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Feeding Infants: Choice-Specific Considerations, Parental Obligation, and Pragmatic Satisficing. 喂养婴儿:选择特定的考虑,父母的义务,和务实的满足
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 Epub Date: 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10400-5
Clare Marie Moriarty, Ben Davies

Health institutions recommend that young infants be exclusively breastfed on demand, and it is widely held that parents who can breastfeed have an obligation to do so. This has been challenged in recent philosophical work, especially by Fiona Woollard. Woollard's work critically engages with two distinct views of parental obligation that might ground such an obligation-based on maximal benefit and avoidance of significant harm-to reject an obligation to breastfeed. While agreeing with Woollard's substantive conclusion, this paper (drawing on philosophical discussion of the 'right to rear') argues that there are several more moderate views of parental obligation which might also be thought to ground parental obligation. We first show that an obligation to breastfeed might result not from a general obligation to maximally benefit one's child, but from what we call 'choice-specific' obligations to maximise benefit within particular activities. We then develop this idea through two views of parental obligation-the Dual Interest view, and the Best Custodian view-to ground an obligation to exclusively breastfeed on demand, before showing how both these more moderate views fail. Finally, we argue that not only is there no general obligation to breastfeed children, but that it is often morally right not to do so. Since much advice from health institutions on this issue implies that exclusive breastfeeding on demand is the best option for all families, our argument drives the feeding debate forward by showing that this advice often misrepresents parents' moral obligations in potentially harmful ways.

卫生机构建议根据婴儿的需要进行纯母乳喂养,而且人们普遍认为,能够进行母乳喂养的父母有义务这样做。这种观点在最近的哲学著作中受到了质疑,尤其是菲奥娜-伍拉德(Fiona Woollard)的著作。Woollard 的著作批判性地探讨了父母义务的两种不同观点,这两种观点可能会将这种义务建立在最大利益和避免重大伤害的基础上,从而拒绝母乳喂养的义务。本文在同意沃拉德的实质性结论的同时,(借鉴对 "养育权 "的哲学讨论)认为,有几种较为温和的父母义务观点也可以被认为是父母义务的基础。我们首先说明,母乳喂养的义务可能不是来自于为子女谋取最大利益的一般义务,而是来自于我们所说的在特定活动中为子女谋取最大利益的 "特定选择 "义务。然后,我们通过对父母义务的两种观点--双重利益观点和最佳监护人观点--将这一观点发展为根据要求纯母乳喂养的义务的基础,然后说明这两种较为温和的观点是如何失败的。最后,我们认为,不仅不存在母乳喂养儿童的普遍义务,而且不这样做在道义上往往是正确的。由于医疗机构就这一问题提出的许多建议都暗示,按需纯母乳喂养是所有家庭的最佳选择,我们的论点通过说明这些建议往往以潜在的有害方式歪曲了父母的道德义务,从而推动了喂养问题的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Anonymous Grading 反思匿名评分
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-22 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10415-y
Libby Southgate
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引用次数: 0
Federica Liveriero: Relational Liberalism: Democratic Co-Authorship in a Pluralistic World Cham, Switzerland: Springer Nature, 2023. Hardback (ISBN 978-3-031-22742-4) $119.99. 291 pp. Federica Liveriero: Relational Liberalism:瑞士查姆,多元世界中的民主共同著作权:Springer Nature, 2023。精装本(ISBN 978-3-031-22742-4)119.99 美元。291 pp.
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-21 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10429-6
Zhuoyao Li
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引用次数: 0
What’s Wrong with Social Hierarchy? On Niko Kolodny’s The Pecking Order 社会等级制度有什么问题?在Niko Kolodny的《The Pecking Order》中
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-16 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10427-8
Daniel Sharp

This review critically assesses Niko Kolodny’s theory of social hierarchy and its importance as articulated in The Pecking Order (2023). After summarizing Kolodny’s argument, I raise two critical challenges. First, I ask whether Kolodny leaves us without adequate account of why social hierarchies are, in themselves, objectionable. Second, I query whether Kolodny’s defense of representative democracy is decisive, and suggest that egalitarians should be open to alternative ways of mitigating the threat of hierarchy posed by political rule.

