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Institutions and industry-level employment creation: an empirical analysis of the US metro-level data 制度与行业层面的就业创造——美国城市层面数据的实证分析
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000243
Imran Arif
A growing strand of literature relates pro-market institutions to business and overall employment creation. However, the effects of pro-market institutions on industry-specific employment creation still need to be better understood. Employment creation in some industries may be more sensitive to pro-market institutions. Moreover, if these industries employ a large proportion of the population, the role of local-level institutions becomes more critical for boosting employment creation across industries. Therefore, we disentangle the effects of local-level pro-market institutions on employment creation across nine major industries by using 5-year balanced panel data of 374 US metropolitan areas from 1972 to 2017. Our fixed-effects results indicate that pro-market institutions boost employment creation only in the manufacturing, retail, and construction sectors. Furthermore, our findings reveal that local public policies can benefit or harm local employment creation, depending on the concentration of industries in the area.
越来越多的文献将亲市场机构与商业和整体就业创造联系起来。然而,亲市场机构对特定行业创造就业的影响仍需更好地理解。一些行业的就业创造可能对亲市场的机构更为敏感。此外,如果这些行业雇佣了很大一部分人口,那么地方一级机构在促进各行业创造就业方面的作用就变得更加关键。因此,我们使用1972年至2017年美国374个大都市地区的5年平衡面板数据,理清了地方层面的亲市场机构对九个主要行业创造就业的影响。我们的固定效应结果表明,亲市场的机构只会促进制造业、零售业和建筑业的就业创造。此外,我们的研究结果表明,地方公共政策可能有利于或有损于当地的就业创造,这取决于该地区产业的集中程度。
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引用次数: 0
The limits of generality for constitutional design 宪法设计的普遍性限制
2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000231
Andrew T. Young
Abstract James Buchanan was a fervent advocate of a non-discriminatory politics. However, he translated his views on constitutional political economy into ( de jure ) constitutional design in an insufficiently thoughtful way. Simply writing non-discriminatory politics into a Constitution is unlikely to have the desired effect. All Constitutional language is open to interpretation and political entrepreneurs will be ready to push interpretation in their favoured directions. The history of US Constitutional law bears this out. This does not necessarily discount Buchanan's quest for constitutionalized non-discriminatory politics. However, it does mean that it must be tempered by realistic concerns regarding constitutional design. With this in mind, I suggest that focusing on procedural, rather than substantive, Constitutional provisions may be more fruitful.
詹姆斯·布坎南(James Buchanan)是非歧视政治的狂热倡导者。但是,他将自己的宪制政治经济学观点转化为(法理上的)宪法设计,考虑得不够周到。简单地将非歧视政治写入宪法不太可能产生预期的效果。所有宪法用语都有解释的余地,政治企业家将随时准备向他们喜欢的方向推动解释。美国宪法的历史证明了这一点。这并不一定会贬低布坎南对宪法化的非歧视政治的追求。然而,这确实意味着它必须受到有关宪法设计的现实关切的制约。考虑到这一点,我建议把重点放在程序性而不是实质性的宪法规定上可能会更有成效。
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引用次数: 0
Repugnance and institutions: an introductory essay 声誉与制度:一篇介绍性文章
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-07-28 DOI: 10.1017/s174413742300022x
Marie Daou, A. Marciano
This symposium is based on a workshop organized (online) on 24–25 February 2021 and sponsored by World Interdisciplinary Network for Institutional Research (WINIR). In this introduction, we stress the institutional dimension of repugnance, and show how it is dealt with in the papers gathered in the symposium. Kimberly Krawiec analyses repugnance in connection with externalities, and shows that contrary to what the ‘corruption theorists’ say, creating repugnant markets does not undermine social values. Peter Cserne shows that, in order to ensure a fully efficient regulation of repugnant behaviours, a transversal view combining the economic and legal approach to repugnance is necessary. The last two papers focus on entrepreneurship. Erwin Dekker and Julien Gradoz analyse the management of repugnance: how two firms, producing goods considered repugnant, adopt strategic behaviour to offset the costs generated by repugnance. Darcy W. E. Allen, Chris Berg and Sinclair Davidson take the analysis one step further and examine how ‘evasive entrepreneurs’ use repugnance as profit opportunity. Their innovations challenge social norms and the boundaries of what is viewed as repugnant in the society at large.
