–agent framework. Our analysis reveals a paradox: when environmental and policy outcome uncertainty are high, the higher the regulatory discretion, the lower the role of economic expertise in regulatory decisions. Our findings call for a normative reflection on the role of expertise in regulated sectors.

公用事业部门的监管机构通常采用经济证据和分析来做出不确定情况下的专家自由裁量判断。然而,经济分析并没有提供有关政策结果的明确答案。这就使监管者面临环境的不确定性,即制度体系中其他行为者对其决策的反应的不确定性。当政策结果和环境的不确定性很高时,自由裁量权就占据了中心位置。监管机构是否会采取经济分析和专家判断所建议的行动?如何解释这种选择?为了回答这些问题,我们对英国公用事业部门的三个监管机构进行了比较分析:通信办公室、天然气和电力办公室以及水服务监管机构。我们考虑了两个关键的行业和组织特征:市场竞争的程度和法定自由裁量权。我们依靠访谈证据和文件分析以及委托代理框架。我们的分析揭示了一个悖论:当环境和政策结果的不确定性较高时,监管自由裁量权越高,经济专业知识在监管决策中的作用就越低。我们的研究结果呼吁对专业知识在受监管部门中的作用进行规范性反思。
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引用次数: 5
Rethinking nongovernmental organizations: Neoliberalism, “nonstate” actors, and the politics of recognition in the United States 重新思考非政府组织:新自由主义、“非国家”行为体和美国的承认政治
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2020-10-12 DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12157
Jara M. Carrington

This article builds on and contributes to the scholarship on social movements and the law by revealing the critical function of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in law and policy in neoliberal times. Building on frame theories in social movement literature, this essay uses the lens of NGO-produced advocacy for binational same-sex couples to consider more broadly the relationship between individual experience, subjectivity, and the discourses and practices employed by NGO actors. It offers an analysis of both how NGOs developed and utilized particular messaging strategies and rhetorical frames to discursively produce a normative image of their constituency, and how constituents navigated and made use of the framing strategies developed by NGOs in their own claims to state rights and recognition. This discussion thus highlights the potentials and the problematics of the NGO model in social movements' efforts toward legal and political change.

本文通过揭示非政府组织(ngo)在新自由主义时代法律和政策中的关键作用,建立并促进了社会运动和法律的学术研究。本文以社会运动文献中的框架理论为基础,利用非政府组织倡导跨国同性伴侣的视角,更广泛地考虑个人经验、主观性与非政府组织行动者所采用的话语和实践之间的关系。它分析了非政府组织如何发展和利用特定的信息传递策略和修辞框架,以话语方式产生其选民的规范形象,以及选民如何在他们自己对国家权利和承认的主张中导航和利用非政府组织开发的框架策略。因此,这一讨论突出了非政府组织模式在社会运动中争取法律和政治变革的潜力和问题。
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引用次数: 0
Can a leopard change its spots? Strategic behavior versus professional role conception during Ukraine's 2014 court chair elections 江山易改本性难移?2014年乌克兰法院主席选举中的战略行为与职业角色概念
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2020-10-09 DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12156
Maria Popova

Do judges respond to institutional and strategic incentives or do they strictly follow dominant professional role conceptions? This article weighs in by exploring whether an ideational shift toward judicial empowerment and independence can germinate from institutional reforms. Ukraine's 2014 Euromaidan revolution and the comprehensive judicial reform adopted in its wake provide a test of the competing theoretical accounts. A judicial lustration law sacked all incumbent court chairs, who had been appointed by the executive, and gave Ukrainian judges the right to elect new chairs via secret ballot. I analyze this radical step toward judicial self-government using an original data set with individual- and court-level data. The key finding is that less than a fifth of Ukrainian judges embraced their newly granted agency and elected a new chair for their court, whereas the overwhelming majority followed dominant professional norms of deference and reelected the sacked court chairs. This finding holds for all rungs of the judicial hierarchy and for all regions of Ukraine. Even protégés of ousted president Yanukovych won the secret ballot vote by their peers more often than they lost it. Beyond Ukraine, these results suggest that empowering individual judges in the highly hierarchical structure of a civil law judiciary is unlikely to lead to a judicial behavior shift, at least in the short run.

