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Dissident women’s organizations as a counter-hegemonic actor in Turkey 持不同政见的妇女组织在土耳其扮演反霸权角色
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2208270
Melisa Gündüz, Funda Gençoğlu
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引用次数: 0
Debating voter defection in Turkey 辩论土耳其选民叛逃
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-16 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2200941
E. Balta, Seda Demiralp, Selva Demiralp
ABSTRACT This study examines patterns of voter defection from Turkey’s incumbent AKP amid major economic and democratic decline. As in other electoral autocracies, defectors constitute a small but politically significant group in Turkey, where the opposition’s ability to secure a transition from authoritarianism depends on reducing the incumbent’s vote share. Based on survey data gathered in November 2021 and February 2022, we find that while the high level of partizanship among AKP voters hinders defection, persistent economic and democratic decline still reduces incumbent support. We also found that defections are higher outside of the lowest income group. Our findings have important implications for opposition strategies in electoral autocracies. Directing public debate away from identity issues to economic and democratic problems increases the likelihood of defection. In addition, offering voters clear superior alternatives decreases the cost of uncertainty that comes with change and increases the likelihood of defection.
本研究考察了土耳其现任正义与发展党(AKP)在重大经济和民主衰退中选民叛逃的模式。与其他选举专制国家一样,叛逃者在土耳其构成了一个虽小但政治意义重大的群体,反对派确保从独裁主义过渡的能力取决于减少现任总统的选票份额。根据2021年11月和2022年2月收集的调查数据,我们发现,虽然正义与发展党选民中的高度党派关系阻碍了叛逃,但持续的经济和民主衰退仍然降低了现任支持者的支持率。我们还发现,在最低收入群体之外,叛逃率更高。我们的研究结果对选举专制国家的反对派策略具有重要意义。将公众辩论从身份问题转向经济和民主问题,增加了叛变的可能性。此外,为选民提供明确的更好的选择,可以降低变化带来的不确定性成本,并增加背叛的可能性。
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引用次数: 2
Contestation of the global norm against violence against women in Turkey 土耳其反对对妇女施暴的全球规范的争论
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2197223
Marella Bodur Ün
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引用次数: 0
Military might: a domestic economy explanation of Turkish foreign policy 军事力量:土耳其外交政策的国内经济解释
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2196020
Sabri Ciftci
ABSTRACT Turkish foreign policy has taken a military turn in recent years. Turkey is now a major arms exporter, it hosts military bases in its neighborhood and beyond, and has engaged in conflicts in Syria and Libya. Scholars have highlighted identity and international system theories to explain the military assertiveness in Turkish foreign policy. This study proposes a domestic economy explanation. It argues that national wealth, a take-off in defence industry, and an alliance of conservative bourgeoisie and political Islamists are the primary drivers of the military turn in foreign policy. Analysis of Turkish economic development and historical trajectories of economic and bureaucratic wings of the defence industry shows that complex business-politics interactions and commercial interests of defence companies propel military assertiveness. This domestic economy framework supplements insights from the identity and international system theories to significantly add to our understanding of the military turn in Turkish foreign policy.
近年来,土耳其的外交政策转向军事。土耳其现在是一个主要的武器出口国,在邻国及周边地区设有军事基地,并参与了叙利亚和利比亚的冲突。学者们强调认同和国际体系理论来解释土耳其外交政策中的军事自信。本研究提出了一种国内经济解释。它认为,国家财富、国防工业的腾飞以及保守资产阶级和政治伊斯兰主义者的联盟是外交政策转向军事的主要驱动因素。对土耳其经济发展和国防工业经济和官僚部门历史轨迹的分析表明,复杂的商业政治互动和国防公司的商业利益推动了军事自信。这种国内经济框架补充了身份和国际体系理论的见解,大大增加了我们对土耳其外交政策军事转向的理解。
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引用次数: 1
Reflections on Şerif Mardin’s center-periphery thesis 对Şerif马尔丹中心-边缘命题的思考
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2189592
Paul T. Levin
ABSTRACT It would be an understatement to say that Şerif Mardin’s center-periphery thesis (CPT) has been influential on contemporary understandings of Turkey. This essay reflects on the impact of the CPT, considers the challenges from both critics and a changing empirical reality, and discusses whether it still has something to offer us today. It argues that some of the criticisms levied at Mardin’s thesis are based on a misunderstanding of the role of simplification in social science, while others point to important shortcomings of the theory without presenting an alternative framework. However, the article suggests that the anomalies in the CPT have by now amassed to the point that it no longer serves as a meaningful approximation of key dynamics in Turkish politics, primarily because it fails to capture the importance of the Kurdish issue and the consolidation of the ruling AKP at the center.