本次研讨会基于2021年2月24日至25日组织的(在线)研讨会,由世界机构研究跨学科网络(WINIR)主办。在这篇引言中,我们强调了反感的制度层面,并展示了研讨会上收集的论文是如何处理它的。Kimberly Krawiec分析了与外部性相关的反感,并表明与“腐败理论家”所说的相反,创造令人反感的市场并不会破坏社会价值观。Peter Cserne指出,为了确保对令人反感的行为进行充分有效的监管,有必要将经济和法律方法相结合,从横向角度看待令人反感的问题。最后两篇论文的重点是创业。Erwin Dekker和Julien Gradoz分析了厌恶的管理:两家生产被认为厌恶的商品的公司如何采取战略行为来抵消厌恶产生的成本。Darcy W.E.Allen、Chris Berg和Sinclair Davidson进一步分析了“逃避型企业家”如何利用厌恶作为盈利机会。他们的创新挑战了社会规范和在整个社会中被视为令人反感的东西的界限。
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引用次数: 0
Repugnance, externalities and subjectivism: a comment on Krawiec 反感、外部性与主观主义:评克拉维茨
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-07-20 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000218
Marie Daou, A. Marciano
In her ‘Markets, repugnance, and externalities’ (2022), Kimberly Krawiec notes that the so-called corruption theorists fail to provide evidence that the adoption of repugnant behaviours or commodification destroy social values. She adds that, the values repugnant behaviours are supposed to destroy may even be reinforced after a market has been created. The explanation she explores is that the creation of a market never goes without debates that allow the society to ponder the values it stands for. We suggest an alternative view on the lack of evidence Krawiec identifies. Our starting point is Krawiec's interpretation of repugnance in terms of externalities. We claim that an analysis of repugnance based on externalities requires a characterization of what an externality is, which is rarely done. We show that economists use two opposed definitions of externalities, an objective and a subjective one, and then show what it implies for an analysis of repugnance and justify why the corruption thesis is not always verified empirically.
Kimberly Krawiec在她的《市场、厌恶和外部性》(2022)中指出,所谓的腐败理论家未能提供证据证明采取令人厌恶的行为或商品化破坏了社会价值观。她补充道,令人反感的行为本应破坏的价值观甚至可能在市场创建后得到加强。她所探索的解释是,市场的创建总是需要辩论,让社会思考它所代表的价值观。我们对Krawiec缺乏证据的问题提出了另一种看法。我们的出发点是Krawiec从外部性的角度对厌恶的解释。我们声称,基于外部性的厌恶分析需要对什么是外部性进行表征,而这很少做到。我们表明,经济学家对外部性使用了两种相反的定义,一种是客观的,另一种是主观的,然后展示了它对厌恶的分析意味着什么,并证明了为什么腐败理论并不总是得到实证验证。
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引用次数: 1
Choice of slavery institutions in Ancient Greece: Athenian chattels and Spartan helots 古希腊奴隶制制度的选择:雅典的动产与斯巴达的海洛
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1017/s174413742300019x
George Tridimas
The ancient Greek city-states were slave societies, but the institutions of slavery differed across them. The slaves of democratic Athens were foreigners bought as chattels labouring in agriculture, craftsmanship, banking, mining, and domestic services and were often given some limited freedoms and extra pay. On the contrary, the helots, the slaves of oligarchic Sparta, were indigenous of the lands they cultivated for their masters and were treated harshly. The study offers an economic explanation of the different slavery systems. Modelling the slaveholder as a profit maximiser, it attributes the different systems to differences in the probabilities of the slaves running away or revolting, the dependence of output on effort-intensive or care-intensive production technology, which depends on the fertility of the soil and affects whether the slave is treated kindly instead of harshly, and the cost of guarding slaves under different regimes.
