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Does Political Equality Require Equal Power? A Pluralist Account 政治平等要求权力平等吗?多元主义的解释
2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10425-w
Attila Mráz
Abstract In this paper, I criticize two views on how political equality is related to equally distributed political power, and I offer a novel, pluralist account of political equality to address their shortcomings—in particular, concerning their implications for affirmative action in the political domain, political representation, and the situation of permanent minorities. The Equal Power View holds that political equality requires equally distributed political power. It considers affirmative action—e.g., racial or gender electoral quotas—, representation, and more-than-equal power to permanent minorities pro tanto objectionable. The Equal Status View, in contrast, holds that political equality concerns equal relations and status, and it is only contingently related to equally distributed power. I argue that while the Equal Status View is right that equal power can be insufficient for—or even objectionable from the viewpoint of—political equality, it is wrong to conclude that equal power has no independent significance in an account of political equality. My pluralist account shows that political equality entails not only status-based requirements but also independent egalitarian requirements to distribute political power equally. This account provides a finer-grained understanding of affirmative action in the political domain. It justifies affirmative action but holds that it should only be used to realize equal political status until thorough-going social reform allows us to maintain both equal political status and equally distributed political power at the same time. Similarly, representation should be amended with power-balancing institutions, and permanent minorities should enjoy equal status with minimal compromise to power equality.
在本文中,我批评了两种关于政治平等如何与平等分配政治权力相关的观点,并提供了一种新颖的、多元化的政治平等解释,以解决它们的缺点,特别是它们对政治领域的平权行动、政治代表权和永久少数群体状况的影响。权力均等观认为,政治平等要求政治权力平均分配。它考虑平权行动,例如;例如,种族或性别的选举配额,代表权,以及对永久少数民族的超过平等的权力。而平等地位观则认为,政治平等涉及平等的关系和地位,它只与权力的平均分配偶然相关。我认为,虽然平等地位观点是正确的,即平等权力对于政治平等来说可能是不够的,甚至从政治平等的角度来看是令人反感的,但得出平等权力在政治平等中没有独立意义的结论是错误的。我的多元主义解释表明,政治平等不仅需要基于地位的要求,还需要独立的平等主义要求,以平等地分配政治权力。这篇文章对政治领域的平权行动提供了更细致的理解。它为平权行动辩护,但认为只有在彻底的社会改革允许我们同时保持平等的政治地位和平等的政治权力分配之前,才能使用平权行动来实现平等的政治地位。同样,代表权也应以权力平衡机构加以修正,永久少数民族应享有平等地位,同时尽量不损害权力平等。
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引用次数: 0
Anonymous Arguments 匿名的参数
2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10420-1
Andrew Aberdein
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引用次数: 0
Schrödinger’s Fetus and Relational Ontology: Reconciling Three Contradictory Intuitions in Abortion Debates Schrödinger的胎儿和关系本体论:调和堕胎辩论中三个矛盾的直觉
2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10422-z
Stephen R. Milford, David Shaw
Abstract Pro-life and pro-choice advocates battle for rational dominance in abortion debates. Yet, public polling (and general legal opinion) demonstrates the public’s preference for the middle ground: that abortions are acceptable in certain circumstances and during early pregnancy. Implicit in this, are two contradictory intuitions: (1) that we were all early fetuses, and (2) abortion kills no one. To hold these positions together, Harman and Räsänen have argued for the Actual Future Principle (AFP) which distinguishes between fetuses that will develop into persons and those that will never develop into persons. However intellectually ingenious their solutions are, they fail to account for a third intuition: that the death of a wanted fetus – e.g. through termination or miscarriage – is of moral significance. Not only is this practically important, but it is also supported by public opinion. The authors of this paper argue that relational ontology can modify the AFP to better account for all three intuitions. Furthermore, it further emphasizes the pivotal role of the pregnant person who relates to their own fetus in either personal or impersonal ways. Addressing the fundamental challenges of relational ontology, the authors defend the position that human personal identity is ultimately relational.
反堕胎和支持堕胎的支持者在堕胎辩论中争夺理性优势。然而,公众投票(和一般法律意见)表明公众倾向于中间立场:堕胎在某些情况下和怀孕早期是可以接受的。这隐含着两个相互矛盾的直觉:(1)我们都是早期的胎儿,(2)堕胎不会导致任何人死亡。为了把这些观点结合起来,哈曼和Räsänen提出了实际未来原则(AFP),该原则区分了将发育成人的胎儿和永远不会发育成人的胎儿。无论他们的解决方案多么聪明,他们都无法解释第三种直觉:一个想要的胎儿的死亡——例如通过终止妊娠或流产——具有道德意义。这不仅在实践上很重要,而且也得到了公众舆论的支持。本文的作者认为,关系本体可以修改AFP,以更好地解释这三种直觉。此外,它进一步强调怀孕的人谁涉及到自己的胎儿在个人或非个人的方式的关键作用。针对关系本体论的基本挑战,作者捍卫了人类个人身份最终是关系的立场。
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引用次数: 0
Reasoning in Character: Virtue, Legal Argumentation, and Judicial Ethics 品格中的推理:德性、法律论证与司法伦理
2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10414-z
Amalia Amaya
Abstract This paper develops a virtue-account of legal reasoning which significantly differs from standard, principle-based, theories. A virtue approach to legal reasoning highlights the relevance of the particulars to sound legal decision-making, brings to light the perceptual and affective dimensions of legal judgment, and vindicates the relevance of description and specification to good legal reasoning. After examining the central features of the theory, the paper proposes a taxonomy of the main character traits that legal decision-makers need to possess to successfully engage in legal reasoning. The paper concludes by discussing an array of strategies in legal education, institutional design, and legal culture that can be put in place to work virtue in legal decision-making.
