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Peace journalism in East Africa: A manual for media practitioners 东非和平新闻:媒体从业人员手册
IF 1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/15295036.2023.2225572
Gao Jingquan
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引用次数: 3
Quare vernacular discourse: vulnerability, mentorship, and coming out on YouTube 四方方言话语:脆弱、指导和在YouTube上出柜
IF 1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/15295036.2023.2229418
K. J. Rudrow
ABSTRACT This essay argues that coming out narratives shared by Black queer youth on YouTube can be understood as a quare vernacular discourse that captures their rhetorical moves, illuminates their material realities, and participates in Black queer worldmaking. Recognizing that much remains uncharted about how Black queer youth use social media, I extend quare vernacular discourse to examine the material intersections of race and sexuality, and expand quare theory to include these otherwise hidden rhetorics. First, I work from 27 coming out narratives on YouTube to argue that narrators use their stories to articulate how they navigate quare material vulnerability. Second, I contend that narrators’ quare vernacular discourse illuminates how Black queer boys and young men are motivated to share their stories, helping to sustain a quare vernacular community. Expanding quare possibilities and adding to an online communal knowledge pool, narrators, much like mentors, use their stories to guide vulnerable Black queer youth who may have few role models or no support structures.
本文认为,黑人酷儿青年在YouTube上分享的出柜叙事可以被理解为一种方正的白话话语,它捕捉了他们的修辞动作,照亮了他们的物质现实,并参与了黑人酷儿世界的构建。认识到黑人酷儿青年如何使用社交媒体仍有许多未知之处,我扩展了四方方言话语来研究种族和性的物质交叉点,并扩展了四方理论,以包括这些原本隐藏的修辞。首先,我从YouTube上的27个即将出柜的故事中得出结论,认为叙述者用他们的故事来阐明他们如何驾驭方形物质脆弱性。其次,我认为叙述者的方言话语阐明了黑人酷儿男孩和年轻人是如何被激励去分享他们的故事的,这有助于维持一个方言社区。叙述者像导师一样,扩大了各种可能性,增加了在线公共知识库,用他们的故事来指导那些可能缺乏榜样或没有支持结构的弱势黑人酷儿青年。
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引用次数: 1
Caster Semenya as a “can-do” hero for “at-risk” girls: analyzing Nike’s neoliberal postfeminist advertisements 卡斯特·塞门亚(Caster Semenya)是“处境危险”女孩的“能干”英雄:分析耐克的新自由主义后女权主义广告
IF 1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/15295036.2023.2228382
Anna Posbergh, Samuel M. Clevenger, Caitlin E. Kane
ABSTRACT To solidify itself as a socially progressive global brand, the U.S.-based sports apparel corporation Nike produces and distributes advertisements featuring women from around the world as empowered, independently motivated athletes, capable of transcending all boundaries through their pursuit of athletic excellence. Some advertisements feature celebrity non-Western athletes such as South African track and field star Caster Semenya as part of an overall marketing message founded on the purportedly universal ideal of “girl power.” This article argues that Nike’s global pro-women advertising can be understood as a Western-centric, neoliberal, postfeminist branding strategy that reinforces existing social inequalities and reproduces the economic exploitation endemic to contemporary capitalism. The article analyzes three of Nike’s advertisements from 2018 featuring Caster Semenya, focusing on how each universalize and normalize particularly Western, neoliberal, postfeminist ideals. Attention is given to the advertisements’ reliance on the specific neoliberal postfeminist themes of individual empowerment and Western-centered gender norms.
