Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2262086
Meryem Ay Kesgin
ABSTRACTThis study argues that minorities have higher in-group consciousness and adaptability developed through uneven interaction with the majority. Once migrated, their collective experiences are transferred to the country-of-residence with them, leading to higher civic and political integration in the country-of-residence than majority-migrants. Introducing a new civic and political integration model, it compares the majority and minority migrants from Turkey in the UK, by using ordinal logistic regression analyses. Findings show that Kurds are more involved in politics than Turks, however, they do not differ in terms of civic participation. Compared to Sunnis, Alevis feel more represented in the political system.KEYWORDS: Migrant integrationminoritiescivic-political integrationTurkish diasporareligion Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Scholars categorized integration dimensions based on the study purpose and the unit of analysis (e.g. migrant individuals, society, policies). Entzinger (“The Dynamics of Integration Policies”) conceptualizes three integration factors (state, market, and nation) to discuss economic, social, and legal-political aspects. Lacroix (“Collective Remittances and Integration”) studies the social and structural aspects of integration whereas Ersanilli and Koopmans (“Do Immigrant Integration Policies Matter?”) have a socioeconomic vs cultural-religious approach. Huddleston et al. (“Using EU Indicators”) categorize migrant integration indicators as employment, education, social inclusion, active citizenship, and welcoming society, which are known as EU Zaragoza Indicators. Penninx and Garcés-Mascareñas (“The Concept of Integration”) introduce cognitive-behavioral and aesthetics dimensions to integration discussions. Heckmann and Schnapper (“The Integration of Immigrants”) suggest an identification dimension along with cultural, social, and structural dimensions.2 Erdal and Oeppen, “Migrant Balancing Acts,” and Unterreiner, Corridor Report.3 Killian, “What or Who”.4 When the Republic of Turkey was founded as a nation-state in 1923, religious identity was a significant component of national identity, therefore, “minority status” was granted only to non-Muslim citizens of Turkey through the Lausanne Treaty. Therefore, Alevis and Kurds in Turkey are considered minorities from a sociological perspective in this study rather than a legal aspect.5 Heath et al., The Political Integration; Ramakrishnan and Espenshade, “Immigrant Incorporation”; Güveli et al., “2,000 Families”; and Spierings, “Electoral Participation.”6 For migrants with minority backgrounds in ethnographic research, see, Dhanda, “Caste and International Migration,” Barrier and Dusenbery, The Sikh Diaspora, Metcalf and Rolfe “Caste Discrimination,” Jacobsen and Raj, South Asian, and, Kayyali “Race.”7 Shaghaghi, Bhopal, and Sheikh, “Approaches to Recruiting.”8 Bishop and Davis, “Mapping Public Participation,” a
摘要本研究认为，少数群体在与多数群体不均衡的互动中具有较高的群体内意识和适应能力。一旦移徙，他们的集体经历也随之转移到居住国，从而使他们比多数移徙者更能融入居住国的公民和政治。它引入了一个新的公民和政治融合模型，通过使用有序逻辑回归分析，比较了来自土耳其的英国多数和少数移民。调查结果显示，库尔德人比土耳其人更多地参与政治，然而，他们在公民参与方面并没有什么不同。与逊尼派相比，阿拉维派在政治体系中更有代表性。关键词:移民融合少数民族公民政治融合土耳其侨民宗教披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1学者根据研究目的和分析单元(如移民个体、社会、政策)对整合维度进行了分类。恩青格(《一体化政策的动力学》)将三个一体化因素(国家、市场和民族)概念化，以讨论经济、社会和法律政治方面的问题。拉克鲁瓦(“集体汇款与融合”)研究融合的社会和结构方面，而厄萨尼利和库普曼斯(“移民融合政策重要吗?”)则采用社会经济与文化宗教的方法。Huddleston等人(“使用欧盟指标”)将移民融合指标分类为就业、教育、社会包容、积极公民身份和欢迎社会，这些指标被称为欧盟萨拉戈萨指标。Penninx和Garcés-Mascareñas(“整合的概念”)在整合讨论中引入了认知-行为和美学维度。Heckmann和Schnapper(“移民的融合”)提出了一个认同维度以及文化、社会和结构维度Erdal和Oeppen，“移民平衡行为”，Unterreiner，走廊报告。Killian，“What or Who”当土耳其共和国于1923年作为一个民族国家成立时，宗教认同是国家认同的重要组成部分，因此，“少数民族地位”只通过《洛桑条约》给予土耳其的非穆斯林公民。因此，在本研究中，土耳其的Alevis和库尔德人被认为是社会学角度的少数民族，而不是法律角度的少数民族希思等人，《政治一体化》;Ramakrishnan和Espenshade，“移民公司”;g<e:1> veli等人，《2000个家庭》;施皮林斯的《选举参与》。6关于民族志研究中具有少数民族背景的移民，请参见:Dhanda，《种姓与国际移民》，《障碍与杜森贝里》，《锡克流散》，Metcalf和Rolfe，《种姓歧视》，Jacobsen和Raj，《南亚》和Kayyali《种族》。7 Shaghaghi, Bhopal, and Sheikh， <招聘方法>。8 Bishop and Davis，《测绘公众参与》，Heath等人，《政治整合》。9 Castles等人，《移民时代》，Erdal和Oeppen，《移民平衡行为》。10 .恩青格，《动力》;Heckmann和Schnapper，《整合》，Koopmans等人，《有争议的公民身份》;拉克鲁瓦，《集体汇款》;穆格和范德哈尔，《神秘人物》;Penninx和Garcés-Mascareñas，“整合的概念”。11斯宾塞和查斯利:《整合的概念化》，赫克曼和施纳珀:《整合》。12比克:《政治整合》;Tam Cho等人，“住宅集中”和Sanders等人，“民主参与”。13 Huddleston和Dag Tjaden，移民公民调查;Pasetti，走廊报告;14 Tajfel and Turner，“综合理论”。同化是指一个子群体通过取代自己的语言、价值观和制度来采用一个主导群体的语言、价值观和制度，而文化适应是指多个子群体和谐地共同发展出一种优越的身份。因此，适应是指一个群体在不损害其自身群体身份的情况下，适应另一个主导群体的环境。然而，整合包括“主导群体的接受”，因为它是一个双向的过程Budyta-Budzyń平方公里列阵,“适应”。尽管关于少数民族的文献根据他们的背景和法律地位将他们分为历史上、民族上和领土上的少数民族，但本研究的重点是少数民族在规模和暴露方面相对于多数人的实际地位雷克斯，少数民族，基利安，《什么或谁》19卡特，《种族的影响》Chávez，圭多-迪布里托，《种族和民族认同》。20《Birnir, Ethnicity, and Posner, institutional》。21 Phinney，《一个三阶段模型》。22 Bell，宗教认同。“23 akg<s:1> ndz，劳工移徙;İçduygu和Aksel，“土耳其移民政策”;kiri i(土耳其)。24 Sirkeci et al.， Little Turkey.25 Groenendijk and Guild，签证政策。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2262089