摘要:本文发展了一种与标准的、基于原则的理论显著不同的法律推理的虚拟账户。法律推理的美德方法强调了细节与健全法律决策的相关性,揭示了法律判断的感性和情感维度,并证明了描述和规范与良好法律推理的相关性。在考察了该理论的核心特征之后,本文提出了法律决策者成功从事法律推理所需具备的主要性格特征的分类。本文最后讨论了法律教育、制度设计和法律文化方面的一系列策略,这些策略可以在法律决策中发挥美德。
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引用次数: 0
Correction to: “Stay Away from the Park”: A Case for Police-Issued Personal Safety Advice for Women 更正:“远离公园”:警方为女性发出的个人安全建议
2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10418-9
Matthew John Minehan
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引用次数: 0
Metz on Enhancement: A Relational Critique 梅斯论增强:一种关系批判
2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-10-07 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10419-8
Luís Cordeiro-Rodrigues, Cornelius Ewuoso
Abstract Thaddeus Metz’s groundbreaking book A Relational Moral Theory provides a sophisticated moral theory hailing from the Global South. In this book, one of the theses he defends is that biotechnological enhancement is generally morally impermissible. This article, written for a book symposium on A Relational Moral Theory , primarily demonstrates how Metz’s criticisms presented in his book fail to convince. Furthermore, we explore some possible objections from Metzian deontology against enhancement and also show that these do not imply that enhancement is intrinsically wrong. Finally, we showed how Metzian ethics offers good reasons to support rather than oppose enhancement.
梅斯的开创性著作《关系道德理论》提供了一个来自全球南方的复杂道德理论。在这本书中,他捍卫的一个论点是,生物技术增强通常在道德上是不允许的。这篇文章是为《关系道德理论》一书研讨会写的,主要展示了梅斯在他的书中提出的批评是如何无法令人信服的。此外,我们探讨了一些可能反对增强的梅兹义务论,也表明这些并不意味着增强本质上是错误的。最后,我们展示了Metzian伦理学如何为支持而不是反对增强提供了很好的理由。
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引用次数: 0
The Voting Rights of Senior Citizens: Should all Votes Count the Same? 老年人的投票权:所有的选票都应该一样吗?
2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-10-04 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10417-w
Andreas Bengtson, Andreas Albertsen
Abstract In 1970, Stewart advocated disenfranchising everyone reaching retirement age or age 70, whichever was earlier. The question of whether senior citizens should be disenfranchised has recently come to the fore due to votes on issues such as Brexit and climate change. Indeed, there is a growing literature which argues that we should increase the voting power of non-senior citizens relative to senior citizens, for reasons having to do with intergenerational justice. Thus, it seems that there are reasons of justice to disenfranchise senior citizens, or at least to grant them a lower voting weight than non-senior citizens. In this paper, we investigate whether there are democratic reasons to do so. To answer this question, we turn to the boundary problem in democratic theory, i.e., the question of who should be included in democratic decision-making. Two prominent solutions, and a more recent one, are particularly relevant: the all-affected principle, the all-subjected principle, and the relational egalitarian principle. When it comes to the all-affected principle and the all-subjected principle, we argue that there is reason to grant most senior citizens a lower voting weight than most non-senior citizens in most decisions. Whether that is the case on the relational egalitarian principle depends on how people relate to each other in society. Indeed, it is sometimes in accordance with the relational egalitarian view to grant senior citizens a greater voting weight than non-senior citizens.
1970年,斯图尔特主张剥夺每个达到退休年龄或70岁的人的公民权,以较早者为准。最近,由于英国脱欧和气候变化等问题的投票,老年人是否应该被剥夺公民权的问题浮出水面。事实上,越来越多的文献认为,我们应该增加非老年人相对于老年人的投票权,原因与代际公平有关。因此,似乎有理由剥夺老年人的选举权,或者至少给予他们比非老年人更低的投票权重。在本文中,我们探讨了这样做是否有民主的原因。为了回答这个问题,我们转向民主理论中的边界问题,即谁应该被纳入民主决策的问题。两个突出的解决方案,以及最近的一个,是特别相关的:所有受影响原则,所有受影响原则和关系平等原则。当涉及到全受影响原则和全受影响原则时,我们认为在大多数决策中,给予大多数老年人比大多数非老年人更低的投票权重是有理由的。关系平等主义原则是否成立取决于人们如何在社会中相互联系。事实上,赋予老年人比非老年人更大的投票权重有时是符合关系平等主义观点的。
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引用次数: 0
Catia Faria: Animal Ethics in the Wild Catia Faria:野生动物伦理
IF 1 2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10406-z
Tristan David Katz
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引用次数: 0
Editorial ‘The Theory and Practice of Counterspeech’ 社论《反言论的理论与实践》
2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10416-x
Corrado Fumagalli, Enes Kulenović
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引用次数: 0
“Stay away from the Park”: A Case for Police-Issued Personal Safety Advice for Women “远离公园”:警方发布女性人身安全建议的案例
IF 1 2区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10413-0
M. J. Minehan
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice
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