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Insult, Charisma, and Legitimacy: Turkey's Transition to Personalist Rule 侮辱、魅力与合法性:土耳其向个人主义统治的过渡
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211073652
Defne Över, Irem Tuncer-Ebetürk
Scholars exploring transitions to personalist rule focus on coercive power transfer to personalist rulers and argue that forming viable political coalitions, undermining power-sharing agreements, and mobilizing non-democratic institutions play a crucial role in transferring coercive power. However, no regime can rule by coercion alone, and transitions to personalist rule also involve making new frameworks of legitimacy. Exploring the connections between Turkey's recent transition to personalist rule and the drastic jump in the number of insult proceedings that accompanied the transition, this article finds that insult proceedings play a particular role in making new frameworks of legitimacy in transitions to personalist rule. We argue that insult proceedings work as a coercive method of punishment that curbs dissent while constructing a new framework of legitimacy based on the ruler's charisma. The study builds on an in-depth examination of insult cases filed during Erdoğan's presidency in Turkey and interviews with legal experts and suspects. It contributes to the understanding of the use of laws and legality in autocratization processes.
探索向个人主义统治过渡的学者关注强制性权力向个人主义统治者的转移,并认为形成可行的政治联盟、破坏权力分享协议和动员非民主机构在强制性权力的转移中起着至关重要的作用。然而,任何政权都不能仅靠强制统治,向个人统治的过渡也涉及建立新的合法性框架。本文探讨了土耳其最近向人格制的过渡与伴随过渡而来的侮辱诉讼数量的急剧增加之间的联系,发现侮辱诉讼在向人格制过渡过程中建立新的合法性框架方面发挥了特殊作用。我们认为,侮辱诉讼作为一种强制性的惩罚方法,在基于统治者的魅力构建新的合法性框架的同时,抑制了异议。这项研究基于对Erdoğan在土耳其担任总统期间提交的侮辱案件的深入调查,以及对法律专家和嫌疑人的采访。它有助于理解在独裁过程中法律和合法性的运用。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: Paradigms in Modern European Comparative Law. A History 书评:现代欧洲比较法的范式。一段历史
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-11 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211072215
Luca Siliquini-Cinelli
Apparent certainties are no longer taken for granted, if not heavily criticized. These certainties include the acceptance of the “ functional method ” as the only or at least predominant method for comparative research, the “ country and Western ” approach, which leaves aside non-State legal systems and non-Western legal cultures, the idea that comparative research would consist in simply describing (aspects of) two or more legal systems, a uniquely doctrinal approach with little attention to law ’ s context, and a more or less fi xed taxonomy of “ legal families ” . They have been replaced by a more scholarly approach to comparative law, starting from research questions and hypotheses, using methods, including those from the social sciences, which seem appropriate to fi nd answers to those research questions and to test the hypotheses. This new approach is clearly characterized by pluralism - pluralism as to the kinds of legal systems compared (not just State law) and a methodological pluralism. 1
表面上的确定性不再被视为理所当然,如果不是受到严厉批评的话。这些确定性的验收包括“功能法”作为唯一或至少主要比较研究的方法,“乡村音乐和西部”的方法,这让一旁非国家法律体系和非西方的法律文化,认为比较简单描述(方面)的研究将包括两个或两个以上的法律体系,独特的理论方法对法律的年代背景下,或多或少和fi xed“法律家庭”的分类。它们已被一种更为学术化的比较法方法所取代,这种方法从研究问题和假设出发,使用包括社会科学在内的方法,这些方法似乎适合寻找这些研究问题的答案并检验这些假设。这种新办法的明显特点是多元主义- -就所比较的各种法律制度而言的多元主义(不仅仅是国家法律)和方法论的多元主义。1
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous parents and child welfare: Mistrust, epistemic injustice, and training 原住民父母与儿童福利:不信任、认知不公与训练
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211041476
R. Leckey, Raphael Schmieder-Gropen, C. Nnebe, Miriam Clouthier
The settler state's taking of Indigenous children into care disrupts their communities and continues destructive, assimilationist policies. This article presents the perceptions of lawyers, social workers and judges of how Indigenous parents experience child welfare in Quebec. Our participants characterized those experiences negatively. Barriers of language and culture as well as mistrust impede meaningful participation. Parents experience epistemic injustice, wronged in their capacity as knowers. Mistrust also hampers efforts to include Indigenous workers in the system. Emphasizing state workers’ ignorance of Indigenous family practices and the harms of settler colonialism, participants called for greater training. But critical literature on professional education signals the limits of such training to change institutions. Our findings reinforce the jurisdictional calls away from improving the system towards empowering Indigenous peoples to run services of child welfare. The patterns detected and theoretical resources used are relevant to researchers of other institutions that interact with vulnerable populations.