Ş. Akile Zorlu, Gökten Doğangün
ABSTRACTFeminist historiography on the late Ottoman and early Turkish Republican era treats female women’s rights advocates typically as merely activists or literary figures and rarely focuses on their intellectual property, which constitutes the origin of their theoretical contribution to and active struggle for women’s equality. The academic corpus on the two prominent figures of the era, Şükûfe Nihal and Nezihe Muhittin, follows this pattern and concentrates predominantly on their literary works or activism, leaving their intellectualism overshadowed. This article employs an innovative perspective and argues that they were genuine intellectuals first. The article uncovers the intellectual lenses behind their discourses and claims their views were embedded in the premises of Enlightenment thought, positivism and nationalism, which constituted the building blocks of their paradigms on feminism, gender equality and womanhood. Unearthing their ideal woman image in the early Turkish Republic rests on the methods of contextual deconstruction and textual analysis.KEYWORDS: Women’s historyearly Turkish Republicmodernizationideal womanfeminism Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The working definition of an intellectual is understood as engagement in critical thinking, research, reflection on social realities, and solution proposals for the problems of society. SeeJennings and Kemp-Welch, “The Century of the Intellectual.”2 Hill Collins, On Intellectual Activism, xy, In another work, she defines it as “the myriad ways in which people place the power of their ideas in service to social justice” “Truth-Telling.”3 Şükûfe Nihal (Başar), 1896–1973, educator, poet, writer, women's rights activist.4 Nezihe Muhiddin (Tepedelengil), 1889–1958, educator, journalist, novelist, women's rights activist, political leader.5 Argunşah, Bir Cumhuriyet Kadını, 51–5.6 Erkmen Güngördü, “Nezihe Muhiddin,” 1496–510.7 The adjective “Republican” was added after the formation of the party on November 10, 1924.8 Şükûfe Nihal, “Fırkamızın Mefkuresi.”9 “Tarihçe.”10 Yuval-Davis, Cinsiyet ve Millet.11 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyetir.12 Sirman, “Feminism in Turkey,” 9; White, “State Feminism,” 146; Saktanber, “Kemalist Kadın Hakları Söylemi,” 327.13 Kandiyoti, “End of Empire,” 41.14 Çaha, Women and Civil Society, 51–2.15 Saktanber, “Kemalist Kadın Hakları Söylemi,” 327.16 For best examples, see Nezihe Muhiddin, “Affeden En Büyük İnsandır”; Nezihe Muhiddin, “Cumhuriyetin Yaratıcı Kudreti”; Şükûfe Nihal, “Cumhuriyette Kadın”; Şükûfe Nihal, “Sakat Cemiyet,” April 5, 1947; Şükûfe Nihal, “Kara Günler”; Nezihe Muhiddin, “Kurtuluş Bayramımız.”17 Şükûfe Nihal, “Neye Duruyoruz?”; Nezihe Muhiddin, “Cumhuriyet’in Türk Kadınlığı Üzerindeki Feyzi”.18 See Jayawardena for contextualizing the rise of feminist movement in the rise of anti-imperialist and national struggle. Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism.19 This combination speaks
摘要奥斯曼帝国晚期和土耳其共和国早期的女性主义史学通常将女性女权倡导者仅仅视为活动家或文学人物，很少关注她们的知识产权，这构成了她们对妇女平等的理论贡献和积极斗争的根源。关于那个时代的两位杰出人物，Şükûfe Nihal和Nezihe Muhittin的学术语料库遵循了这种模式，主要集中在他们的文学作品或行动主义上，而忽略了他们的理智主义。本文采用了一种创新的视角，认为他们首先是真正的知识分子。文章揭示了她们话语背后的知识分子视角，并认为她们的观点根植于启蒙思想、实证主义和民族主义的前提下，这些前提构成了她们关于女权主义、性别平等和女性的范式的基石。对土耳其共和国早期理想女性形象的挖掘，主要依靠语境解构和文本分析的方法。关键词:女性历史，土耳其共和国，现代化，理想女性主义，披露声明，作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。注1:知识分子的工作定义是从事批判性思维、研究、对社会现实的反思以及对社会问题提出解决方案的人。参见詹宁斯和肯普-韦尔奇的《知识分子的世纪》。2 .希尔·柯林斯，《论知识分子激进主义》，在另一部作品中，她将其定义为“人们将自己的思想力量用于服务社会正义的无数种方式”。3 Şükûfe尼哈尔(ba<e:1>)， 1896-1973，教育家，诗人，作家，女权活动家Nezihe Muhiddin (Tepedelengil)， 1889-1958，教育家，记者，小说家，女权活动家，政治领袖argun<e:1>， Bir Cumhuriyet Kadını， 51-5.6 Erkmen Güngördü， " Nezihe Muhiddin， " 1496-510.7 " Republican "这个形容词是在1924.8年11月10日党成立后添加的Şükûfe Nihal， " Fırkamızın Mefkuresi。Tarihce“9”。