这篇评论批判性地评估了尼科·科洛德尼的社会等级理论及其在《啄食秩序》(2023)中所阐述的重要性。在总结了科洛德尼的论点之后,我提出了两个关键的挑战。首先,我要问,科洛德尼是否没有充分说明为什么社会等级制度本身是令人反感的。其次,我质疑科洛德尼对代议制民主的辩护是否具有决定性,并建议平等主义者应该对减轻政治统治带来的等级威胁的其他方式持开放态度。
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引用次数: 0
The Moral Permissibility of Perspective-Taking Interventions 换位思考干预的道德容许性
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-16 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10421-0
Hannah Read, Thomas Douglas

Interventions designed to promote perspective taking are increasingly prevalent in educational settings, and are also being considered for applications in other domains. Thus far, these perspective-taking interventions (PTIs) have largely escaped philosophical attention, however they are sometimes prima facie morally problematic in at least two respects: they are neither transparent nor easy to resist. Nontransparent or hard-to-resist PTIs call for a moral defense and our primary aim in this paper is to provide such a defense. We offer two arguments for the view that an exemplar PTI is morally permissible even though it is plausibly neither transparent nor easy to resist. The first argument appeals to an analogy between PTIs and permissible deceptive research practices. The second appeals to the way in which PTIs draw participants’ attention to their reasons for action. We also respond to the objection that, by imposing a particular conception of the good, PTIs violate liberal neutrality.

旨在促进观点采纳的干预措施在教育环境中越来越普遍,也正在考虑应用于其他领域。迄今为止,这些换位思考干预(pti)在很大程度上没有受到哲学的关注,然而,它们有时至少在两个方面存在初步的道德问题:它们既不透明,也不容易抵制。不透明或难以抗拒的pti需要道德防御,我们在本文中的主要目的是提供这样的防御。我们提供了两个论据,证明模范PTI在道德上是允许的,即使它似乎既不透明也不容易抵制。第一个论点诉诸于pti和允许的欺骗性研究实践之间的类比。第二点是pti吸引参与者注意其行动理由的方式。我们也回应了反对意见,即通过强加特定的善的概念,pti违反了自由中立。
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引用次数: 0
Do Your Homework! A Rights-Based Zetetic Account of Alleged Cases of Doxastic Wronging 做你的家庭作业!一种以权利为基础的关于侵权指控案例的阐释
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10426-9
J. Spencer Atkins

This paper offers an alternate explanation of cases from the doxastic wronging literature. These cases violate what I call the degree of inquiry right—a novel account of zetetic obligations to inquire when interests are at stake. The degree of inquiry right is a moral right against other epistemic agents to inquire to a certain threshold when a belief undermines one’s interests. Thus, the agents are sometimes obligated to leave inquiry open. I argue that we have relevant interests in reputation, relationships, and the well-being of our social groups. These interests generate obligations against others to “do their homework” before closing inquiry. This alternate account makes better sense of puzzles that accounts of doxastic wronging fall prey to.