移民国家对土著儿童的照顾扰乱了他们的社区,并继续实施破坏性的同化政策。这篇文章提出了律师、社会工作者和法官对魁北克土著父母如何体验儿童福利的看法。我们的参与者消极地描述了这些经历。语言和文化的障碍以及不信任阻碍了有意义的参与。父母经历了认知上的不公正,在他们作为知者的身份上受到了委屈。不信任也阻碍了将土著工人纳入该体系的努力。与会者强调国家工作人员对土著家庭习俗和移民殖民主义的危害一无所知,呼吁加强培训。但是,关于职业教育的批判性文献表明,这种培训改变制度的局限性。我们的研究结果强化了司法上的呼吁,从改善制度转向授权土著人民管理儿童福利服务。检测到的模式和使用的理论资源与其他与弱势群体互动的机构的研究人员相关。
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引用次数: 3
Shifting Accounts of Justice: The Legalisation and Politicisation of International Criminal Justice 司法账目的转移:国际刑事司法的法律化与政治化
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-08 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211058832
H. Redwood, Hannah Goozee
In December 2015, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda delivered its final verdict in Butare, bringing the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda to a close after 21-years. Despite the important role that the tribunal played in confirming international criminal justice as a key transitional justice mechanism, and tool of international peace and security, there has been little retrospective analysis of the court’s history. This article draws on a Bourdieusian field analysis to address the absence and makes two contributions. First, it demonstrates that over the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda’s history the tribunal’s conception of justice shifted from a weak form of restorative justice to a more traditional form of retributive justice. Second, it reveals that this shift was the result of a ‘settling’ on the law and, more importantly, UN Security Council interventions. This legalisation and politicisation of trial practice saw a shift in the field from prioritising moral authority to legal and delegated authority.
2015年12月,卢旺达问题国际刑事法庭在布塔雷作出最终判决,结束了长达21年的卢旺达问题国际刑事法庭。尽管法庭在确认国际刑事司法是一个关键的过渡时期司法机制和国际和平与安全的工具方面发挥了重要作用,但对法院历史的回顾性分析却很少。本文利用布尔迪厄的场域分析来解决这一缺失,并做出了两点贡献。首先,它表明,在卢旺达问题国际刑事法庭的历史上,法庭的正义概念从一种软弱的恢复性司法形式转变为一种更为传统的报复性司法形式。其次,它揭示了这种转变是“解决”法律的结果,更重要的是,联合国安理会的干预。这种审判实践的合法化和政治化见证了该领域从优先考虑道德权威到法律和授权权威的转变。
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引用次数: 1
The Working Culture of Legal Aid Lawyers: Developing a ‘Shared Orientation Model’ 法律援助律师的工作文化:发展“共享导向模式”
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211060809
E. Cooke
This paper critically explores the working culture of legal aid lawyers and develops a novel ‘Shared Orientation’ model to better understand contemporary legal aid work and its workers. Set within a context of changing professional identities, a shrinking industry and financial constraints, the paper draws on ethnographic and interview data conducted with a high-street firm, multiple courtrooms and a law centre. It examines the emerging relevance and applicability of this new conceptual lens, refocusing the gaze on working life in fissured legal workplaces. It is argued that the ‘Shared Orientation’ model upholds multiple functions. Firstly, it captures the cultural heterogeneity of the legal aid profession, across civil-criminal and solicitor-barrister remits alike. Secondly, the model functions as a form of cohesive coping mechanism in response to the changing professional identity of the legal aid lawyers. Moreover, the ‘Shared Orientation’ offers unity as a way of functioning in an otherwise fragmented profession through its preservation of working culture ideals.