[10] [Yuval-Davis, Cinsiyet ve milet .11] [sanar, rk] [modernle<e:1>] [mesinin cinsiyetir .] [12] Sirman，“土耳其的女权主义”，第9期;怀特，《国家女权主义》(State Feminism)， 146页;Saktanber，“凯末尔主义者Kadın haklaryi Söylemi”，327.13 Kandiyoti，“帝国的终结”，41.14 Çaha，妇女和公民社会，51-2.15 Saktanber，“凯末尔主义者Kadın haklaryi Söylemi，”327.16最好的例子，见Nezihe Muhiddin，“Affeden En b<s:1> y<e:1> k İnsandır”;Nezihe Muhiddin，“Cumhuriyetin Yaratıcı Kudreti”;Şükûfe Nihal，“Cumhuriyette Kadın”;Şükûfe Nihal，“Sakat Cemiyet”，1947年4月5日;Şükûfe Nihal，“Kara g<e:1> nler”;Nezihe Muhiddin, kurtulukan Bayramımız。17 Şükûfe尼哈尔，“尼伊·迪鲁约鲁兹?”Nezihe Muhiddin， " Cumhuriyet 'in t<e:1> rk Kadınlığı Üzerindeki Feyzi " .18请参阅Jayawardena将女权运动的兴起与反帝国主义和民族斗争的兴起联系起来。这种结合说明了她们作为知识分子的身份，因为奥斯曼帝国晚期和共和早期的大多数知识分子在不同程度上有着相似的观点更多信息见:Berkes，《发展》(第4-14章);戴维森,改革;欲了解更多信息，请参阅Özervarh，“实证主义”korlaeli, Pozitivizmin t<e:1> rkiye 'ye giri<e:1>欲了解更多信息，请参阅马尔丁的《创世纪》;Parla, Ziya Gökalp;乔治，<s:1> rk Milliyetçiliğinin Kökenleri;Nezihe Muhiddin，“mesil -i Hayatiyeden”。24 Nezihe Muhiddin， " Cumhuriyet 'in trk Kadınlığı Üzerindeki Feyzi。“25 Nezihe Muhittin, t<s:1> rk Kadını， 23-61.26 Şükûfe Nihal，”Yeni Bir Temel Daha。" 27 Nezihe Muhiddin " Kıymettar Bir te<e:1>维克。28 Nezihe Muhiddin， " Cumhuriyet 'in trk Kadınlığı Üzerindeki Feyzi。“29 Şükûfe Nihal，”Kara g<e:1> nler, Işıklı Yıllar ve Ant。“30 Şükûfe Nihal，”Ekonomi Haftalarından Sonra。“31 Şükûfe Nihal，”Kara gengler。“32 Şükûfe尼哈尔，”尼伊·迪鲁约鲁兹?" 33 Nezihe Muhiddin， " Mesail-i Hayatiyeden， " Şükûfe Nihal， " Temizlik sava<e:1> ";" hmanizma ve Biz ";“1880 'liler Grubu。“34 Nezihe Muhiddin，”Bir m<e:1> talaa。35 Nezihe Muhiddin， " mesil -i Hayatiyeden "， " trk irkkve adem - Merkeziyet. "36 Şükûfe Nihal，“Milli kltlt<e:1> r Meselesi，”;Şükûfe Nihal，“Sen Argo Mu konu<e:1> uyorsun?”“37 Şükûfe尼哈尔，”特尔比耶米斯·内·奥尔杜?“38 Şükûfe尼哈尔，”穆苏努兹小姐?39贾亚瓦尔德纳在分析第三世界国家的女权主义和民族主义时指出了这种矛盾。《女权主义与民族主义》Şükûfe Nihal，《Eski trkler》。" 41 Şükûfe Nihal， " Sakat Cemiyet， " 1947.42年3月29日Şükûfe Nihal， " Cumhuriyette Kadın。“43 Şükûfe Nihal，”bug<s:1> n<e:1> n Genç Kadınına。44 Nezihe Muhittin, trk Kadını， 7.45 Muhittin提供了她关于女权主义和平等思想的系统摘要，她的介绍性文章(金属)题为“Kadınla erkek arasındaki farklar ve b
{"title":"Intellectual activism and pivotal paradigms in casting the model woman of the early Turkish Republic: the voices of Şükûfe Nihal and Nezihe Muhittin","authors":"Ş. Akile Zorlu, Gökten Doğangün","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2023.2262089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2023.2262089","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTFeminist historiography on the late Ottoman and early Turkish Republican era treats female women’s rights advocates typically as merely activists or literary figures and rarely focuses on their intellectual property, which constitutes the origin of their theoretical contribution to and active struggle for women’s equality. The academic corpus on the two prominent figures of the era, Şükûfe Nihal and Nezihe Muhittin, follows this pattern and concentrates predominantly on their literary works or activism, leaving their intellectualism overshadowed. This article employs an innovative perspective and argues that they were genuine intellectuals first. The article uncovers the intellectual lenses behind their discourses and claims their views were embedded in the premises of Enlightenment thought, positivism and nationalism, which constituted the building blocks of their paradigms on feminism, gender equality and womanhood. Unearthing their ideal woman image in the early Turkish Republic rests on the methods of contextual deconstruction and textual analysis.KEYWORDS: Women’s historyearly Turkish Republicmodernizationideal womanfeminism Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The working definition of an intellectual is understood as engagement in critical thinking, research, reflection on social realities, and solution proposals for the problems of society. SeeJennings and Kemp-Welch, “The Century of the Intellectual.”2 Hill Collins, On Intellectual Activism, xy, In another work, she defines it as “the myriad ways in which people place the power of their ideas in service to social justice” “Truth-Telling.”3 Şükûfe Nihal (Başar), 1896–1973, educator, poet, writer, women's rights activist.4 Nezihe Muhiddin (Tepedelengil), 1889–1958, educator, journalist, novelist, women's rights activist, political leader.5 Argunşah, Bir Cumhuriyet Kadını, 51–5.6 Erkmen Güngördü, “Nezihe Muhiddin,” 1496–510.7 The adjective “Republican” was added after the formation of the party on November 10, 1924.8 Şükûfe Nihal, “Fırkamızın Mefkuresi.”9 “Tarihçe.”10 Yuval-Davis, Cinsiyet ve Millet.11 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyetir.12 