为了巩固自己作为一个社会进步的全球品牌的地位,总部位于美国的运动服装公司耐克(Nike)制作和发行的广告将来自世界各地的女性塑造成有能力、有独立动力的运动员,能够通过追求卓越而超越一切界限。一些广告以非西方名人运动员为主角,如南非田径明星卡斯特·塞门亚,作为建立在所谓的“女性力量”普遍理想基础上的整体营销信息的一部分。本文认为,耐克的全球亲女性广告可以被理解为一种以西方为中心的、新自由主义的、后女权主义的品牌战略,它强化了现有的社会不平等,再现了当代资本主义特有的经济剥削。本文分析了2018年耐克以卡斯特·塞门亚(Caster Semenya)为主角的三个广告,重点分析了每一个广告是如何将西方、新自由主义和后女权主义理想普遍化和正常化的。注意广告对特定的新自由主义后女权主义主题的依赖,即个人赋权和以西方为中心的性别规范。
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引用次数: 0
The COVID-19 pandemic as a challenge for media and communication studies 2019冠状病毒病大流行对媒体和传播研究的挑战
IF 1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/15295036.2023.2229424
Guodong Jiang, Mengyuan Zhu
and conflict reduction. Based on the continuous popularization of network technology, modern media has become a powerful tool for creating peace. Peace journalists should also pay attention to the discursive power of mainstream media. Ogenga discusses the lack of public discourse in the mainstream print media in Kenya, the original intention of which was to reduce conflicts. In practice, however, it often brings about a surge in confrontation (Chapter 4). The book introduces the case of using the media to intervene in the conflict in Abakuria in Kenya to acknowledge that the media can both achieve peace and provoke conflict. Establishing media that can respond rapidly to changing conditions is often the best practice for media frameworks (Chapter 5). But there are still some problems with the attainment of the ideal of peace journalism beyond those addressed in this book. First, the realization of peace journalism relies on journalists with good morality and peaceful inclinations. It is difficult for journalists to achieve both objective and fair reporting, and the responsibility to speak out for vulnerable people. At the same time, the government or both sides in a conflict will often mobilize powerful media forces to suppress the community influence of peace journalism and to reduce or eliminate its influence on public opinion. Finally, journalists of peace are not necessarily local to conflict areas. If foreign journalists collect media materials in the name of peace journalism, will they be mistrusted and suspected of interfering in the internal politics of high-conflict countries? Human nature, the trade-off of professional ethics, the evaluation of media power, and the avoidance of political and personal risk should be given priority in future research. Only with love for the media profession and ardent desire to resolve conflicts and seek peace can peace journalists truly help the people of East Africa to live peaceful and stable lives.
减少冲突。基于网络技术的不断普及,现代媒体已经成为创造和平的有力工具。和平记者还应关注主流媒体的话语权。Ogenga讨论了肯尼亚主流印刷媒体缺乏公共话语,其初衷是为了减少冲突。然而,在实践中,它经常带来对抗的激增(第4章)。书中介绍了利用媒体干预肯尼亚阿巴库里亚冲突的案例,以承认媒体既可以实现和平,也可以挑起冲突。建立能够对不断变化的条件做出快速反应的媒体通常是媒体框架的最佳实践(第5章)。但是,在实现和平新闻的理想方面,除了本书所讨论的问题之外,还存在一些问题。首先,和平新闻的实现依赖于具有良好道德和和平倾向的新闻工作者。对于记者来说,既要做到客观公正的报道,又要承担起为弱势群体发声的责任,是很困难的。同时,政府或冲突双方往往会调动强大的媒体力量,压制和平新闻的社区影响力,减少或消除其对舆论的影响。最后,和平记者不一定是冲突地区的当地记者。如果外国记者以和平新闻的名义收集媒体资料,会不会受到不信任,被怀疑干涉高冲突国家的内部政治?人性、职业道德的权衡、媒介权力的评价、政治风险和个人风险的规避等都是未来研究的重点。和平记者只有怀着对媒体事业的热爱,怀着化解冲突、谋求和平的热切愿望,才能真正帮助东非人民过上和平稳定的生活。
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引用次数: 0
TV (Object Lessons) 电视(实物课)
IF 1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15295036.2023.2195480
A. Darrah
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引用次数: 0
“Not You Too”: Drake, heartbreak, and the romantic communication of Black male vulnerability “Not You Too”:德雷克,心碎,以及黑人男性脆弱的浪漫交流
IF 1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15295036.2023.2204132
Damariyé L. Smith
ABSTRACT Recently, there has been a resurgence of academic interest in the lived experiences of Black males. One way that scholars have approached the field of Black male studies is by examining the susceptibility of Black men and boys in various contexts, commonly referred to as Black male vulnerability. In this essay, I utilize the song “Not You Too” by the Hip-Hop/R&B artist Drake as a case study to explore the ways Black men, through music, may communicate their vulnerability in the context of romantic relationships. Through a rhetorical analysis, I argue that Drake (re)articulates the notion of Black masculinity by communicating his vulnerability through recognition of his struggles of trust, willingness to forgive, and critical reflection of the power dynamics within his romantic relationship. I conclude by asserting that it is vital to study the communicative realities and sensibilities of Black men by engaging in both interpretative and empirical analysis to liberate Black males.
