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Book Review: Decolonisation and Legal Knowledge: Reflections on Power and Possibility by FOLUKE ADEBISI 书评:《非殖民化与法律知识:对权力与可能性的反思》,作者:福鲁克·阿德比西
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/09646639231214753
RUSSELL SANDBERG
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Insecure Guardians: Enforcement, Encounters and Everyday Policing in Postcolonial Karachi by ZOHA WASEEM 书评:《缺乏安全感的监护人:后殖民时期卡拉奇的执法、遭遇和日常警务》,作者:ZOHA WASEEM
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/09646639231214248
SOBIA AHMAD KAKER
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引用次数: 0
Everyday Healthcare Regulation: British Newspapers and Complementary and Alternative Medicine 每日保健条例:英国报纸和补充和替代医学
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1177/09646639231211234
Michael Ashworth
This article interrogates the controversial field of complementary and alternative medicine (CAM), focussing in particular on the implication of the British press in its regulation. It grounds its analysis in a ‘decentred’ understanding of regulation; a socio-legal approach which moves beyond formal regulation and regulators, and instead foregrounds diverse social actors and their attempts to alter behaviour across a given domain. Focussing on The Times newspaper as a case-study, it identifies five regulatory techniques through which the newspaper drew (and redrew) lines separating the safe from the risky, the efficacious from the sham, and the normal from the deviant. By analytically decentring CAM's formal regulation, this article provides a conceptual contribution. It highlights an everyday form of healthcare regulation directed at prospective users which may be just as significant in potentially guiding users towards or away from particular healthcare practices/practitioners as the more traditional, formal kinds of regulation identified in regulatory literatures.
这篇文章询问有争议的领域补充和替代医学(CAM),特别集中在英国媒体在其监管的含义。它的分析基于对监管的“去中心化”理解;这是一种超越正式法规和监管机构的社会法律方法,而是强调不同的社会行动者及其在特定领域改变行为的尝试。它以《纽约时报》为例,确定了五种监管技术,通过这些技术,该报划定(并重新划定)了安全与风险、有效与虚假、正常与异常的界限。通过分析去中心化CAM的形式规则,本文提供了一个概念性的贡献。它强调了针对潜在用户的日常形式的医疗保健监管,这可能与监管文献中确定的更传统、更正式的监管一样,在潜在地引导用户转向或远离特定的医疗保健实践/从业者方面同样重要。
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引用次数: 0
The Revolving Door of Im/Migration: Canadian Refugee Protection and the Production of Migrant Workers 移民的旋转门:加拿大难民保护和移民工人的生产
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1177/09646639231210270
Azar Masoumi
This paper places the seemingly distinct projects of refugee protection and temporary foreign worker programs alongside one another to reveal their interlinked relationship. I argue that despite its seeming humanitarian exceptionality, refugee protection is deeply implicated in the production of both the category and supply of temporary foreign workers for the Canadian economy. I demonstrate that the defining limitations of refugee law in relation to questions of class and economic deprivation are integral to the conceptualization of the category of the migrant worker. I then engage with statistical data to show that patterns of refugee adjudications in Canada have contributed to maintaining the supply of temporary foreign workers. In particular, I show that Canada has consistently rejected refugee claims from key source countries of migrant workers, namely Jamaica and Mexico. By refusing these claims, Canadian refugee protection has constituted Jamaican and Mexican nationals as inappropriate subjects of permanent protection and, subsequently, primed them for incorporation as temporary foreign workers. In effect, Canadian im/migration has operated like a revolving door: pushing some nationalities out of the permanent protection of refugee status while pulling them into the precarious opening of temporary labour migration.