Sirman, “Feminism in Turkey,” 9; White, “State Feminism,” 146; Saktanber, “Kemalist Kadın Hakları Söylemi,” 327.13 Kandiyoti, “End of Empire,” 41.14 Çaha, Women and Civil Society, 51–2.15 Saktanber, “Kemalist Kadın Hakları Söylemi,” 327.16 For best examples, see Nezihe Muhiddin, “Affeden En Büyük İnsandır”; Nezihe Muhiddin, “Cumhuriyetin Yaratıcı Kudreti”; Şükûfe Nihal, “Cumhuriyette Kadın”; Şükûfe Nihal, “Sakat Cemiyet,” April 5, 1947; Şükûfe Nihal, “Kara Günler”; Nezihe Muhiddin, “Kurtuluş Bayramımız.”17 Şükûfe Nihal, “Neye Duruyoruz?”; Nezihe Muhiddin, “Cumhuriyet’in Türk Kadınlığı Üzerindeki Feyzi”.18 See Jayawardena for contextualizing the rise of feminist movement in the rise of anti-imperialist and national struggle. Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism.19 This combination speaks ","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"95 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135579740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2262721
Tuğba Bayar
ABSTRACTThis article traces the raison d’être for Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. It draws upon two bodies of literature: international human rights regimes (IHRR) and authoritarian survival strategies. The Turkish government faced an electoral defeat in local elections 2019, which represented a serious challenge to the ruling party. To compensate for its loss of power and to consolidate its voter base, the government took some steps for its political survival. This article argues that the dynamics of the withdrawal from the Convention lay primarily behind the authoritarian survival strategies of centralization, legitimation, and repression, and secondarily behind the issue area of the Convention as an international human rights regime.KEYWORDS: Istanbul ConventionauthoritarianismTurkish politicsregime theorypolitical survival Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Disclaimer statementFunded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or [name of the granting authority]. Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them.Notes1 “Statement regarding Türkiye’s withdrawal.”2 UN General Assembly, “Report,” 7 para. 43.3 İstanbul Sözleşmesi’nin Feshine Dair Danıştay Kararı.4 Sahin, “Combatting Violence,” and Kütük-Kuriş, “The Rise and Fall.”5 Eslen-Ziya, “Establishing Networked Misogyny.”6 Bodur Ün and Arıkan, “Europeanization and De-Europeanization,” and Temiz and Güneş, “Cumhurbaşkanlığı Kararnamelerinin Hukuki Niteliği.”7 In the literature on democratic regimes, transitional, diminishing forms of liberal democracies are labelled by various names such as “competitive authoritarian regimes,” “illiberal democracies,” or “tutelary democracies.” See Wigell, “Mapping ‘Hybrid Regimes’.”8 Krasner, Sovereignty, and Mearsheimer, “The False Promise.”9 Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, 87.10 Bayulgen, Arbatli, and Canbolat, “Elite Survival Strategies.”11 Krasner, Structural Causes, 186.12 Keohane and Nye, Power and Interdependence, 19.13 Moravcsik, “The Origins,” 217.14 Moravcsik, Explaining the Emergence.15 Donnelly, “International Human Rights,” 616.16 Ibid., 601–2.17 Moravcsik, “The Origins,” 220.18 Moravcsik, Explaining the Emergence; Moravcsik, “The Origins”; Moravcsik, “Explaining International Human Rights Regimes”; Moravcsik, “Taking Preferences Seriously”; Slaughter, A Liberal Theory; and Slaughter, “Liberal International Relations Theory.”19 Ibid.20 Moravcsik, “The Origins,” 221.21 Aybet, “Turkey and the EU,” 531.22 Esen and Gumuscu, “Rising Competitive Authoritarianism,” 584–5, and Grigoriadis, “On the Europeanization,” 136–7.23 Grigoriadis, “On the Europeanization,” 135.24 Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Anayasasının Bazı Maddelerinde Değişiklik Yapılması Hakkında Kanun.25 European Commission, “Turkey 2010 Progress Report,” 25–30.26 Moravcsik, “The Origins,” 22
