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Law, Culture and Decolonisation: The Perspectives of Aboriginal Elders on Family Violence in Australia 法律、文化和非殖民化:澳大利亚土著长者对家庭暴力的看法
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-29 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211046134
Harry Blagg, Victoria Hovane, Tamara Tulich, D. Raye, S. May, Thomas Worrigal
Family violence within Aboriginal communities continues to attract considerable scholarly, governmental and public attention in Australia. While rates of victimization are significantly higher than non-Aboriginal rates, Aboriginal women remain suspicious of the ‘carceral feminism’ remedy, arguing that family violence is a legacy of colonialism, systemic racism, and the intergenerational impacts of trauma, requiring its own distinctive suite of responses, ‘uncoupled’ from the dominant feminist narrative of gender inequality, coercive control and patriarchy. We conclude that achieving meaningful reductions in family violence hinges on a decolonising process that shifts power from settler to Aboriginal structures. Aboriginal peoples are increasingly advocating for strengths-based and community-led solutions that are culturally safe, involve Aboriginal justice models, and recognises the salience of Aboriginal Law and Culture. This paper is based on qualitative research in six locations in northern Australia where traditional patterns of Aboriginal Law and Culture are robust. Employing a decolonising methodology, we explore the views of Elders in these communities regarding the existing role of Law and Culture, their criticisms of settler law, and their ambitions for a greater degree of partnership between mainstream and Aboriginal law. The paper advances a number of ideas, based on these discussions, that might facilitate a paradigm shift in theory and practice regarding intervention in family violence.
土著社区内的家庭暴力继续引起澳大利亚学术界、政府和公众的相当大的注意。虽然受害率明显高于非土著妇女,但土著妇女仍然对“专制女权主义”的补救措施持怀疑态度,认为家庭暴力是殖民主义、系统性种族主义和创伤的代际影响的遗产,需要它自己独特的一套回应,与性别不平等、强制控制和父权制的主流女权主义叙事“脱钩”。我们的结论是,有意义地减少家庭暴力取决于将权力从定居者转移到土著结构的非殖民化进程。土著人民越来越多地倡导基于优势和社区主导的解决方案,这些解决方案在文化上是安全的,涉及土著司法模式,并承认土著法律和文化的重要性。本文是基于定性研究在澳大利亚北部的六个地点,那里的土著法律和文化的传统模式是稳健的。采用非殖民化的方法,我们探讨了这些社区长老对法律和文化现有作用的看法,他们对定居者法律的批评,以及他们对主流法律和土著法律之间更大程度合作的雄心。本文在这些讨论的基础上提出了一些想法,这些想法可能有助于在干预家庭暴力的理论和实践中实现范式转变。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Law and Disorder: Sovereignty, Protest, Atmosphere 书评:《法律与无序:主权、抗议、气氛》
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-23 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211053715
A. Young
control over bodies, but that political control has been drawn from diseases done to the body. Refuge Beyond Reach begins and concludes with reference to the importance of sanctuary – a physical site of refuge. While sanctuary is a term more recently adopted for its connotations to political protection, COVID-19 reminds us that sanctuary also suggests a place of physical healing. In other contexts, it foregrounds the need for conservation efforts to protect the natural environment. We are now more aware than ever before that refugee populations will continue to seek sanctuary from a range of complex and overlapping political, physical, and environmental hazards. The final corrective I would offer to this book is that FitzGerald’s concluding call that civil society must rise to the challenge of guarding “paths to refuge from the duplicitous attempts to close them” (p. 265) must also be the guiding principle to protect all those who seek refuge, whether political or otherwise.