毫不夸张地说,Şerif马丁的中心-边缘理论(CPT)影响了当代对土耳其的理解。本文反思了CPT的影响,考虑了来自批评者和不断变化的经验现实的挑战,并讨论了它今天是否仍有一些东西可供我们使用。它认为,对马尔丁论文的一些批评是基于对简化在社会科学中的作用的误解,而其他人则指出了该理论的重要缺点,而没有提出替代框架。然而,这篇文章指出,CPT内部的异常现象现在已经积累到这样的程度,即它不再是土耳其政治关键动态的有意义的近代性,主要是因为它没有抓住库尔德问题的重要性,也没有巩固执政的正义与发展党在中心的地位。
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引用次数: 0
The AKP, religion, and political values in contemporary Turkey: implications for the future of democracy 当代土耳其的正义与发展党、宗教和政治价值观:对未来民主的影响
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-12 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2186784
Birol Yesilada
ABSTRACT The Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002 with the promise of reforms to further democratic consolidation in Turkey. At that time, the AKP represented a rainbow coalition of individuals from the previous Islamist parties and many liberal democrats who were fed up with the failures of old secular political parties. The Turkish public shared their frustrations and overwhelmingly supported the AKP. Unfortunately, these reforms did not last. Today, it is indisputable that under the rule of the AKP, and more specifically, President Recep T. Erdoğan, Turkey has become an authoritarian state defined and shaped by one person. This article explores what these developments mean for the future of Turkish democracy as the country celebrates its centenary, and it includes an examination of whether Turkish political culture is supportive of such changes.
正义与发展党(AKP)于2002年上台执政,承诺进行改革以进一步巩固土耳其的民主。当时,正义与发展党代表了一个彩虹联盟,由以前的伊斯兰政党和许多受够了旧世俗政党失败的自由民主人士组成。土耳其公众和他们一样感到沮丧,并以压倒性多数支持正义与发展党。不幸的是,这些改革并没有持续下去。今天,无可争议的是,在正义与发展党,更具体地说,是总统雷杰普·t·Erdoğan的统治下,土耳其已经成为一个由一个人定义和塑造的威权国家。这篇文章探讨了这些发展对土耳其民主的未来意味着什么,因为这个国家正在庆祝其百年诞辰,它包括对土耳其政治文化是否支持这些变化的检验。
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引用次数: 2
Turkey’s security role in the Gulf region: exploring the case of a newcomer 土耳其在海湾地区的安全角色:探索一个新来者的案例
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2182686
Ali Bakir
ABSTRACT This study explores Turkey as a newcomer to Gulf security. It addresses why Turkish decision-makers want Turkey to play an elevated security role in the Gulf. It offers a holistic yet detailed outlook of Turkey’s potential enhanced security role and develops a systematic argument that assesses Ankara's aspiration, will, and capacity to play such a role. Finally, it adopts a comparative perspective to show how the regional actors (Arab Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, and Iran) might perceive an enhanced Turkish security role in the Gulf; and where Turkey stands vis-à-vis the capacity of other extra-regional actors (the U.S., China, India, and Russia) concerning Gulf security.
本研究探讨了土耳其作为海湾安全的新来者。它解释了为什么土耳其决策者希望土耳其在海湾地区扮演更重要的安全角色。它提供了土耳其潜在的增强安全作用的全面而详细的前景,并发展了一个系统的论点,评估安卡拉发挥这种作用的愿望、意愿和能力。最后,本文采用比较视角来展示地区行为体(阿拉伯海湾合作委员会(GCC)国家和伊朗)如何看待土耳其在海湾地区加强安全作用;以及土耳其相对于-à-vis其他地区外行为体(美国、中国、印度和俄罗斯)在海湾安全方面的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Only game in town? the persistence of competitive authoritarian regimes in modern Turkey 镇上唯一的游戏?现代土耳其持续存在的竞争性独裁政权
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2184261
O. Bakiner
ABSTRACT Why do so many regimes remain competitive authoritarian? This article argues that institutional path dependence explains the persistence of competitive authoritarian regimes in which electoral competition exists, but is unfair. The weakness of institutions regulating free and fair interparty competition, like multi-candidate elections, a constitution and statutes safeguarding fundamental rights, and intraparty competition, like intraparty democracy, is path-dependent and self-reinforcing. In settings where competition is partly free and fair, ruling elites have an incentive to combine democratic and undemocratic laws and policies to defeat counterelites and neutralize intraparty competitors. The likely long-term outcome is a vicious cycle of limited democratization, competitive authoritarian regime formation, and competitive authoritarian regime consolidation. I assess the argument by tracing the historical trajectory of reforms on constitutionalism, civil liberties, and multi-candidate competition in post-1950 Turkey, where the limits on interparty and intraparty competition have been reproduced in remarkable historical continuity.
