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Impact of bridging social capital on the tragedy of the commons: experimental evidence 桥接性社会资本对公地悲剧的影响:实验证据
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000073
Karolina Safarzynska, Marta Sylwestrzak
Sharing resources between members of different tribes and collectives is common and well-documented. Surprisingly, little is known about factors that are conducive to building social relationships between groups. We design a common-pool resource experiment, where after harvesting, groups can send some of their harvest to augment the resource of the outgroup. We compare donations made by individuals collectively and independently of other group members, under the conditions of equal and unequal resources. We find that individuals acting as decision-makers, but not groups, donate harvests frequently even though it is payoff-reducing. We conduct an additional treatment, where each donation is matched (doubled) by an equivalent transfer of resources, making sharing between groups payoff-improving. Under matching donations, sharing between groups flourishes, but fails to prevent resource decline in most groups. Finally, our experiment reveals that members of low-endowment groups overharvest resources in expectation of donations from affluent groups, which leads to the tragedy of the commons.
不同部落和集体的成员之间共享资源是常见的,并且有充分的记录。令人惊讶的是,人们对有助于在群体之间建立社会关系的因素知之甚少。我们设计了一个公共池资源实验,在收获后,群体可以发送一些收获来增加外群体的资源。我们比较了个人在资源平等和不平等的条件下集体和独立于其他群体成员的捐款。我们发现,作为决策者而非群体的个人经常捐赠收成,尽管这会减少收益。我们进行了额外的治疗,每一笔捐赠都会通过同等的资源转移进行匹配(翻倍),从而提高团队之间的共享回报。在匹配捐款的情况下,团体之间的分享蓬勃发展,但未能阻止大多数团体的资源减少。最后,我们的实验表明,低捐赠群体的成员过度掠夺资源,期望来自富裕群体的捐赠,这导致了公地的悲剧。
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引用次数: 1
Geographical indications as global knowledge commons: Ostrom's law on common intellectual property and collective action 地理标志作为全球知识公地:奥斯特罗姆关于共同知识产权和集体行动的法律
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000036
A. Mazé
In this article, we reconceptualize, using an extended discrete and dynamic Ostrom's classification, the specific intellectual property (IP) regimes that support geographical indications (GIs) as ‘knowledge commons’, e.g. a set of shared collective knowledge resources constituting a complex ecosystem created and shared by a group of people that has remained subject to social dilemma. Geographical names are usually considered part of the public domain. However, under certain circumstances, geographical names have also been appropriated through trademark registration. Our analysis suggests that IP laws that support GIs first emerged in Europe and spread worldwide as a response to the threat of undue usurpation or private confiscation through trademark registration. We thus emphasize the nature of the tradeoffs faced when shifting GIs from the public domain to shared common property regimes, as defined by the EU legislation pertaining to GIs. In the context of trade globalization, we also compare the pros and cons of regulating GIs ex-ante rather than engaging in ex-post trademark litigation in the courts.
在这篇文章中,我们使用扩展的离散和动态Ostrom分类,将支持地理标志的特定知识产权制度重新定义为“知识公地”,例如,一组共享的集体知识资源构成了一个复杂的生态系统,由一群仍然处于社会困境的人创建和共享。地名通常被认为是公共领域的一部分。然而,在某些情况下,地名也通过商标注册被盗用。我们的分析表明,支持地理标志的知识产权法最早出现在欧洲,并在全球范围内传播,以应对通过商标注册不当侵占或私人没收的威胁。因此,我们强调了在将地理标志从公共领域转移到共享共同财产制度时所面临的权衡的性质,正如欧盟关于地理标志的立法所定义的那样。在贸易全球化的背景下,我们还比较了事前监管地理标志而不是在法院进行事后商标诉讼的利弊。
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引用次数: 2
The effect of corruption control on efficiency spillovers 腐败控制对效率溢出的影响
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000061
Levent Kutlu, Xiuping Mao
We examine the effect of corruption control on efficiency and its implications for efficiency spillovers by a stochastic frontier model. Our dataset covers 102 countries from 1996 to 2014. We find a positive relationship between corruption control and efficiency. If neighboring countries have difficulty in handling corruption, the country would be negatively affected by its neighbors' corruption through efficiency spillovers. We then compare the efficiency differences across countries for three time periods: 1996–2002, 2002–2008, and 2008–2014. On average, technical efficiencies slightly increased in the second period compared to the first period. In the third period, the efficiencies declined, particularly in China.