对身体的控制,但这种政治控制来自于对身体造成的疾病。《可望而不可及的避难所》的开篇和结尾都提到了避难所的重要性——一个物理的避难所。虽然避难所是最近才被采用的一个词,其含义是政治保护,但COVID-19提醒我们,避难所也意味着身体愈合的地方。在其他情况下,它强调了保护自然环境的养护努力的必要性。我们现在比以往任何时候都更加意识到,难民人口将继续寻求庇护,以避免一系列复杂和重叠的政治、物质和环境危害。我想对这本书提出的最后一个纠正是,菲茨杰拉德在结论中呼吁,公民社会必须奋起应对保护“通往庇护之路的挑战,防止两面三刀的企图关闭它们”(第265页),这也必须成为保护所有寻求庇护的人的指导原则,无论是政治上的还是其他方面的。
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引用次数: 1
Diversity, Dissent and Representation: Lessons From The First Minority Judge in the Israeli Supreme Court 多样性、异议和代表性:以色列最高法院第一位少数族裔法官的经验教训
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211043801
Manal Totry-Jubran
This paper seeks to enrich existing empirical research on substantive representation in the judicial system by exploring a case study of the Honorable Justice (retired) Salim Joubran, the first ethnic-minority judge appointed to the Supreme Court of Israel. By employing a dual methodology of qualitative discourse analysis and dissenting quantitative studies, the study investigates when, why and how he dissented in controversial cases, which are defined as cases that resulted in non-unanimous votes. The study shows that a quantitative study on dissenting opinions of a minority judge alone did not provide comprehensive conclusions. The complementary qualitative discourse analysis shows that in cases that challenged state actions that impacted his social group, Joubran employed distinct strategies and reasoning that are akin to feminist judgments approach. Hence, the study adds to existing research on judicial diversity indicating that women and ethnic minorities judges not only share common challenges but might also operate similar reasoning strategies. In light of these insights, the study calls for employing the combined qualitative and quantitative methodology on examining judgments focusing on dissenting opinions of women and ethnic minority judges as it offers a complex understanding of substantive representation and provides answers regarding the socio-legal effects of group affiliation on judgments.
本文通过对以色列最高法院首位少数民族法官、已退休的萨利姆·茹伯伦法官的案例研究,试图丰富现有的关于司法系统中实质性代表性的实证研究。通过采用定性话语分析和不同意见定量研究的双重方法,本研究调查了他在有争议的案件中何时、为何以及如何持不同意见,这些案件被定义为导致非一致投票的案件。研究表明,仅对少数法官的反对意见进行定量研究并不能得出全面的结论。互补的定性话语分析表明,在挑战影响其社会群体的国家行为的案例中,Joubran采用了类似于女权主义判断方法的独特策略和推理。因此,这项研究增加了对司法多样性的现有研究,表明女性和少数民族法官不仅面临共同的挑战,而且可能采用类似的推理策略。鉴于这些见解,该研究呼吁采用定性和定量相结合的方法来审查判决,重点关注妇女和少数民族法官的不同意见,因为它提供了对实质性代表性的复杂理解,并提供了关于群体关系对判决的社会法律影响的答案。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: Refuge Beyond Reach: How Rich Democracies Repel Asylum Seekers 书评:遥不可及的避难所:富裕的民主国家如何排斥寻求庇护者
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211049104
Susan Banki
Annison H (2015) Dangerous Politics. Oxford: OUP. Beckett K (2001) Crime and control in the culture of late modernity. Law and Society Review 35(4): 899–929. Farrall et al. (eds) (2016) Justice and Penal Reform. Abingdon: Routledge. Jacobson J and Hough M (2018) Missed opportunities and new risks: Penal policy in England and Wales in the past twenty-five years. The Political Quarterly 89(2): 177–186. Reiner R (2021) Social Democratic Criminology. Abingdon: Routledge. Young J (1975) Working class criminology. In: Taylor I, Walton P and Young J (eds) Critical Criminology. London: Routledge, pp. 58–90.
安妮森H(2015)危险的政治。牛津:牛津大学出版社。贝克特K(2001)现代晚期文化中的犯罪与控制。法学与社会评论35(4):899-929。(编辑)(2016)司法和刑罚改革。阿宾顿:劳特利奇。Jacobson J和Hough M(2018)错失的机会和新的风险:过去25年英格兰和威尔士的刑罚政策。政治季刊89(2):177-186。Reiner R(2021)社会民主犯罪学。阿宾顿:劳特利奇。Young J(1975)工人阶级犯罪学。见:泰勒I,沃尔顿P和杨J(编)批判犯罪学。伦敦:劳特利奇,第58-90页。
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引用次数: 0
Coloniality, Belonging and Citizenship Deprivation in the UK: Exploring Judicial Responses 英国的殖民地、归属感和公民身份剥夺:探索司法回应
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-06 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211044294
Z. Naqvi
In this paper, I interrogate the English case law on citizenship deprivation and its effects on the migrant and diasporic communities most affected by it from a critical postcolonial perspective. I explore how it forms part of state responses to national security that are rooted in racist imperialist ideologies. These underpinnings are ignored in law because such responses are supposedly reserved for exceptional circumstances. This has led to a lack of critical awareness of the wider damage they cause. The damage caused is compounded by the ways that citizenship deprivation constitutes a technology of the politics of belonging. It orientalises people, “othering” and dividing them into those who belong and those who do not based on their differences. This approach leaves racialised and minoritised citizens more vulnerable to losing their citizenship which is a deliberate form of control reminiscent of the longstanding behaviour of colonialist imperialists.