本文批判性地探讨了法律援助律师的工作文化,并提出了一个新的“共享取向”模型,以更好地了解当代法律援助工作及其工作者。在不断变化的职业身份、萎缩的行业和财政限制的背景下,本文利用了与一家高街公司、多个法庭和一家法律中心进行的人种学和访谈数据。它考察了这种新概念镜头的新兴相关性和适用性,重新聚焦于分裂的法律工作场所的工作生活。有人认为,“共享取向”模型支持多种功能。首先,它抓住了法律援助职业的文化异质性,跨越民事-刑事和律师-大律师的界限。其次,该模式是应对法律援助律师职业认同变化的一种凝聚力应对机制。此外,“共享取向”通过保留工作文化理想,在一个分散的职业中提供了一种统一的运作方式。
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引用次数: 3
The Legitimation Strategies of “Progressive” Prosecutors “进步”检察官的正当化策略
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211060814
Alexandra L Cox, Camila Gripp
This article focuses on the self-legitimation strategies of frontline prosecutors working in a Northeastern city in the United States (“Belton”). The research took place in a self-described “progressive” prosecutor's office in the midst of a legitimacy crisis that prosecutors faced across the country. The prosecutors in Belton spoke about their role and practices in the face of this legitimacy crisis through a strategy of differentiation from other criminal justice actors, aimed at establishing their purported positional and moral superiority in enacting criminal justice practices, and through minimizing their responsibility for the systemic harms that prosecutors more generally have been said to perpetuate.
本文以美国东北部某城市(“贝尔顿”)一线检察官的自我正当化策略为研究对象。这项研究是在一个自称“进步”的检察官办公室进行的,当时全国各地的检察官都面临着合法性危机。贝尔顿的检察官谈到了他们在面对这种合法性危机时的角色和做法,他们采取了一种与其他刑事司法行为者区别开来的策略,旨在确立他们在制定刑事司法实践时所谓的地位和道德优势,并通过尽量减少他们对系统性危害的责任,而检察官通常被认为是使这种危害永久化。
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引用次数: 2
Pragmatic Punitiveness: The Institutionalization of Criminal Domestic Violence Protection Orders 实用主义惩罚:家庭暴力刑事保护令的制度化
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-29 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211061848
Veronica L. Horowitz, Ryan Larson, Allison Nobles, Victoria Piehowski, Joshua Page
This paper analyzes the implementation of a domestic violence law in Minnesota that, in 2006, made the violation of a Domestic Abuse No-Contact Order a felony-level offense. Since this legal change, the rate of conviction for Domestic Abuse No-Contact Order felonies skyrocketed with stark racial disparities among Black and Native American residents, relative to Whites. Analysis of case files reveals that Domestic Abuse No-Contact Order convictions result from a range of behaviors, from seemingly mutual contact between the defendant and protected party to serious physical violence. We argue that the Domestic Abuse No-Contact Order law facilitates pragmatic punitiveness for legal actors. It is easier for prosecutors to demonstrate contact occurred than to prove domestic assault. Yet, the penalty for a Domestic Abuse No-Contact Order is as severe as the penalties for other domestic abuse-related crimes in Minnesota. Thus, the Domestic Abuse No-Contact Order law enables prosecutors to respond forcefully to domestic violence while avoiding additional burdens on their time and resources.