法官是对制度和战略激励作出反应,还是严格遵循主流的职业角色观念?本文通过探讨向司法授权和司法独立的观念转变是否可以从制度改革中萌芽来进行权衡。乌克兰2014年的亲欧盟运动革命及其后采取的全面司法改革为相互竞争的理论解释提供了检验。一项司法改革法案解雇了所有由行政部门任命的现任法院主席,并赋予乌克兰法官通过无记名投票选举新主席的权利。我使用包含个人和法院层面数据的原始数据集来分析这一迈向司法自治的激进步骤。调查的关键发现是,不到五分之一的乌克兰法官接受了他们新获得的权力,并为他们的法院选举了一位新主席,而绝大多数法官遵循了主流的职业规范,即尊重并重新选举了被解雇的法院主席。这一结论适用于所有司法等级和乌克兰所有地区。即使是被赶下台的亚努科维奇总统的支持者,在无记名投票中获胜的几率也大于失败的几率。除了乌克兰之外,这些结果表明,在民法司法的高度等级结构中,赋予法官个人权力不太可能导致司法行为的转变,至少在短期内是这样。
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引用次数: 5
The devil is in the details: How arbitration system design and training facilitate and inhibit repeat-player advantages in private and state-run arbitration hearings 细节决定成败:仲裁制度的设计和培训如何促进和抑制私人和国有仲裁听证会中的重复参与者优势
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2020-10-03 DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12155
Shauhin A. Talesh, Peter C. Alter

This article demonstrates that arbitration system design and the training that arbitrators receive shape the extent to which repeat players gain advantages in arbitration hearings. While prior arbitration research does suggest that arbitrator training matters, this is the first article to show how it matters, as we observe actual arbitration hearings in private and state-run arbitration systems in two states. Our comparative analysis links three literatures interested in how seemingly interest-neutral institutions, like disputing forums, serve in practice to reinforce dominant norms, values, and hierarchies: (1) sociolegal studies of repeat-player advantages in disputing, (2) studies of occupational socialization in educational settings, and (3) neoinstitutional organizational sociology studies of how managerial values influence the way in which organizations construct law. We bridge these literatures by showing how arbitrator system design and the occupational socialization that arbitrators receive in private arbitration are primary mechanisms through which managerial values influence the arbitration process, ultimately providing a pathway for repeat-player advantages in hearings. Because our analysis compares two distinct arbitration systems, we identify variation in these processes and offer preliminary but tangible policy recommendations for the design and implementation of arbitration systems that best protect civil and consumer rights within arbitral forums that the Supreme Court continually upholds.

本文论证了仲裁制度的设计和仲裁员接受的培训决定了重复参与者在仲裁听证中获得优势的程度。虽然先前的仲裁研究确实表明仲裁员培训很重要,但这是第一篇展示其重要性的文章,因为我们观察了两个州私人和国营仲裁系统中的实际仲裁听证会。我们的比较分析将三个文献联系在一起,这些文献关注的是看似利益中立的机构,如辩论论坛,如何在实践中强化主导规范、价值观和等级制度:(1)辩论中重复参与者优势的社会法学研究,(2)教育环境中的职业社会化研究,以及(3)新制度组织社会学研究,研究管理价值观如何影响组织构建法律的方式。我们通过展示仲裁员制度设计和仲裁员在私人仲裁中接受的职业社会化如何成为管理价值观影响仲裁过程的主要机制,从而弥合这些文献,最终为听证会中的重复参与者优势提供了途径。由于我们的分析比较了两种不同的仲裁制度,我们确定了这些过程中的差异,并为仲裁制度的设计和实施提供了初步但切实的政策建议,以最好地保护最高法院持续支持的仲裁论坛中的公民和消费者权利。
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引用次数: 1
How Free Is Sow Stall Free? Incremental Regulatory Reform and Industry Co-optation of Activism 母猪栏有多自由?渐进式监管改革与激进主义的行业合作
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2020-07-06 DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12154
RACHEL Carey, Christine Parker, Gyorgy Scrinis

This article critically examines how interactions between social movement activism, supermarkets, and the pork industry led to the voluntary adoption of “sow stall free” standards in Australia. We “backwards map” the regulatory space behind “sow stall free” products to show how the movement against factory farming became selectively focused on the abolition of one form of confinement for sows rather than on other forms of confinement and the conditions of the sows’ offspring, the piglets that are consumed. We argue that this facilitated an incremental shift to “sow stall free” production, allowing the concept of pig welfare to be corporatized in a way that maintains the dominant model of factory farmed pig meat production.