在本文中,我从一个批判的后殖民的角度,询问了英国关于公民身份剥夺的判例法及其对受其影响最大的移民和散居社区的影响。我探讨了它是如何形成国家对植根于种族主义帝国主义意识形态的国家安全的反应的一部分。这些基础在法律上被忽略了,因为这些回应被认为是为特殊情况保留的。这导致了对它们造成的更广泛损害缺乏批判性意识。剥夺公民身份构成了一种归属政治的技术,这种方式加剧了造成的损害。它将人们东方化,“他者化”,并根据他们的差异将他们分为归属者和非归属者。这种做法使种族化和少数民族的公民更容易失去公民身份,这是一种故意的控制形式,让人想起殖民主义帝国主义者长期以来的行为。
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引用次数: 3
SHARON COWAN, CHLOË KENNEDY and VANESSA MUNRO (eds), Scottish Feminist Judgments: (Re)Creating Law From the Outside In. SHARON COWAN, CHLOË KENNEDY和VANESSA MUNRO(编),《苏格兰女权主义判断:(再)由外而内创造法律》。
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/0964663921992106
Mairead Enright
management and the modernization of criminal justice. Criminology and Criminal Justice 1(3): 301–318. Nelken D (ed) (1997) Comparing Legal Cultures. Aldershot: Dartmouth. Nelken D (ed) (2000) Contrasting Criminal Justice: Getting From Here to There. Advances in Criminology. Aldershot: Ashgate. Nelken D (2004) Using the concept of legal culture. Australian Journal of Legal Philosophy 29: 1–26. Raine JW and Willson MJ (1997) Beyond managerialism in criminal justice. The Howard Journal of Criminal Justice 36(1): 80–95. Salas D (2005) La Volonté de Punir. Essai Sur Le Populisme Pénal. Paris: Hachette Littérature. Vigour C (2006) Justice: L’introduction d’une rationalité managériale comme euphémisation des enjeux politiques. Droit et Sociéte 63–64(2): 425–455.
刑事司法管理与现代化。犯罪学与刑事司法1(3):301-318。(主编)(1997)比较法律文化。经历:达特茅斯。(2000)刑事司法的对比:从这里到那里。犯罪学进展。经历:Ashgate。Nelken D(2004)运用法律文化的概念。法律哲学学报29(1):1-26。Raine JW和wilson MJ(1997)超越管理主义在刑事司法中的作用。[j] .刑事司法学报,36(1):80-95。Salas D .(2005)。Essai Sur Le Populisme passaal。巴黎:阿歇特?(2006)正义:L 'introduction d 'une rationalit managyriale comme euphacmisation des enjeux politiques。人权与社会通讯63-64(2):425-455。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: Law, Insecurity and Risk Control: Neo-Liberal Governance and the Populist Revolt 书评:《法律、不安全与风险控制:新自由主义治理与民粹主义反抗》
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-13 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211038700
Harry Annison
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引用次数: 0
Different but equal? Exploring potential catalysts of disparity in remand decision-making in the youth court 不同但平等?探讨青年法庭还押决策差异的潜在催化剂
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-06 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211033709
Yannick van den Brink
The disproportionate use of remand detention (i.e. pre-trial detention) for vulnerable and marginalized youth is an issue of concern globally and demographic disparities in youth remand decision outcomes have been found in many jurisdictions, including England and the Netherlands. This article aims to explore and identify potential catalysts of disparity in the collective process of remand decision-making in youth courts. Drawing from Ulmer’s ‘inhabited institutions’ perspective, and the related ‘court community model’ and ‘focal concerns model’, and empirical findings from research in Dutch and English youth remand courts, this article suggests that several distinctive mechanisms and features of the youth remand decision-making process might function as catalysts of disparity. The findings indicate that the focus on ‘risk’ and ‘welfare needs’, the distinctive context defined by time constraints, limited information, shortages of readily available services, interdependency and interdisciplinary, and high stakes, combined with the profoundly human nature of courtroom workgroup decision-making, make the remand decision-making process in youth courts particularly prone to producing unwarranted disparities. Ultimately, informed by the theoretical perspectives and empirical findings, the article provides insights into how and why disparities might occur in youth remand decisions and offers suggestions for policy, practice and future research.