本文提供了另一种解释的案例,从错误的文献。这些案例违反了我所说的探究权的程度——当利益受到威胁时探究的解释性义务的一种新颖的解释。探究程度权是一种道德权利,当一种信仰损害了自己的利益时,对其他认知主体进行一定程度的探究。因此,代理人有时有义务让调查保持开放。我认为我们对声誉、人际关系和社会群体的幸福都有相关的兴趣。这些利益使其他人有义务在结束调查之前“做足功课”。这种交替的叙述使人们更好地理解那些荒诞错误的叙述所造成的困惑。
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引用次数: 0
Metaethical Deflationism, Access Worries and Motivationally Grasped Oughts 元伦理通缩主义、获取忧虑与动机把握应然
2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-10 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10423-y
Sharon Berry
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引用次数: 0
Cognitivism and the argument from evidence non-responsiveness* 认知主义与证据无反应论*
2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-04 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10424-x
John Eriksson, Marco Tiozzo
Abstract Several philosophers have recently challenged cognitivism, i.e., the view that moral judgments are beliefs, by arguing that moral judgments are evidence non-responsive in a way that beliefs are not. If you believe that P, but acquire (sufficiently strong) evidence against P, you will give up your belief that P. This does not seem true for moral judgments. Some subjects maintain their moral judgments despite believing that there is (sufficiently strong) evidence against the moral judgments. This suggests that there is a mismatch between moral judgments and beliefs. This is an interesting argument. In particular, it forces the cognitivist to be more explicit about the nature of belief and the sense in which moral judgments are responsive to evidence. This paper has two aims. First, it aims to systematically examine different versions of the argument from evidence non-responsiveness. Second, it aims to outline a more nuanced understanding of the sense in which beliefs are evidence responsive that explains why the extant versions of the argument do not constitute a challenge to cognitivism.
最近,一些哲学家对认知主义提出了挑战,即认为道德判断是信仰的观点,他们认为道德判断是证据,而信仰则不是。如果你相信P,但获得了(足够有力的)反对P的证据,你就会放弃你相信P的观点。这在道德判断中似乎并不成立。一些受试者坚持他们的道德判断,尽管相信有(足够有力的)证据反对道德判断。这表明道德判断和信仰之间存在不匹配。这是一个有趣的论点。特别是,它迫使认知主义者更明确地了解信仰的本质,以及道德判断对证据的反应。本文有两个目的。首先,它的目的是系统地从证据无回应性的角度检查不同版本的论点。其次,它旨在概述一种更细致的理解,即信念是对证据作出反应的,这解释了为什么现有的论点没有构成对认知主义的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Does Political Equality Require Equal Power? A Pluralist Account 政治平等要求权力平等吗?多元主义的解释
2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10425-w
Attila Mráz
Abstract In this paper, I criticize two views on how political equality is related to equally distributed political power, and I offer a novel, pluralist account of political equality to address their shortcomings—in particular, concerning their implications for affirmative action in the political domain, political representation, and the situation of permanent minorities. The Equal Power View holds that political equality requires equally distributed political power. It considers affirmative action—e.g., racial or gender electoral quotas—, representation, and more-than-equal power to permanent minorities pro tanto objectionable. The Equal Status View, in contrast, holds that political equality concerns equal relations and status, and it is only contingently related to equally distributed power. I argue that while the Equal Status View is right that equal power can be insufficient for—or even objectionable from the viewpoint of—political equality, it is wrong to conclude that equal power has no independent significance in an account of political equality. My pluralist account shows that political equality entails not only status-based requirements but also independent egalitarian requirements to distribute political power equally. This account provides a finer-grained understanding of affirmative action in the political domain. It justifies affirmative action but holds that it should only be used to realize equal political status until thorough-going social reform allows us to maintain both equal political status and equally distributed political power at the same time. Similarly, representation should be amended with power-balancing institutions, and permanent minorities should enjoy equal status with minimal compromise to power equality.
在本文中,我批评了两种关于政治平等如何与平等分配政治权力相关的观点,并提供了一种新颖的、多元化的政治平等解释,以解决它们的缺点,特别是它们对政治领域的平权行动、政治代表权和永久少数群体状况的影响。权力均等观认为,政治平等要求政治权力平均分配。它考虑平权行动,例如;例如,种族或性别的选举配额,代表权,以及对永久少数民族的超过平等的权力。而平等地位观则认为,政治平等涉及平等的关系和地位,它只与权力的平均分配偶然相关。我认为,虽然平等地位观点是正确的,即平等权力对于政治平等来说可能是不够的,甚至从政治平等的角度来看是令人反感的,但得出平等权力在政治平等中没有独立意义的结论是错误的。我的多元主义解释表明,政治平等不仅需要基于地位的要求,还需要独立的平等主义要求,以平等地分配政治权力。这篇文章对政治领域的平权行动提供了更细致的理解。它为平权行动辩护,但认为只有在彻底的社会改革允许我们同时保持平等的政治地位和平等的政治权力分配之前,才能使用平权行动来实现平等的政治地位。同样,代表权也应以权力平衡机构加以修正,永久少数民族应享有平等地位,同时尽量不损害权力平等。
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引用次数: 0
Anonymous Arguments 匿名的参数
2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1007/s10677-023-10420-1
Andrew Aberdein
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引用次数: 0
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Ethical Theory and Moral Practice
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