最近,学术界对黑人男性的生活经历重新产生了兴趣。学者们进入黑人男性研究领域的一种方法是研究黑人男性和男孩在各种情况下的易感性,通常被称为黑人男性脆弱性。在这篇文章中,我以Hip-Hop/R&B艺术家德雷克的歌曲“Not You Too”为例,探讨黑人男性在恋爱关系中通过音乐表达自己脆弱的方式。通过修辞分析,我认为德雷克(重新)表达了黑人男子气概的概念,通过承认他的信任斗争,愿意原谅,以及对他的浪漫关系中的权力动态的批判性反思,传达了他的脆弱性。最后,我断言,通过解释分析和实证分析来研究黑人男性的交际现实和情感对于解放黑人男性至关重要。
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引用次数: 1
Review of Social Media and Hate 回顾社交媒体和仇恨
IF 1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15295036.2023.2204140
Y. Arifani, Nur Hidayat, Nur Naily, N. Asyik
cosmopolitanism and consumerism. The first case study focuses on Alex, a gay Australian nurse in the RTÉ medical drama The Clinic (2003–2009), who is framed as modern, cosmopolitan, and neoliberal. The second case study, crime drama Proof (2004–2005), analyzes two characters on the fringes of the Celtic Tiger economy who, through their portrayal as marginal, challenge stereotypical narratives around gay culture prevalent in The Clinic. In the conclusion, it is argued that LGBTQ activism created much of the media visibility achieved during the successful 2015 same-sex marriage referendum. Respectability and mainstreaming are shown to have been mainstays of the campaign, similar to activist strategies of the 1970s. Kerrigan concludes by calling for more diverse approaches in queer media research and expresses concern that transgender people, bisexuals, and lesbians remain underrepresented in such research. This book is an excellent contribution to the fields of queer studies and media studies and breaks new ground in its sophisticated analysis of LGBTQ visibility in Irish media. Through focusing on the interplay of visibility and normalization, it highlights the tensions surrounding respectability politics and minority representation. Despite the complexity of the theoretical material, the book is very readable and Kerrigan makes masterful use of diverse primary sources. While acknowledging the need to limit the scope of any study, the claim in the title to cover media is somewhat misleading, given that this is a book almost entirely about television, or in fact RTÉ alone. Given that dominance, the decision in Chapter 4 to briefly sidestep into the queer press and independent documentaries (which ended up being shown on RTÉ anyway) is tokenistic. It would have been preferable to present this as a book about RTÉ while providing an overview of other media in the introduction. For instance, the diverse Irish pirate radio scene in the 1980s and licensed community media since the 1990s both provided innovative spaces for queer representation. Similarly, Kerrigan gives no credit to Irish language television channel TG4, which included a gay couple in its soap opera when it launched in 1996. A discussion of such material would enrich the analysis about the reframing of Irish national identity during the Celtic Tiger era broached in Chapter 6.