本文批判性地考察了社会运动激进主义,超市和猪肉行业之间的相互作用如何导致澳大利亚自愿采用“无母猪栏”标准。我们“反向映射”了“无猪栏”产品背后的监管空间,以显示反对工厂化养殖的运动是如何选择性地关注于取消一种母猪的禁闭形式,而不是其他形式的禁闭以及母猪后代(被食用的仔猪)的状况。我们认为,这促进了向“无母猪栏”生产的增量转变,允许猪福利的概念以一种保持工厂化养殖猪肉生产主导模式的方式公司化。
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引用次数: 8
The Politics of Symbolic Laws: State Resistance to the Allure of Sex Offender Residence Restrictions 象征性法律的政治:国家对性犯罪者居住限制诱惑的抵制
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2020-06-29 DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12153
Monica Williams, Erin B. Comartin, Robert D. Lytle

Sex offender residence restrictions are largely symbolic laws that address constituent demands to do something about sex crimes without actually reducing sex offenses. While the majority of US states have implemented such restrictions, this exploratory study examines three states that have resisted the allure of these symbolic laws. Using data from state government archives, we analyze expressive and instrumental rationales for rejecting residence restrictions to explore what facilitates the failure of a symbolic law. We find that while supporters and opponents both made largely instrumental arguments, opponents framed their instrumental arguments in expressive terms. Legislators’ policy positions, reliance on empirical evidence, and testimony from bureaucrats also contributed to the failure of residence restrictions in these states. Our findings help explain why empirically ineffective sex offender laws appeal to the public and politicians, how these laws might be scaled back, and how symbolic laws may lose their power in some contexts.

性犯罪者居住限制在很大程度上是象征性的法律,它满足了选民对性犯罪采取措施的要求,而不是真正减少性犯罪。虽然美国大多数州都实施了这样的限制,但这项探索性研究考察了三个抵制这些象征性法律诱惑的州。利用州政府档案的数据,我们分析了拒绝居住限制的表达和工具理由,以探索导致象征性法律失败的原因。我们发现,虽然支持者和反对者都在很大程度上提出了工具性论点,但反对者则用表达性的术语来构建他们的工具性论点。立法者的政策立场、对经验证据的依赖以及官僚的证词也导致了这些州居留限制的失败。我们的研究结果有助于解释为什么经验上无效的性犯罪者法律对公众和政治家有吸引力,这些法律如何被缩减,以及象征性法律在某些情况下如何失去其权力。
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引用次数: 0
“They Think I'm a Lawyer”: Undocumented College Students as Legal Brokers for Their Undocumented Parents “他们以为我是律师”:无证大学生为无证父母充当法律经纪人
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2020-06-20 DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12152
Vanessa Delgado

Past research demonstrates that children of immigrants serve as language and cultural brokers for their parents. However, much of this work centers on immigrants with protected legal status. Drawing on thirty in-depth interviews with undocumented college students, I conceptualize the phenomenon of legal brokering to capture how undocumented students share legal resources with their parents. In addition to this conceptualization, I find that four factors shaped how students served as legal brokers: (1) online platforms; (2) institutional support; (3) networks of support; and (4) involvement in immigrant rights organizations. These findings advance theoretical frameworks in segmented assimilation theory, sociolegal studies, and immigrant illegality.

过去的研究表明,移民的孩子为他们的父母充当语言和文化经纪人。然而,这些工作大多集中在具有受保护的合法身份的移民身上。通过对30名无证大学生的深入采访,我将法律中介现象概念化,以捕捉无证学生如何与父母分享法律资源。除了这个概念,我发现四个因素塑造了学生如何担任法律经纪人:(1)在线平台;(2)制度支持;(3)支持网络;(4)参与移民权利组织。这些发现促进了分段同化理论、社会法律研究和非法移民的理论框架。
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引用次数: 9
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