本文将难民保护和临时外籍劳工计划这两个看似截然不同的项目放在一起,以揭示它们之间的相互联系。我认为,尽管难民保护似乎是人道主义的例外,但它与加拿大经济中临时外国工人的类别和供应的产生有着深刻的关系。我证明,难民法在阶级和经济剥夺问题方面的界定性限制是移徙工人类别概念化的组成部分。然后,我用统计数据表明,加拿大的难民裁决模式有助于维持临时外国工人的供应。我特别指出,加拿大一贯拒绝来自主要移徙工人来源国,即牙买加和墨西哥的难民申请。由于拒绝这些要求,加拿大的难民保护使牙买加和墨西哥国民成为不适当的永久保护对象,从而使他们成为临时外国工人。实际上,加拿大的移民就像一扇旋转门:把一些国籍的人赶出了难民身份的永久保护,同时把他们拉进了临时劳工移民的危险境地。
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引用次数: 0
Legal Change and Legal Mobilisation: What Does Strategic Litigation Mean for Workers and Trade Unions? 法律变革和法律动员:战略诉讼对工人和工会意味着什么?
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1177/09646639231204942
Ruth Dukes, Eleanor Kirk
This article addresses the question of what strategic litigation means for workers and trade unions. Drawing on the existing literature and on a series of semi-structured interviews with union officials, lawyers with experience in representing them and other actors from across the labour movement, it explores how U.K. trade unions and actors within them understand and experience strategic litigation and legal mobilisation, what they seek to achieve, and what has been effective and ineffective for them. Uncovering both differences and commonalities between different unions, it suggests that the decision to devote union resources to – usually very costly – litigation is never taken lightly. Trade union approaches to strategic litigation involve neither a straightforward embrace of it nor an outright scepticism regarding its potential.
这篇文章解决了战略诉讼对工人和工会意味着什么的问题。借鉴现有文献和对工会官员、具有代表工会经验的律师以及来自整个劳工运动的其他行动者进行的一系列半结构化访谈,它探讨了英国工会及其内部行动者如何理解和体验战略诉讼和法律动员,他们寻求实现的目标,以及对他们有效和无效的内容。它揭示了不同工会之间的差异和共同点,表明将工会资源投入(通常非常昂贵)诉讼的决定从来都不是轻易做出的。工会处理战略性诉讼的方法既不包括直接接受诉讼,也不包括对其潜力的彻底怀疑。
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引用次数: 0
Removals of ‘Dangerous’ Mobile EU Citizens: Public Order and Security as a Police Paradigm 移除“危险的”流动欧盟公民:公共秩序和安全作为一种警察范式
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1177/09646639231207353
Jukka Könönen
Despite being frequently invoked in everyday police work and immigration enforcement to justify coercive measures, public order and security remains an ambiguous legal concept. For EU citizens, the Citizens’ Rights Directive stipulates public order and security grounds to provide a higher threshold against removals than criminal convictions alone. However, the removal grounds for EU citizens were founded on even less than criminal convictions in analysis of 100 removal orders for mobile Estonian and Romanian citizens in Finland. Ultimately, the removal orders relied on the assumption of future crimes and invoked a conception of ‘dangerous individuals’ with criminal tendencies, even based on single minor offences and administrative penal orders without criminal convictions. Notwithstanding various legal meanings, I argue that the required public order and security grounds for the removal of EU citizens corresponded to police conceptions of mobile populations as a potential source of criminality and a threat to social order.