世界主义和消费主义。第一个案例研究的焦点是Alex,一位在RTÉ医疗剧《诊所》(2003-2009)中的澳大利亚同性恋护士,他被塑造成一个现代的、世界主义者和新自由主义者。第二个案例研究是犯罪剧《证明》(Proof, 2004-2005),它分析了两个处于凯尔特之虎经济边缘的角色,他们通过对边缘人物的描绘,挑战了《诊所》中流行的关于同性恋文化的刻板印象。在结束语中,作者认为LGBTQ活动创造了2015年成功的同性婚姻公投期间的大部分媒体知名度。体面和主流化被证明是这场运动的支柱,类似于20世纪70年代的激进主义策略。最后,Kerrigan呼吁在酷儿媒体研究中采用更多样化的方法,并对跨性别者、双性恋者和女同性恋者在这类研究中的代表性不足表示担忧。这本书对酷儿研究和媒体研究领域做出了杰出的贡献,在对爱尔兰媒体中LGBTQ可见度的复杂分析方面开辟了新的领域。通过关注可见性和正常化的相互作用,它突出了围绕体面政治和少数民族代表性的紧张关系。尽管理论材料很复杂,但这本书可读性很强,凯瑞根熟练地使用了各种原始资料。虽然承认有必要限制任何研究的范围,但考虑到这是一本几乎完全关于电视的书,或者实际上只关于RTÉ的书,标题中声称涵盖媒体多少有些误导。考虑到这种主导地位,第四章中简要地回避到酷儿媒体和独立纪录片(无论如何最终在RTÉ上放映)的决定是象征性的。最好是将其作为一本关于RTÉ的书,同时在引言中提供其他媒体的概述。例如,20世纪80年代多样化的爱尔兰海盗电台和90年代以来获得许可的社区媒体都为酷儿的表现提供了创新的空间。同样,凯瑞根也没有称赞爱尔兰语电视频道TG4,该频道在1996年开播时曾在其肥皂剧中出现过一对同性恋夫妇。对这些材料的讨论将丰富第六章中所提到的关于凯尔特之虎时期爱尔兰民族认同重构的分析。
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引用次数: 0
From whence we came and where we are going: the editors’ introduction 我们从哪里来,到哪里去:编辑们的介绍
IF 1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15295036.2023.2207312
Rachel Griffin, Kimberly R. Moffitt
Much can be said about the far-reaching impact of the COVID-19 pandemic: omnipresent threats to democracy in the U.S. and abroad; global surges of anti-Semitic, racist, and white supremacist violence; steadily unfolding consequences of the contentious 2020 U.S. presidential election; and nefarious upticks in anti-LGBTQIA+ bills, policy, and laws. Increasingly characterized by polarization and fragmentation, our cultural landscape offers a great deal to reflect upon, question, mourn, and resist. Yet, there are also glimmers of hope and societal transformation lighting our path forward. Gen Z has proven itself highly effective at utilizing social media to raise climate change awareness and impact policy; artificial intelligence, including ChatGPT, has the potential to generate new solutions to some of humanity’s oldest problems; and the stories told by Indigenous and women of color filmmakers continue to gain prominence. Turning our attention inward, the National Communication Association (NCA) has transformed what began as shining moments worthy of celebration into material achievements that re/shape our discipline. Foremost is Dr. Shari Miles-Cohen’s competitive selection as NCA’s Executive Director, the first African American woman to serve in this role. Since 2013, when the IDEA Council became part of the executive leadership structure, NCA has consistently leveled up its prioritization of inclusion, diversity, equity, and access (IDEA) throughout the organization. Recent efforts include remedying exclusionary awards practices, welcoming three new caucuses as interest groups (Caribbean Communication; Indigenous; and South West Asian/North African, Middle East), and further diversifying its journal editorships and editorial boards. The lack of intersectional diversity represented among journal editors and editorial boards can be traced back to the origination of 11 of NCA’s 12 journals. Recounted in the 2021 IDEA Task Force Report, NCA formally acknowledged exclusionary barriers in our discipline’s publication processes via the 1988–1990 Speech Communication Association Taskforce on Affirmative Action. In 2018, scholar–activists led a renewed call to remove structural barriers that discourage scholars of color and Others who identify with marginalized populations from applying and/or earning these appointments (Inclusion, Diversity, Equity, and Access Strategic Planning Task Force [IDEA], 2022a, p. 1; see also IDEA, 2022b). NCA’s newest journal, Communication & Race, acknowledges and addresses our discipline’s need to “counteract the ongoing exclusions of scholars and scholarship related