我们通过随机前沿模型研究了腐败控制对效率的影响及其对效率溢出的影响。我们的数据集涵盖了1996年至2014年的102个国家。我们发现腐败控制与效率之间存在着积极的关系。如果邻国在处理腐败方面遇到困难,该国将通过效率溢出受到邻国腐败的负面影响。然后,我们比较了1996-2002年、2002-2008年和2008-2014年三个时期各国的效率差异。平均而言,与第一个时期相比,第二个时期的技术效率略有提高。在第三阶段,效率下降,尤其是在中国。
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引用次数: 0
Legal systems and stock market efficiency: an empirical analysis of stock indices around the world 法律制度与股票市场效率——世界股指的实证分析
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1017/s174413742300005x
Natalia Diniz-Maganini, A. Rasheed, Mahmut Yasar
We examine whether the differences in the legal origins of countries (Common Law versus Civil Law) can explain the variations in the price efficiencies of the stock markets of different countries. Based on multifractal detrended fluctuation analysis of the daily stock indices of 34 countries over 21 years, we find that the stock price indices in Common Law origin countries show greater price efficiency than the stock price indices in Civil Law countries. These results provide additional evidence that the legal origins of countries affect their economic activities and outcomes.
我们研究了各国法律渊源的差异(普通法与民法)是否可以解释不同国家股票市场价格效率的差异。基于对34个国家21年来每日股票指数的多重分形去趋势波动分析,我们发现,英美法系国家的股票价格指数表现出比大陆法系国家更高的价格效率。这些结果提供了额外的证据,证明国家的法律起源影响其经济活动和结果。
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引用次数: 0
Foreigner kings as local kingmakers: how the ‘unusual’ marginalization of conservative political groups occurred in pre-Industrial Revolution Britain 外国国王作为当地的国王缔造者:在工业革命前的英国,保守政治团体的“不寻常”边缘化是如何发生的
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-09 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000048
Makio Yamada
Building on the Hodgson–Mokyr debate in this journal (Volume 18, Issue 1, 2022), this article discusses how modern economic growth occurred in pre-Industrial Revolution Britain, with a particular focus on coalition politics and the marginalization of conservative political groups – vetoers to change. Such political marginalization was unusual before the 19th century, when monarchs had substantial political power and land-based conservative groups were their main political allies. This article finds the source of the English exceptionalism in the unique system of non-imperial personal union that Britain then had with the Dutch Republic and Hanover. Under this system, foreigner monarchs chose their local ally in Britain based on the security needs of their home states. It created a significant disadvantage to the Tories, the incumbent conservative groups, while providing a window of opportunity for the Whigs, the opposition group supported by new commercial interests, to form a coalition with the Crown. The long absence of the Tories from power resulted in the incorporation of their constituencies into the Whig-led regime, making the traditional economic interests the regime's ‘junior partners’, instead of formidable political competitors to the new commercial interests, which was the case before and elsewhere at that time.