为什么如此多的政权仍然是竞争性的威权主义?本文认为制度路径依赖解释了选举竞争存在但不公平的竞争性专制政权的持续存在。管理自由和公平的党间竞争的制度,如多候选人选举,保障基本权利的宪法和法规,以及党内竞争,如党内民主,都是路径依赖和自我强化的。在竞争是部分自由和公平的环境中,统治精英有动机将民主和非民主的法律和政策结合起来,以击败反精英和中和党内竞争对手。可能的长期结果是一个有限民主化、竞争性威权政权形成和竞争性威权政权巩固的恶性循环。我通过追溯1950年后土耳其在宪政、公民自由和多候选人竞争方面改革的历史轨迹来评估这一论点,在土耳其,党际和党内竞争的限制在显著的历史连续性中得到了再现。
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引用次数: 0
Turkey’s asylum policies over the last century: continuity, change and contradictions 土耳其上个世纪的庇护政策:连续性、变化和矛盾
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-19 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2178306
K. Kirişci, Aysel Yıldız
ABSTRACT This article explores Turkey’s century-long asylum policies by highlighting two enduring policy considerations. The first is Turkey's process of convergence with the norms and principles of the global refugee regime. The second is the persistent practice of granting refugees protection of a temporary nature. These two policy considerations are discussed by employing the conceptual frameworks of ‘policy diffusion’ and the ‘nationalizing migration state.’ The study concludes that Turkey’s asylum policies have been shaped by the tension between these two policy considerations over the past century.
本文通过强调两个持久的政策考虑,探讨了土耳其长达一个世纪的庇护政策。首先是土耳其与全球难民制度的规范和原则趋同的进程。第二个问题是持续给予难民临时保护的做法。采用“政策扩散”和“国有化移民国家”的概念框架来讨论这两个政策考虑。研究得出的结论是,过去一个世纪以来,土耳其的庇护政策一直受到这两种政策考虑之间的紧张关系的影响。
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引用次数: 2
Facing new security threats in an era of global transformations: Turkey's challenges of energy security, climate change and sustainability 在全球转型时代面临新的安全威胁:土耳其在能源安全、气候变化和可持续性方面面临的挑战
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2023.2179918
Suhnaz Yilmaz
ABSTRACT Turkey's geopolitical position at the intersection of numerous conflict-laden regions has compelled Ankara to prioritize hard security concerns in defining its foreign and domestic policies. While these concerns will maintain their significance, new global threats and opportunities, particularly in energy security, climate change, and sustainability, necessitate a reconceptualization of security. This study posits that this new conceptualization must be more comprehensive by integrating these new challenges into conceptions security. After presenting pressing transformations in the energy security and climate change realm, the critical puzzle that the article will explore is Turkey's main challenges and opportunities in meeting its rapidly increasing energy needs on the one hand and facing mounting climate change and sustainability-related risks on the other. Moreover, the study will examine the domestic and foreign policy implications of these transformations in times of global changes and uncertainties.
土耳其在众多冲突地区的地缘政治位置迫使安卡拉在确定其外交和国内政策时优先考虑硬安全问题。尽管这些关切将保持其重要性,但新的全球威胁和机遇,特别是在能源安全、气候变化和可持续性方面,需要重新定义安全概念。本研究认为,通过将这些新的挑战整合到安全概念中,这个新的概念必须更加全面。在介绍了能源安全和气候变化领域的紧迫变革之后,本文将探讨的关键难题是,土耳其一方面要满足其快速增长的能源需求,另一方面要面临日益增加的气候变化和可持续发展相关风险,这一方面面临的主要挑战和机遇。此外,该研究将审查在全球变化和不确定时期这些转变对国内和外交政策的影响。
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引用次数: 0
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Turkish Studies
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