关于COVID-19大流行的深远影响,有很多可以说的:对美国和国外民主的无处不在的威胁;反犹太主义、种族主义和白人至上主义暴力在全球激增;有争议的2020年美国总统大选的后果正在逐步显现;以及反lgbtqia +法案、政策和法律的恶毒上升。我们的文化景观日益以两极分化和分裂为特征,提供了大量的反思、质疑、哀悼和抵制。然而,也有希望和社会变革的曙光照亮了我们前进的道路。Z世代已经证明自己在利用社交媒体提高气候变化意识和影响政策方面非常有效;包括ChatGPT在内的人工智能有可能为人类一些最古老的问题提供新的解决方案;土著和有色人种女性电影人讲述的故事继续得到重视。把我们的注意力转向内部,全国传播协会(NCA)已经把一开始值得庆祝的光辉时刻变成了重塑我们学科的物质成就。最重要的是莎莉·迈尔斯-科恩博士作为NCA执行董事的竞争选择,她是第一位担任这一职务的非裔美国女性。自2013年IDEA委员会成为执行领导结构的一部分以来,NCA在整个组织中不断提升其包容性、多样性、公平性和可及性(IDEA)的优先级。最近的努力包括纠正排他奖励做法,欢迎三个新的核心小组作为利益集团(加勒比通讯;本土的;以及西南亚/北非、中东),并进一步使其期刊编辑和编辑委员会多样化。期刊编辑和编委会中缺乏交叉多样性可以追溯到NCA 12种期刊中的11种的起源。在2021年IDEA特别工作组报告中,NCA通过1988-1990年平权行动语音交流协会特别工作组正式承认了我们学科出版过程中的排他性障碍。2018年,学者维权人士再次呼吁消除阻碍有色人种和其他被边缘化群体学者申请和/或获得这些职位的结构性障碍(《包容、多样性、公平和准入战略规划工作组》[IDEA], 2022a,第1页;另见IDEA, 2022b)。NCA的最新期刊《沟通与种族》承认并指出,我们的学科需要“抵制对学者和奖学金相关人士的持续排斥”
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引用次数: 0
Review of LGBTQ Visibility, Media and Sexuality in Ireland 爱尔兰LGBTQ的能见度、媒体和性行为回顾
IF 1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15295036.2023.2186458
J. Walsh
deconstruction of sexuality, race, and gender and the rise of reality television. She maintains that reality television evolved to feed a consumer culture in which societal taboos are set aside in favor of selling sex and violence. Dedicating an entire chapter to reality television meeting reality, Bordo traces reality television’s evolution from documentary-style programming to the current bombastic, violent, and sex-fueled programming, characteristics also representative of Trumpism. Within this context, Trump became the U.S.’s first reality television President. In response, Bordo quips, “It’s left to the fictional side of television to adequately represent our reality— which ironically doesn’t feel like reality anymore at all” (p. 132). This statement is significant given the notable disconnect from reality that was at one time prevalent on U.S. television. For example, with its idyllic settings, lack of diversity, and reinforcement of the patriarchy, 1950s and 1960s television sitcoms contradicted a social context that included the Civil Rights and Women’s Movements and Vietnam War. For those who grew up during the golden age of television (1948–1959) and/or study television, TV (Object Lessons) will be an enjoyable and valuable read. Readers in the first category might revel in revisiting the programming of their youth, while researchers and academics might find the brief history of television in the U.S. useful. As a self-described popular culture fiend who dedicated her life to the field, Bordo adeptly weaves together the stories of how television evolved, changed the country’s social and cultural norms, and gave rise to Trump. Through TV (Object Lessons), Bordo’s long relationship with television offers insight into the current political climate in the U.S. However, as one person’s experience with television, this book does not serve as (nor is it intended to be) a robust or scholarly account of the media.