本文分析了2006年明尼苏达州家庭暴力法的实施情况,该法将违反家庭暴力禁止接触令的行为定为重罪。自从这一法律变化以来,家庭暴力禁止接触令重罪的定罪率急剧上升,与白人相比,黑人和美洲原住民居民之间存在明显的种族差异。对案件档案的分析表明,家庭暴力禁止接触令的定罪是由一系列行为造成的,从被告和被保护方之间表面上的相互接触到严重的身体暴力。我们认为,《家庭暴力禁止接触令》有利于对法律行为者实施务实的惩罚。对于检察官来说,证明发生过接触比证明家庭暴力更容易。然而,在明尼苏达州,对家庭暴力禁止接触令的处罚与对其他家庭暴力相关犯罪的处罚一样严厉。因此,《家庭虐待禁止接触令》使检察官能够对家庭暴力作出强有力的反应,同时避免增加他们的时间和资源负担。
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引用次数: 0
“Yo sí te Creo”: Alcohol-facilitated sexual violence among young women in the Spanish night-time economy " Yo sí te Creo ":西班牙夜间经济中年轻女性因酒精导致的性暴力
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-24 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211057288
P. Gómez, N. Romo-Avilés, Laura Pavón-Benítez
This study investigates the factors associated with alcohol-facilitated sexual violence among young women in the Spanish night-time economy, through the analysis of twenty-six qualitative interviews with eleven young women and fifteen young men who frequent these spaces. Our results show how this type of violence originates, both from the perspective of the young women and the young men. The young women warn of the risk of sexual victimization associated with the abuse of alcohol. The young men, for their part, describe the tactics used to gain non-consensual sexual contact. These data contribute to showing how important it is for the legislation on these matters to have a gender perspective. They also add to the complex debate on the penal reform that is ongoing in Spain, in particular on sexual crimes facilitated by alcohol abuse.
本研究通过对经常光顾这些场所的11名年轻女性和15名年轻男性进行的26次定性访谈分析,调查了西班牙夜间经济中与酒精促进的年轻女性性暴力有关的因素。我们的研究结果从年轻女性和年轻男性的角度显示了这种类型的暴力是如何产生的。这些年轻妇女警告说,酗酒有可能造成性侵害。这些年轻男子则描述了他们为获得非自愿性接触而使用的策略。这些数据有助于表明,在这些问题的立法中纳入性别观点是多么重要。它们还加剧了西班牙正在进行的关于刑法改革的复杂辩论,特别是关于酗酒助长的性犯罪的辩论。
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引用次数: 1
Revisiting Polish Abortion Law: Doctors and Institutions in a Restrictive Regime 重新审视波兰堕胎法:限制制度下的医生和机构
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211040171
Atina Krajewska
This article examines the motivations of doctors operating in restrictive abortion regimes, and it takes Poland as a case study. It places in the foreground institutional and intra-professional factors that determine abortion healthcare, which to date have been accorded little attention. The article compares the impact that criminal, professional, and social sanctions have upon the provision of abortion services. In so doing, its purpose is to refocus debate in this area. It aims to move the emphasis away from legal and political factors, including the criminalisation of abortion, and to place it on medical agency. The Polish case study is examined to test out, in the context of a late-transitional polity, the sustainability of neo-institutionalist approaches to the study of law and organisations and the sociology of professions. The analysis is particularly important and urgent in light of the recent retrenchment of reproductive rights in Poland, and beyond.
本文考察了在限制性堕胎制度下进行手术的医生的动机,并以波兰为例进行研究。它突出了决定堕胎保健的体制和专业内部因素,这些因素迄今为止很少受到重视。这篇文章比较了刑事、专业和社会制裁对提供堕胎服务的影响。这样做的目的是重新集中这一领域的辩论。它的目的是将重点从法律和政治因素(包括将堕胎定为刑事犯罪)转移到医疗机构。波兰的案例研究是为了检验,在过渡后期的政治背景下,新制度主义方法的可持续性,以研究法律和组织和专业社会学。鉴于最近在波兰和其他国家生殖权利的缩减,这项分析特别重要和紧迫。
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引用次数: 2
Book Review: Transnational Law and State Transformation. The Case of Extractive Development in Mongolia 书评:跨国法律与国家转型。蒙古采掘业发展案例
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1177/09646639211054787
Sara Dezalay
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引用次数: 1
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