摘要本文追溯了土耳其退出《伊斯坦布尔公约》的原因être。它借鉴了两种文献:国际人权制度(IHRR)和威权生存战略。土耳其政府在2019年地方选举中遭遇惨败，执政党面临严峻挑战。为了弥补权力的丧失和巩固其选民基础，政府采取了一些措施来维持其政治生存。本文认为，退出《公约》的动力主要是在集权、合法化和镇压的专制生存策略背后，其次是在《公约》作为国际人权制度的问题领域背后。关键词:伊斯坦布尔公约;威权主义;土耳其政治;政权理论;免责声明由欧盟资助。然而，所表达的观点和意见仅代表作者的观点和意见，并不一定反映欧洲联盟或[授予机构名称]的观点和意见。欧盟和授权机构都不能对此负责。注1“关于<s:1>基耶撤离的声明。2联合国大会，“报告”，第7段。43.3 İstanbul Sözleşmesi 'nin Feshine Dair Danıştay Kararı.4Sahin，“打击暴力”和k<s:1> t<e:1> k- kurizu，“兴衰”。5 Eslen-Ziya，《建立网络厌女症》。6 Bodur Ün和Arıkan，“欧洲化和非欧洲化”，以及Temiz和g<s:1> neki, Cumhurbaşkanlığı Kararnamelerinin Hukuki Niteliği。7在有关民主政体的文献中，过渡的、衰落的自由民主政体被贴上了各种各样的标签，如“竞争性威权政体”、“非自由民主政体”或“守护民主政体”。参见Wigell，“绘制‘混合政体’”。8克拉斯纳，主权和米尔斯海默，《虚假的承诺》9 Carr，《二十年的危机》，87.10 Bayulgen, Arbatli, and Canbolat， <精英生存策略>。11克拉斯纳，结构性原因，186.12基奥哈恩和奈，权力与相互依赖，19.13莫拉夫奇克，“起源”，217.14莫拉夫奇克，解释出现。15唐纳利，“国际人权”，616.16同上，601-2.17莫拉夫奇克，“起源”，220.18莫拉夫奇克，解释出现;Moravcsik，《起源》;Moravcsik，《解释国际人权制度》;Moravcsik，《认真对待偏好》;《自由主义理论》;斯劳特的《自由国际关系理论》。19同上，20 Moravcsik，“起源”，221.21 Aybet，“土耳其与欧盟”，531.22 Esen和Gumuscu，“崛起的竞争威权主义”，584-5,Grigoriadis，“论欧化”，136-7.23 Grigoriadis，“论欧化”，135.24 <s:1> rkiye Cumhuriyeti Anayasasının bazbazor Maddelerinde Değişiklik Yapılması Hakkında kanun25欧盟委员会，“土耳其2010年进展报告”，25-30.26 Moravcsik，“起源”，220.27 Bush和Zetterberg，“性别平等”，258和262;Grzebalska,“波兰”;Krizsán和Roggeband，“重新配置”。28格泽巴尔斯卡和佩特格，“性别化的操作方式”，165.29同上，166.30布什和泽特伯格，“性别平等”，260.31卡普兰，“女权主义与<s:1> cinsellik”。32卡拉，İstanbul Sözleşmesi。33 Fábián，“三个中央触发器”296,303.34格泽巴尔斯卡和佩策，“性别化的作案手法”167.35格泽巴尔斯卡，“波兰，”87.36艾哈迈迪，“土耳其总理埃尔多安。37 O 'Neil et al.， " Legal. "" 38 ' tkiye Cumhuriyeti Aile。39 Felix，“匈牙利”，73.40 Krizsán和Roggeband，“重新配置”，616.41 Şeker和Sönmezocak，“İstanbul Sözleşmesi 'nden Çekilmek，”2.42 Felix，“匈牙利”，70.43 Naím，“什么是GONGO?”95.44 Kleinschmit and Edwards，“伦理学检验”，531.45 Felix，“Hungary”，77,and Fábián，“Three Central Triggers”，297.46“Kadem Ne İçin Kuruldu?”[47 Bora, Cereyanlar, 810-1.48 KADEM，] k<s:1> resel LGBT Dayatmasına Hayır。“49 Kaos GL Derneği”，AKP bro<s:1> r<e:1> nde。“50 SES: e<s:1> itlik, Adalet, Kadın platform，”Yeni ailile和Sosyal Hizmetler。51 digital dnya Çalıştayı Açılış.52“关于<s:1>基耶撤离的声明。53 Fábián，“三个中央触发器”，300.54 Hadenius和Teorell，“路径。55 Haggard and Kaufman，《政治经济学》。56 Bayulgen, Arbatli, and Canbolat，《精英生存策略》。57 Göztepe，“如何输掉一场战争，”426.58 Lijphart，思考民主，14.59 6771 numaralı.60土耳其共和国宪法，第104.61条Slater和Fenner，“国家权力”，16.62 m<e:1> ller，“Freiheit，”23-34.63同上，50.64 KONDA，“se<s:1> men kmeleri”。“65叶特金，”Ayasofya。66 Bayulgen, Arbatli和Canbolat，“精英生存策略”，336.67人权观察，“土耳其:库尔德市长的罢免。”“68”关于<s:1>基耶撤离的声明。“69个欧盟成员国:保加利亚、捷克共和国、匈牙利、拉脱维亚、立陶宛、斯洛伐克;非成员:亚美尼亚，乌克兰，UK.70 KONDA，“İstanbul Sözleşmesi”，2020.71年9月土耳其共和国宪法，第104.72 6771 numaralyi条。
{"title":"Turkey’s withdrawal from Istanbul Convention: international human rights regime vis-à-vis authoritarian survival","authors":"Tuğba Bayar","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2023.2262721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2023.2262721","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article traces the raison d’être for Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. It draws upon two bodies of literature: international human rights regimes (IHRR) and authoritarian survival strategies. The Turkish government faced an electoral defeat in local elections 2019, which represented a serious challenge to the ruling party. To compensate for its loss of power and to consolidate its voter base, the government took some steps for its political survival. This article argues that the dynamics of the withdrawal from the Convention lay primarily behind the authoritarian survival strategies of centralization, legitimation, and repression, and secondarily behind the issue area of the Convention as an international human rights regime.KEYWORDS: Istanbul ConventionauthoritarianismTurkish politicsregime theorypolitical survival Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Disclaimer statementFunded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or [name of the granting authority]. Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them.Notes1 “Statement regarding Türkiye’s withdrawal.”2 UN General Assembly, “Report,” 7 para. 43.3 İstanbul Sözleşmesi’nin Feshine Dair Danıştay Kararı.4 Sahin, “Combatting Violence,” and Kütük-Kuriş, “The Rise and Fall.”5 Eslen-Ziya, “Establishing Networked Misogyny.”6 Bodur Ün and Arıkan, “Europeanization and De-Europeanization,” and Temiz and Güneş, “Cumhurbaşkanlığı Kararnamelerinin Hukuki Niteliği.”7 In the literature on democratic regimes, transitional, diminishing forms of liberal democracies are labelled by various names such as “competitive authoritarian regimes,” “illiberal democracies,” or “tutelary democracies.” See Wigell, “Mapping ‘Hybrid Regimes’.”8 Krasner, Sovereignty, and Mearsheimer, “The False Promise.”9 Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, 87.10 Bayulgen, Arbatli, and Canbolat, “Elite Survival Strategies.”11 Krasner, Structural Causes, 186.12 Keohane and Nye, Power and Interdependence, 19.13 Moravcsik, “The Origins,” 217.14 Moravcsik, Explaining the Emergence.15 Donnelly, “International Human Rights,” 