本文以本期杂志(第18卷,第1期,2022年)的霍奇森-莫基尔辩论为基础,讨论了工业革命前英国的现代经济增长是如何发生的,特别关注联合政治和保守政治团体的边缘化——变革的否决者。这种政治边缘化在19世纪之前是不寻常的,当时君主拥有巨大的政治权力,以土地为基础的保守团体是他们的主要政治盟友。本文认为,英国例外论的根源在于当时英国与荷兰共和国和汉诺威之间独特的非帝国个人联盟制度。在这种制度下,外国君主根据本国的安全需要选择他们在英国的当地盟友。它给保守党(当权的保守团体)造成了明显的劣势,同时为辉格党(受新商业利益支持的反对派团体)提供了一个与王室组成联合政府的机会。托利党长期失势导致他们的选民被纳入辉格党领导的政权,使传统的经济利益成为该政权的“小伙伴”,而不是像以前和当时其他地方的情况那样,成为新商业利益的强大政治竞争对手。
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引用次数: 0
Problematizing state capacity: the Rwandan case 国家能力问题:卢旺达案例
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1017/S1744137423000012
Leander Heldring, James A. Robinson
Abstract We argue that the effectiveness of Rwandan governments, both at implementing the 1994 genocide and inducing the current growth miracle, illustrates that the state has high capacity. Yet this capacity is not captured by conventional Weberian concepts, with their focus on taxation and formal bureaucracy. Rather, the capacity of Rwanda's state relies on its ability to leverage dense social networks which connect it to society. The origins of these networks lie in the construction of the historical state which expanded by merging with local lineages and kinship groups. Using data on the historical expansion of the Rwandan state as a proxy for the strength of state–society social networks we show they are uncorrelated with measures of Weberian state capacity. In a fieldwork exercise, we show that rule compliance today is positively correlated with our proxy, but uncorrelated with Weberian state capacity.
我们认为卢旺达政府在实施1994年种族灭绝和诱导当前增长奇迹方面的有效性表明国家具有很高的能力。然而,这种能力并没有被传统的韦伯概念所捕捉,他们关注的是税收和正式的官僚主义。相反,卢旺达政府的能力依赖于其利用将其与社会联系起来的密集社会网络的能力。这些网络的起源在于历史国家的构建,这种国家通过与地方血统和亲属群体的融合而扩大。使用卢旺达国家历史扩张的数据作为国家-社会社会网络力量的代理,我们表明它们与韦伯国家能力的测量不相关。在实地考察中,我们发现今天的规则遵从与我们的代理呈正相关,但与韦伯状态能力无关。
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引用次数: 2
Conceptualizing the fiscal state: implications for sub-Saharan Africa 财政国家的概念化:对撒哈拉以南非洲的影响
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-02-22 DOI: 10.1017/S1744137422000546
Matilde Jeppesen, Ane Karoline Bak, Anne Mette Kjær
Abstract This paper contributes to the debate on domestic revenue mobilization and state-building in the Global South by exploring the concept of fiscal states and the common assumption that such states are present in sub-Saharan Africa. We systematically review the diverse understandings of the fiscal state across relevant literatures to revisit its conceptualization. On that basis, we define the fiscal state as a state whose public revenue base is dominated by tax revenue and loans, and where the relationship between taxation and external and domestic borrowing is balanced and thereby sustainable and characterized by interdependence. We distinguish the fiscal state conceptually from the tax, debt, and rentier states and present a typology of these ideal state types, discussing illustrative empirical examples of different states in sub-Saharan Africa. These illustrate that not all sub-Saharan states can be categorized as fiscal states. This is important because when African states are regarded as fiscal states, assumptions are made about their economic structures; yet, to the extent that these are absent, fiscal policy reforms are unlikely to carry long-term positive effects.
本文通过探讨财政国家的概念和撒哈拉以南非洲存在这种国家的共同假设,为全球南方国家的国内收入动员和国家建设的辩论做出了贡献。我们系统地回顾了相关文献中对财政状态的不同理解,以重新审视其概念化。在此基础上,我们将财政国家定义为公共收入基础由税收和贷款主导的国家,税收与国内外借款之间的关系是平衡的,因此是可持续的,并具有相互依存的特征。我们从概念上将财政国家与税收、债务和食利者国家区分开来,并提出了这些理想国家类型的类型学,讨论了撒哈拉以南非洲不同国家的说明性实证例子。这些表明,并非所有撒哈拉以南国家都可以被归类为财政国家。这一点很重要,因为当非洲国家被视为财政国家时,会对它们的经济结构做出假设;然而,在缺乏这些因素的情况下,财政政策改革不太可能产生长期的积极影响。
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引用次数: 1
Where lies the bundle of sticks? A comment on Bart Wilson's ‘The Primacy of Property’ 那捆树枝在哪里?对巴特·威尔逊《财产至上论》的评论
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-01-16 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137422000431
W. Thurman
‘The Primacy of Property’ is a deep discussion of property as an evolved institution and should stimulate useful discussion of how property rights and transaction costs economists should ply their trade.