性、种族和性别的解构以及真人秀电视的兴起。她坚持认为,真人秀节目的发展是为了满足一种消费文化,在这种文化中,社会禁忌被搁置一边,而倾向于出售性和暴力。博尔多用了整整一章来描述真人秀节目与现实的相遇,他追溯了真人秀节目从纪录片风格的节目到现在夸夸其词、暴力和色情的节目的演变,这些节目的特点也是特朗普主义的代表。在这种背景下,特朗普成为了美国第一位真人秀总统。作为回应,博尔多打趣道,“这是留给电视虚构的一面来充分代表我们的现实——讽刺的是,这一点也不像现实了”(第132页)。鉴于美国电视一度普遍与现实脱节,这一声明意义重大。例如,20世纪50年代和60年代的电视情景喜剧,其田园诗般的背景,缺乏多样性和父权制的强化,与包括民权和妇女运动以及越南战争在内的社会背景相矛盾。对于那些在电视黄金时代(1948-1959)长大和/或研究电视的人来说,电视(对象课程)将是一本令人愉快和有价值的读物。第一类的读者可能会陶醉于重温他们年轻时的节目,而研究人员和学者可能会发现美国电视的简史很有用。博尔多自称是一个流行文化迷,她把自己的一生都奉献给了这个领域。她熟练地将电视是如何演变的故事编织在一起,改变了这个国家的社会和文化规范,并催生了特朗普。通过电视(Object Lessons), Bordo与电视的长期关系提供了对美国当前政治气候的洞察。然而,作为一个人与电视的经历,这本书并不是(也不打算是)对媒体的有力或学术描述。
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引用次数: 0
Black Frankenstein in D’Souza’s 2016: Obama’s America D 'Souza的《2016:奥巴马的美国》中的黑人弗兰肯斯坦
IF 1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15295036.2022.2147972
Michael G. Lacy
ABSTRACT This essay offers a critical rhetorical analysis of neoconservative filmmaker Dinesh D'Souza's popular political documentary film, 2016: Obama's America. I argue that the documentary's narrative emulates conservative Black Frankenstein stories, whereby a monstrous black slave revolts against his white slave owner, justifying a violent white backlash to restore white supremacy [Young, E. (2008). Black Frankenstein: The making of an American metaphor. New York: New York University Press]. Obama's America re-presents overt and inferential antiblack racist caricatures that depict President Obama as a ruling mixed mulatto monstrosity determined to destroy America. I argue that D'Souza's documentary aimed to revive extreme white conservative resistance to Obama's presidency, specifically by equating Obama's 2012 re-election with America's looming economic collapse and escalating threats of Islamist terrorism. To deflect racist accusations, D'Souza adopts a journalistic persona and re-presents a colonial narrative, which suggests that racism and colonialism no longer exist, thereby sanitizing and idealizing contemporary America neocolonialism. Finally, I argue that the popular conservative depictions of Obama as a menacing mulatto monster destroying America were precursors of a white backlash against America's first black U.S. president and his multicultural coalition, culminating in Donald Trump's presidential victory in 2016.
本文对新保守主义电影制作人迪内什·德索萨的热门政治纪录片《2016:奥巴马的美国》进行了批判性的修辞分析。我认为这部纪录片的叙事模仿了保守的黑人弗兰肯斯坦故事,即一个可怕的黑人奴隶反抗他的白人奴隶主,为白人暴力反弹辩护,以恢复白人至上主义[Young, E.(2008)]。黑人弗兰肯斯坦:美国隐喻的制作。纽约:纽约大学出版社。奥巴马的美国再现了公开的、推理的反黑人种族主义漫画,把奥巴马总统描绘成一个掌权的混血混血怪物,决心摧毁美国。我认为D'Souza的纪录片旨在重振极端白人保守派对奥巴马总统任期的抵制,特别是通过将奥巴马2012年的连任与美国迫在眉睫的经济崩溃和伊斯兰恐怖主义威胁升级等同起来。为了转移种族主义的指责,D'Souza采用了一种新闻人物的身份,重新呈现了一种殖民叙事,表明种族主义和殖民主义已经不复存在,从而对当代美国的新殖民主义进行了净化和理想化。最后,我认为,流行的保守派把奥巴马描绘成一个正在毁灭美国的具有威胁性的混血怪物,这是白人对美国第一位黑人总统及其多元文化联盟的强烈抵制的前兆,这种抵制在2016年唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)赢得总统大选时达到高潮。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Critical Studies in Media Communication
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