616.16 Ibid., 601–2.17 Moravcsik, “The Origins,” 220.18 Moravcsik, Explaining the Emergence; Moravcsik, “The Origins”; Moravcsik, “Explaining International Human Rights Regimes”; Moravcsik, “Taking Preferences Seriously”; Slaughter, A Liberal Theory; and Slaughter, “Liberal International Relations Theory.”19 Ibid.20 Moravcsik, “The Origins,” 221.21 Aybet, “Turkey and the EU,” 531.22 Esen and Gumuscu, “Rising Competitive Authoritarianism,” 584–5, and Grigoriadis, “On the Europeanization,” 136–7.23 Grigoriadis, “On the Europeanization,” 135.24 Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Anayasasının Bazı Maddelerinde Değişiklik Yapılması Hakkında Kanun.25 European Commission, “Turkey 2010 Progress Report,” 25–30.26 Moravcsik, “The Origins,” 22","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135579994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2262091
Gül Özsan
ABSTRACTThis article examines the empowerment struggles of female shopkeepers in a district in Istanbul, focusing upon the creation of autonomous women’s space, the construction of entrepreneurial/occupational identity, and the concomitant strengthening of female bonds, particularly those between mothers and daughters. I argue that understanding women’s solidarity is essential for any assessment about how the hegemonic gender codes are reproduced, reconfigured, or challenged in the world of independent female small business owners. Even though the women in the study do not explicitly oppose the dominant gender discourse, their position-takings are often the key in setting the trajectory of the power struggles around the small business. Women’s empowerment in this context is a difficult, open-ended process whose outcome is dependent upon how they tackle with the ambivalent, often negative reactions of their male life partners as well as maintaining their commitment to their enterprising endeavor and to their ties with other women.KEYWORDS: Small businessgenderwomen’s empowermentmother-daughter bondingwomen’s solidarity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Gini, My Job, My Self.2 Martin, “Gendered Work Identities”; and Bradley, “Gender and Work.”3 Cornwall and Edwards, “Introduction”; Kabeer, “Resources”; and Kabeer, “Gender Equality.”4 Ahl, Female Entrepreneur; Ahl, “New Directions”; Ahl and Marlow, “Exploring”; Hamilton, “Whose Story”; Hamilton, “The Discourse”; and Gherardi, “Authoring.”5 Ahl and Marlow, “Exploring”; and Al-Dajani and Marlow, “Empowerment.”6 Hanson, “Changing Places”; Ojediran and Anderson, “Women’s Entrepreneurship”; Alkhaled and Berglund, “‘And Now I’m Free’”; and Roos and Gaddefors, “In the Wake.”7 Kandiyoti, “Bargaining”; Kandiyoti, “Gender, Power”; Hanson, “Changing Places”; Özkazanç-Pan, “On Agency”; Suzuki Him, “A Paradox”; Kawarazuka, Locke, and Seeley, “Women Bargaining”; and Cindoğlu, and Toktaş, “Empowerment and Resistance.”8 Al-Dajani and Marlow, “Empowerment and Entrepreneurship”; Essers, Benschop and Doorewaard, “Female Ethnicity”; Valdez, The New Entrepreneurs; Cederberg and Villares-Varela, “Negotiating Class”; and Essers, et al., “Navigating Belonging.”9 Ojediran and Anderson, “Women’s Entrepreneurship.”10 Bondi and Davidson, “Situating Gender,” 16.11 Spain, Gendered Spaces, and Massey, Space, Place, and Gender.12 Hanson, “Changing Places,” 262.13 Essers and Benschop, “Muslim Businesswomen”; Aygören and Nordqvist, “Gender”; and Ozasir-Kacar and Essers, “The Interplay.”14 Addo, “Is It Entrepreneurship.”15 Villares-Varela, “Negotiating Class”; and Cederberg and Villares-Varela, “Ethnic Entrepreneurship.”16 For a general evaluation of various theoretical approaches to middle-class identities, see Grimson, Guizardi, and Merenson, “Introduction.”17 Hanson and Blake, “Gender and Entrepreneurial Networks”; and Hanson, “Changing Places,” 252.18 Emily Chamlee examines
30关于应对中产阶级多样性的困难，格里姆森、吉扎迪和梅伦森写道:“……全球中产阶层的自我归属结合了多种形式的阶级认同。”在这方面，人们可以合并一个、两个或不同的类别。用来自阿根廷大布宜诺斯艾利斯热门社区的受访者的话来说，人们可能是“接近中产阶级的工人阶级”、“某种程度上的中产阶级”和“接近下层的中产阶级”(原文强调;格里姆森、吉泽迪和梅伦森，<导论>，第2期，第31页关于这两种划分形式(男性/女性和公共/私人)重叠的理论讨论，见Göle，禁忌的现代;Özyeğin，性别与性;Bora, Kadınların Sınıfı.32阿多，“这是企业家精神吗?”参见Hanson的《换地方》。33关于以色列女厨师如何将她们的餐厅厨房作为住所的延伸和在那里创造“家的感觉”的研究，见吉维翁和利登的《融入家》。另见Bird和Sokolofski的《性别化的社会空间实践》。34关于空间占用中“自在感”的情感讨论，见苏普斯基《另一种皮肤》;Bird和Sokolofski，“性别化的社会空间实践”;关于男性商店中性别空间的类似构建，请参见伯德和斯科洛洛夫斯基的《性别化的社会空间实践》。36关于对母亲和女儿既是“天然盟友”又是“天然敌人”的描述的总体评价，以及关于这种关系的社会神话和权力动态，请参阅卡普兰的《女儿和母亲》。有关母女关系和自我塑造的深入研究，请参见Lawler的《养育自我》。37关于土耳其背景下性别和护理工作的评估，请参见Dedeoğlu，“特别档案”。" 38 durakba<e:1>， karadaku，和Özsan, t<s:1> rkiye 'de ta<e:1> ra Burjuvazisinin;durakba<e:1>， Özsan，和karadazu，“作为来源的女性叙事”;以及Özsan，“e<e:1> @ Ailelerinin Statü @ cadelelerinde”。39 Cf. Villares-Varela，“民族创业”。40关于父权话语对母女关系影响的批判性评价，见Smith Silva，“配置”。其他信息:作者说明:<s:1> l ÖzsanGül Özsan在伊斯坦布尔大学获得社会人类学学士学位，在伊斯坦布尔米马尔·希南大学获得社会学硕士和博士学位。2001年至2014年期间，她在马尔马拉大学任教。2014年起担任伊斯坦布尔大学人类学系教授。她参与了大量的研究项目(包括TÜBİTAK项目)，并发表了大量关于省级名人(eshraf)、工匠、店主和移民的文章。