“房地产的首要性”是对房地产作为一种进化的制度的深入讨论,应该激发对经济学家应该如何进行产权和交易成本的有益讨论。
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引用次数: 1
Formal and informal institutions: understanding the shadow economy in transition countries 正式与非正式制度:了解转型国家的影子经济
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-01-11 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137422000522
K. Gërxhani, S. Cichocki
This paper reviews work that tests (1) how formal and informal institutions, and especially their interaction, affect participation in the shadow economy in transition countries; and (2) how participating in these shadow economies affects individuals' well-being. The key findings are that a clash of individuals' perceptions of formal institutions with their informal institutions increases involvement in the shadow economy. Conversely, a trustworthy relationship with the government and other individuals makes people more inclined to comply. The importance of their social and institutional context also appears in how individuals' involvement in the shadow economy relates to their well-being. These findings complement insights from the rich literature on tax morale, on the exchange between public institutions and citizens and between culture and institutions more generally. The findings also contribute to the institutional economic literature by empirically showing that: (1) focusing on formal institutions alone, that is strengthening the rule of law, is a necessary but insufficient response to the shadow economy; (2) taking informal institutions, such as individuals' trust and tax morale, into account is of equal importance; and (3) most importantly, formal and informal institutions go hand in hand, and their interaction should be an essential part of the new institutional perspective.
本文回顾了测试以下方面的工作:(1)正式和非正式机构,特别是它们的互动,如何影响转型国家参与影子经济;以及(2)参与这些影子经济如何影响个人福祉。关键发现是,个人对正规机构的看法与其非正规机构的冲突会增加对影子经济的参与。相反,与政府和其他个人建立值得信赖的关系会让人们更倾向于遵守。他们的社会和制度背景的重要性也体现在个人参与影子经济与他们的福祉之间的关系上。这些发现补充了关于税收士气、公共机构与公民之间以及文化与机构之间更广泛交流的丰富文献中的见解。研究结果也为制度经济学文献做出了贡献,实证表明:(1)仅关注正式制度,即加强法治,是对影子经济的必要但不充分的回应;(2) 考虑到个人的信任和税务士气等非正式制度同样重要;(3)最重要的是,正式制度和非正式制度是齐头并进的,它们的互动应该是新制度视角的重要组成部分。
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引用次数: 1
The impact of economic institutions on government policy: does contract-intensive economy promote impartial governance? 经济制度对政府政策的影响:合同密集型经济是否促进公正治理?
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-01-09 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137422000248
Demet Yalcin Mousseau
The objective of this study is to show how contract-intensive economic institutions can promote diversity and inclusion of social and political groups in economic and business opportunities provided by governments. Building on the interdisciplinary political economy and governance literatures, two types of economic institutions are identified: rent-seeking and contract-intensive. It is argued that rent-seeking economic activities can reinforce in-group norms, gift-giving practices, and governments' discrimination of groups. However, when contract-intensive activities increase in an economy, they can enhance diversity and inclusion of groups in the marketplace creating opportunity structures outside the state and as businesses press governments toward greater impartiality. Analyses of 165 countries from 1961 to 2011 show that a one standard deviation increase in contract-intensive economic activity is associated with a substantial 18 percent increase in the equality of access to state business opportunities for both social and political groups in the long run.
本研究的目的是展示合同密集型经济机构如何促进社会和政治群体在政府提供的经济和商业机会中的多样性和包容性。基于跨学科的政治经济学和治理文献,确定了两种类型的经济制度:寻租型和契约密集型。有人认为,寻租经济活动会强化群体规范、送礼行为和政府对群体的歧视。然而,当一个经济体中合同密集型活动增加时,它们可以增强市场中群体的多样性和包容性,在州外创造机会结构,并随着企业向政府施压,使其更加公正。对1961年至2011年165个国家的分析表明,从长远来看,合同密集型经济活动的一个标准差增长与社会和政治团体获得国家商业机会的平等性大幅提高18%有关。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Journal of Institutional Economics
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