尽管在日常警察工作和移民执法中经常援引公共秩序和安全作为强制措施的理由,但它仍然是一个模棱两可的法律概念。对于欧盟公民,《公民权利指令》规定了公共秩序和安全理由,提供了比刑事定罪更高的驱逐门槛。然而,在对芬兰境内100名流动的爱沙尼亚和罗马尼亚公民的驱逐令进行分析后,欧盟公民的驱逐理由甚至没有刑事定罪。最终,驱逐令依赖于对未来犯罪的假设,并援引了具有犯罪倾向的“危险个人”的概念,甚至基于单一的轻微罪行和没有刑事定罪的行政刑事命令。尽管有各种各样的法律含义,但我认为,驱逐欧盟公民所需的公共秩序和安全理由与警方将流动人口视为犯罪和社会秩序威胁的潜在来源的概念相一致。
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引用次数: 0
Unionising Sex Workers and Other Feminists 性工作者和其他女权主义者组成工会
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1177/09646639231206695
Katie Cruz
A minor movement of strippers and sex workers are unionising as the Sex Workers’ Union (SWU) branch of the Bakers Food & Allied Workers Union. SWU have produced a counter hegemonic perspective on law and society in the process of class struggle. This perspective demystifies the view that strippers and sex workers are free workers and enterprising subjects, or unfree vulnerable victims in need of state protection. SWU's counter hegemonic perspective inverts this common-sense assumption and posits that strippers and sex workers are unfree workers and free sexual subjects. This demystification is evident in SWU's ‘feminist law work’, which demands decommodification and decriminalisation for all sex workers by working within, and against, official law. In conclusion, I argue that there are at least three reasons why other feminists should support SWU by ceasing eradication of sex work via criminalisation and closure campaigns. This would open space for a politics of solidarity between sex workers and other feminists, centred on the conditions within which sex workers’ labour is commodified.
一个由脱衣舞女和性工作者组成的小运动正在组建工会,成为面包师食品公司的性工作者工会(SWU)分支。联合工人工会。西南大学在阶级斗争过程中形成了一种反霸权的法律和社会观。这一观点澄清了脱衣舞女和性工作者是自由工作者和有进取心的主体,或者是需要国家保护的不自由的弱势受害者的观点。西南大学的反霸权观点颠覆了这一常识性假设,并假设脱衣舞女和性工作者是不自由的工作者和自由的性主体。这种去神秘化在西南大学的“女权主义法律工作”中表现得很明显,该工作要求通过在官方法律范围内或反对官方法律的方式,对所有性工作者进行解构和除罪化。总之,我认为至少有三个理由可以解释为什么其他女权主义者应该支持西南大学,通过刑事定罪和关闭运动来停止根除性工作。这将为性工作者和其他女权主义者之间的政治团结开辟空间,以性工作者的劳动被商品化的条件为中心。
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引用次数: 0
Judicial Production of Racial Injustice in Taiwo v Olaigbe: Decolonising the Incomplete Story on Race and Contracting 台湾诉奥莱格种族不公正的司法生产:关于种族和契约的不完整故事的非殖民化
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1177/09646639231205275
Asta Zokaityte, Will Robinson Mbioh
In Taiwo, one of the most recent landmark cases on racial justice, the Supreme Court rejected race discrimination claims of two domestic migrant workers, ruling that discrimination on the basis of ‘immigration status’ should not be equated to discrimination on the basis of ‘race’. This article presents an argument for decolonising judicial decision-making, using Taiwo as an example to reimagine a much more favourable outcome for victims of racial injustice. This argument is explored through three propositions for decolonial judgment: (a) challenging racial bias in judicial reasoning and legal doctrine; (b) challenging legal frameworks as sites of racial oppression and inequality; and (c) accounting for contextual diversity of experiences of racialisation, avoiding essentialist arguments and categories of racial discrimination. Drawing on these, the article retells the stories in Taiwo to challenge the dominant, traditional race equality paradigm and expose the varied and multi-layered ways in which people are racialised differently across historical and socio-cultural contexts and communities. It also opens the potential for an epistemic shift away from the liberal paradigm of ‘freedom of contract’ and towards the analysis of racial contracting that is co-constituted by multi-layered and context-situated structures of oppression and domination.