{"title":"‘My shop, my self’: independent women shopkeepers and their empowerment struggles","authors":"Gül Özsan","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2023.2262091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2023.2262091","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article examines the empowerment struggles of female shopkeepers in a district in Istanbul, focusing upon the creation of autonomous women’s space, the construction of entrepreneurial/occupational identity, and the concomitant strengthening of female bonds, particularly those between mothers and daughters. I argue that understanding women’s solidarity is essential for any assessment about how the hegemonic gender codes are reproduced, reconfigured, or challenged in the world of independent female small business owners. Even though the women in the study do not explicitly oppose the dominant gender discourse, their position-takings are often the key in setting the trajectory of the power struggles around the small business. Women’s empowerment in this context is a difficult, open-ended process whose outcome is dependent upon how they tackle with the ambivalent, often negative reactions of their male life partners as well as maintaining their commitment to their enterprising endeavor and to their ties with other women.KEYWORDS: Small businessgenderwomen’s empowermentmother-daughter bondingwomen’s solidarity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Gini, My Job, My Self.2 Martin, “Gendered Work Identities”; and Bradley, “Gender and Work.”3 Cornwall and Edwards, “Introduction”; Kabeer, “Resources”; and Kabeer, “Gender Equality.”4 Ahl, Female Entrepreneur; Ahl, “New Directions”; Ahl and Marlow, “Exploring”; Hamilton, “Whose Story”; Hamilton, “The Discourse”; and Gherardi, “Authoring.”5 Ahl and Marlow, “Exploring”; and Al-Dajani and Marlow, “Empowerment.”6 Hanson, “Changing Places”; Ojediran and Anderson, “Women’s Entrepreneurship”; Alkhaled and Berglund, “‘And Now I’m Free’”; and Roos and Gaddefors, “In the Wake.”7 Kandiyoti, “Bargaining”; Kandiyoti, “Gender, Power”; Hanson, “Changing Places”; Özkazanç-Pan, “On Agency”; Suzuki Him, “A Paradox”; Kawarazuka, Locke, and Seeley, “Women Bargaining”; and Cindoğlu, and Toktaş, “Empowerment and Resistance.”8 Al-Dajani and Marlow, “Empowerment and Entrepreneurship”; Essers, Benschop and Doorewaard, “Female Ethnicity”; Valdez, The New Entrepreneurs; Cederberg and Villares-Varela, “Negotiating Class”; and Essers, et al., “Navigating Belonging.”9 Ojediran and Anderson, “Women’s Entrepreneurship.”10 Bondi and Davidson, “Situating Gender,” 16.11 Spain, Gendered Spaces, and Massey, Space, Place, and Gender.12 Hanson, “Changing Places,” 262.13 Essers and Benschop, “Muslim Businesswomen”; Aygören and Nordqvist, “Gender”; and Ozasir-Kacar and Essers, “The Interplay.”14 Addo, “Is It Entrepreneurship.”15 Villares-Varela, “Negotiating Class”; and Cederberg and Villares-Varela, “Ethnic Entrepreneurship.”16 For a general evaluation of various theoretical approaches to middle-class identities, see Grimson, Guizardi, and Merenson, “Introduction.”17 Hanson and Blake, “Gender and Entrepreneurial Networks”; and Hanson, “Changing Places,” 252.18 Emily Chamlee examines","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135864989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2222525
Hasan Yönten, R. Denemark
ABSTRACT Turkish foreign policy under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been the subject of much change, especially as regards relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). We create and analyze a novel dataset of Turkey’s treaties with MENA countries to offer and assess several arguments empirically. We find that Turkey became more diplomatically active in the MENA and emerged as a ‘trading state’ in the AKP’s first decade. In the wake of the Arab Uprisings, especially after 2016, Turkey became less diplomatically active and more security oriented. However, it did not necessarily lose all of the characteristics of a ‘trading state.’