对弱势和边缘青年过度使用还押拘留(即审前拘留)是全球关注的一个问题,包括英格兰和荷兰在内的许多司法管辖区都发现了青年还押决定结果的人口差异。本文旨在探讨和识别青年法院还押决策集体过程中差异的潜在催化剂。本文借鉴乌尔默的“居住机构”视角,以及相关的“法院社区模型”和“焦点关注模型”,以及荷兰和英国青年还押法院的实证研究结果,认为青年还押决策过程的几个独特机制和特征可能是差异的催化剂。研究结果表明,对“风险”和“福利需求”的关注、由时间限制、信息有限、随时可用的服务短缺、相互依赖和跨学科以及高风险所定义的独特背景,以及法庭工作组决策的深刻人性,使得青年法院的候审决策过程特别容易产生不必要的差异。最后,根据理论观点和实证研究结果,本文提供了关于青年还押决定中差异如何以及为什么可能发生的见解,并为政策、实践和未来研究提供了建议。
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引用次数: 3
The changing status of European Union nationals in the United Kingdom following Brexit: The lived experience of the European Union Settlement Scheme 英国脱欧后欧盟国民在英国地位的变化:欧盟解决方案的实际经验
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-03 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211032337
C. Barnard, Sarah Fraser Butlin, Fiona Costello
Following Brexit, European Union citizens now find their rights to live and work in the UK have changed and they had to make an application under the European Union Settlement Scheme, established under the terms of the Withdrawal Agreement, by 30 June 2021 to enable them to continue to live in the UK lawfully. This article examines the experience and perceptions of those navigating the European Union Settlement Scheme and how they feel about life in the UK post-Brexit. It raises questions about identity and belonging. We also examine the other routes European Union nationals, and their family members, are choosing to use to secure their status in the UK. Our research highlights how the impacts of Brexit and European Union Settlement Scheme are unevenly felt and experienced by different European Union national groups. The article concludes that it is likely that we will only be able to measure the true extent of the ‘success’ of the European Union Settlement Scheme after the application gateway has closed on 30 June 2021, by learning what happens to those who fall between the gap, especially those more vulnerable.
英国脱欧后,欧盟公民现在发现他们在英国生活和工作的权利发生了变化,他们必须在2021年6月30日之前根据脱欧协议条款建立的欧盟解决方案提出申请,以使他们能够继续合法地在英国生活。本文考察了那些在欧盟解决方案中导航的人的经历和看法,以及他们对英国脱欧后的生活的感受。它提出了关于身份和归属的问题。我们还研究了欧盟国民及其家庭成员选择使用的其他路线,以确保他们在英国的身份。我们的研究强调了英国脱欧和欧盟解决方案的影响在不同的欧盟国家群体中是如何不均匀地感受到和经历的。文章的结论是,只有在2021年6月30日申请门户关闭后,我们才能衡量欧盟解决方案“成功”的真正程度,通过了解那些落在差距之间的人,特别是那些更脆弱的人会发生什么。
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引用次数: 6
Maintaining exceptionality: Interrogating gestational limits for abortion 维持例外:质疑堕胎的妊娠限制
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-02 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211032317
E. Millar
Gestational limits on abortion are often seen as a condition for decriminalisation. Focusing on the final reports of three institutional law reform inquiries into abortion in Australia, this article argues that gestational limits were recommended through foreclosing the subject position of the unwillingly pregnant woman who experiences gestational time as a threat to her bodily integrity and imagined future. Structural features of law reform commissions tethered models of decriminalisation to the era of criminalisation. Abortion was also rendered meaningful in the reports through discursive tropes that centred foetal viability and constructed later abortion in terms of a delay that required explanation, with the medico-judicial categories used to explain this delay – which distinguished between ‘medical’ and ‘psychosocial’ abortions – recentring the decision-making authority of doctors. Gestational limits on abortion rearticulate the exceptionality of abortion, reinscribing the illegitimacy of abortion and the people who have them, at least at later stages of pregnancy.
对堕胎的妊娠期限制通常被视为合法化的条件。关注澳大利亚三次机构法律改革调查的最终报告,本文认为,通过排除不情愿怀孕的妇女的主体地位,建议限制妊娠期,因为怀孕期对她的身体完整性和想象的未来构成了威胁。法律改革委员会的结构特点将非刑事化模式与刑事化时代捆绑在一起。在报告中,通过以胎儿生存能力为中心的话语修辞使堕胎变得有意义,并根据需要解释的延迟来构建后来的堕胎,并使用医学-司法类别来解释这种延迟-区分"医疗"堕胎和"社会心理"堕胎-重新集中医生的决策权。对堕胎的妊娠期限制重申了堕胎的特殊性,重新定义了堕胎和堕胎者的非法性,至少在怀孕后期是这样。
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引用次数: 6
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Social & Legal Studies
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