在最近具有里程碑意义的种族正义案件之一台窝案中,最高法院驳回了两名家庭移民工人的种族歧视指控,裁定基于“移民身份”的歧视不应等同于基于“种族”的歧视。本文提出了司法决策非殖民化的论点,以台湾为例,重新设想一个对种族不公正受害者更有利的结果。这一论点是通过对非殖民审判的三个主张来探讨的:(a)挑战司法推理和法律理论中的种族偏见;(b)挑战作为种族压迫和不平等场所的法律框架;(c)考虑种族化经历的背景多样性,避免本质主义论点和种族歧视的类别。在此基础上,本文重新讲述了台湾的故事,以挑战占主导地位的传统种族平等范式,并揭示了人们在不同的历史和社会文化背景和社区中被种族化的各种多层次方式。它还开启了从“契约自由”的自由主义范式转向对种族契约的分析的认知转变的潜力,这种契约是由多层和情境结构的压迫和统治共同构成的。
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引用次数: 0
Lawyers as Constructive Ideologists of Corporate Capitalism: The Legal Framing of Software 律师作为公司资本主义的建设性思想家:软件的法律框架
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1177/09646639231200420
Sol Picciotto
The study of law as a social process should combine an analysis of structures from a political economy perspective with a sociological focus on the practices of lawyering in mediating social relations and conflicts through the formulation and interpretation of legal texts. This approach is applied here to software, which has become the oxygen of the world economy, powering the digitalisation that has transformed economic activities and social life. The forms this has taken have been moulded by lawyers, battling over intellectual property rights in computer programs, enshrining them in national law and international standards, as well as devising the international tax avoidance strategies that have helped propel the giant digital-tech transnational corporations to global dominance. These contests have taken place through processes of formulation and interpretation of the legal concepts that both reflect and shape social struggles over economic and political power, mediated by law, in contemporary corporate capitalism.
将法律作为一种社会过程进行研究,应该将政治经济学视角下的结构分析与社会学视角下的律师实践结合起来,通过法律文本的制定和解释来调解社会关系和冲突。这种方法在这里被应用于软件,软件已经成为世界经济的氧气,为改变经济活动和社会生活的数字化提供动力。这种形式是由律师塑造的,他们争夺计算机程序的知识产权,将其纳入国家法律和国际标准,并制定国际避税策略,这些策略帮助推动了大型数字科技跨国公司在全球占据主导地位。这些竞争是通过制定和解释法律概念的过程发生的,这些法律概念反映并塑造了当代公司资本主义中由法律调解的经济和政治权力的社会斗争。
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引用次数: 0
Resilience-building in Adversarial Trials: Witnesses, Special Measures and the Principle of Orality 对抗性审判中的复原力建设:证人、特别措施和口头原则
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-16 DOI: 10.1177/09646639231201913
Samantha Fairclough
Using Fineman's vulnerability theory, this paper argues that the traditional adversarial approach to examining witnesses in criminal trials – premised on the principle of orality – reduces the resilience of those giving evidence. This is because the adversarial setting often leaves those testifying in a heightened state of stress, reducing the quality and reliability of their evidence as a result. In turn, this traditional approach to securing oral witness testimony in criminal trials loses resilience, in that it becomes more difficult to justify as the general approach. The use of special measures – to adjust the way testimony is given and ameliorate some of the associated stressors – provides resilience to the individual testifying, the robustness of their evidence, and the safety of consequent criminal verdicts. The positive effects special measures yield therefore lend additional resilience to our commitment to the principle of orality and the principles upon which it rests. This article concludes that the State should maximise such resilience-building through more generous special measures provision.
本文运用法恩曼的脆弱性理论,认为在刑事审判中,以口头原则为前提的传统对抗性证人审查方法降低了举证者的复原力。这是因为对抗性的环境往往使证人处于高度紧张的状态,从而降低了证据的质量和可靠性。反过来,这种在刑事审判中确保口头证人证词的传统方法失去了弹性,因为它变得更加难以证明作为一般方法是合理的。特别措施的使用——调整提供证词的方式和改善一些相关的压力源——为个人作证提供了弹性,使他们的证据更加有力,并使随后的刑事判决更加安全。因此,特别措施产生的积极影响使我们对道德原则及其所依据的原则的承诺具有更大的韧性。这条的结论是,国家应通过提供更慷慨的特别措施,最大限度地提高这种复原力建设。
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引用次数: 0
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Social & Legal Studies
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