{"title":"Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa under the AKP: an empirical analysis","authors":"Hasan Yönten, R. Denemark","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2023.2222525","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2023.2222525","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Turkish foreign policy under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been the subject of much change, especially as regards relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). We create and analyze a novel dataset of Turkey’s treaties with MENA countries to offer and assess several arguments empirically. We find that Turkey became more diplomatically active in the MENA and emerged as a ‘trading state’ in the AKP’s first decade. In the wake of the Arab Uprisings, especially after 2016, Turkey became less diplomatically active and more security oriented. However, it did not necessarily lose all of the characteristics of a ‘trading state.’","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"832 - 852"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90839421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-18DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2223994
Senem B. Çevik, Esra Aydın Kılıç
ABSTRACT Turkish Jewish culture is largely unknown within Turkey due to various reasons, including demographic and historical factors. Negative stereotypes about Jews in Turkish film and television have further contributed to this lack of understanding. The ground-breaking television series, The Club, produced for Netflix, showcases Turkish Jews as its main characters and highlights their Sephardic heritage. We believe that media plays an important role in educating the public and shaping perceptions. To explore this, we conducted thirty in-depth, semi-structured interviews using the snowball method to investigate the impact of the series on the audience’s knowledge of Turkish Jews. Our findings suggest that The Club has helped raise awareness about Turkish Jews, Sephardic culture, and Judaism among the research sample, as it presents a non-stereotypical portrayal of its Jewish characters.
{"title":"Rediscovering Turkish Jewish heritage: The Club as a teaching moment in Turkey","authors":"Senem B. Çevik, Esra Aydın Kılıç","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2023.2223994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2023.2223994","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Turkish Jewish culture is largely unknown within Turkey due to various reasons, including demographic and historical factors. Negative stereotypes about Jews in Turkish film and television have further contributed to this lack of understanding. The ground-breaking television series, The Club, produced for Netflix, showcases Turkish Jews as its main characters and highlights their Sephardic heritage. We believe that media plays an important role in educating the public and shaping perceptions. To explore this, we conducted thirty in-depth, semi-structured interviews using the snowball method to investigate the impact of the series on the audience’s knowledge of Turkish Jews. Our findings suggest that The Club has helped raise awareness about Turkish Jews, Sephardic culture, and Judaism among the research sample, as it presents a non-stereotypical portrayal of its Jewish characters.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"44 1","pages":"905 - 929"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91270060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2213829
Paul Kubicek
ABSTRACT Prominent themes in Turkey’s political development are modernization and Westernization, notions that carry with them a particular teleology in terms of expected political outcomes. While Turkey has, over several decades, modernized in several respects, Westernization has arguably been much more limited, particularly in terms of embracing political liberalism. This paper scrutinizes its failure to take root in Turkey, noting how a congruence of factors at both the mass and elite levels tends to work against policies that would embrace individual rights and freedoms, pluralism, and a more limited role for the state. It focuses in particular on three periods in Turkish history when liberalism could have potentially been adopted, but ultimately failed to succeed.
{"title":"Liberalism: the missing piece in Turkey’s political development","authors":"Paul Kubicek","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2023.2213829","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2023.2213829","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Prominent themes in Turkey’s political development are modernization and Westernization, notions that carry with them a particular teleology in terms of expected political outcomes. While Turkey has, over several decades, modernized in several respects, Westernization has arguably been much more limited, particularly in terms of embracing political liberalism. This paper scrutinizes its failure to take root in Turkey, noting how a congruence of factors at both the mass and elite levels tends to work against policies that would embrace individual rights and freedoms, pluralism, and a more limited role for the state. It focuses in particular on three periods in Turkish history when liberalism could have potentially been adopted, but ultimately failed to succeed.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"46 1","pages":"476 - 499"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87104058","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-07DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2210765
M. Erdoğdu
ABSTRACT Turkey’s per capita income was nearly three times South Korea’s in 1962. Dramatic change has been observed since then. South Korea has transformed into an innovative economy approaching the global technology frontier in only a few decades. Turkey, on the other hand, has attained limited success with missed opportunities and has fallen behind. This article asks why this spectacular success was observed in South Korea, but not in Turkey. It seeks an answer by concentrating on certain variables that may explain this outcome. Assuming that primarily different types and capacities of societies and states explain the variations in economic performance, the article examines in particular, the institutional foundations of Turkish and Korean societies.
{"title":"Divergent developmental performance of Turkey and South Korea: an appraisal from political economy perspective","authors":"M. Erdoğdu","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2023.2210765","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2023.2210765","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Turkey’s per capita income was nearly three times South Korea’s in 1962. Dramatic change has been observed since then. South Korea has transformed into an innovative economy approaching the global technology frontier in only a few decades. Turkey, on the other hand, has attained limited success with missed opportunities and has fallen behind. This article asks why this spectacular success was observed in South Korea, but not in Turkey. It seeks an answer by concentrating on certain variables that may explain this outcome. Assuming that primarily different types and capacities of societies and states explain the variations in economic performance, the article examines in particular, the institutional foundations of Turkish and Korean societies.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"500 - 521"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86800660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-07DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2210352
Paul Kubicek
ABSTRACT This article briefly introduces the rationale and content of a Special Issue of Turkish Studies that reflects on Turkey’s past, present, and future in light of the Republic’s centenary in 2023. It suggests that while Turkey can celebrate many accomplishments over the last century, the country continues to face a number of pressing political, economic, and social challenges.
{"title":"Introduction: reflections on the centenary of the Republic of Turkey","authors":"Paul Kubicek","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2023.2210352","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2023.2210352","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article briefly introduces the rationale and content of a Special Issue of Turkish Studies that reflects on Turkey’s past, present, and future in light of the Republic’s centenary in 2023. It suggests that while Turkey can celebrate many accomplishments over the last century, the country continues to face a number of pressing political, economic, and social challenges.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"140 1","pages":"407 - 411"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86578191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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