古希腊城邦是奴隶社会,但奴隶制的制度各不相同。民主雅典的奴隶是作为农业、工艺、银行、采矿和家政服务业的动产购买的外国人,他们经常获得一些有限的自由和额外的报酬。相反,寡头斯巴达的奴隶赫洛人是他们为主人耕种的土地的原住民,受到了严厉的对待。这项研究为不同的奴隶制制度提供了经济学解释。将奴隶主建模为利润最大化者,它将不同的制度归因于奴隶逃跑或反抗的可能性的差异,产出对劳动密集型或护理密集型生产技术的依赖,这取决于土壤的肥力,并影响奴隶是否受到友善而非严厉的对待,以及在不同政权下保护奴隶的成本。
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引用次数: 0
Corporate hierarchies and workplace voice 企业层级和工作场所的声音
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-07-13 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000206
F. Belloc, G. Burdín, F. Landini
We investigate whether workplace voice through institutionalized forms of employee representation (ER) affects the design of firm hierarchies. We look at the role of ER within a knowledge-based view of hierarchies, where the firm's choice of hierarchical layers depends on the trade-off between communication and knowledge acquisition costs. Using a sample of more than 20,000 private-sector firms in 32 countries, we find that the presence of ER is positively associated with the number of organizational layers, though the relationship is tempered by firm size. ER positively correlates with job training, skill development and enhanced internal communication via staff meetings. The analysis of managers' perceptions suggests the higher frequency of meetings in firms with ER does not lead to more delays in the implementation of organizational changes. Taken together, our findings point to ER as facilitating the flow of information to top decision-makers and hence reducing communication costs. This may enable the firm to economize scarce cognitive resources without retarding the accumulation of new shop-floor capabilities. We contribute to recent literature on organizational design by suggesting ER institutions as possibly relaxing the trade-off between communication and knowledge acquisition costs within firms.
我们通过制度化形式的员工代表(ER)来研究工作场所的声音是否会影响公司层级的设计。我们从基于知识的层次结构的角度来看待ER的作用,在层次结构中,企业对层次结构的选择取决于沟通成本和知识获取成本之间的权衡。通过对32个国家的2万多家私营企业的样本分析,我们发现,企业绩效与组织层级数量呈正相关,尽管这种关系会受到企业规模的影响。急诊室与工作培训、技能发展和通过员工会议加强内部沟通呈正相关。对管理者感知的分析表明,在拥有ER的公司中,更高的会议频率并不会导致组织变革实施的更多延迟。综上所述,我们的研究结果表明,ER促进了信息流向最高决策者,从而降低了沟通成本。这可能使企业能够节约稀缺的认知资源,而不会阻碍新车间能力的积累。我们对最近关于组织设计的文献做出了贡献,认为ER制度可能会放松企业内部沟通成本和知识获取成本之间的权衡。
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引用次数: 0
Divergence before the division: the colonial origins of separate development paths in Korea 分裂前的分化:韩国不同发展道路的殖民起源
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000188
M. Andersson, Montserrat López Jerez, L. Miladinović
This study revisits the question of what impact Japanese colonialism had on the long-term economic development of North and South Korea. Factor endowments, economic activity and economic performance are compared between the regions that later became parts of North and South Korea, respectively. The study finds that important elements of the economic history of the peninsula have not been sufficiently acknowledged in much of the influential literature that uses Korea as an illustration of theoretical claims of the root causes of development. In particular, the fact that the economic divergence of northern and southern regions could be traced back to different colonial treatments – especially after mid-1920s – has often been overlooked when analysing the divergent post-partition development trajectories. The study suggests, based on a sectoral similarities analysis, that the initial dissimilar economic performance of North and South can at least partially be found in differences in political economy and economic trajectories preceding the partition.
本研究重新审视了日本殖民主义对朝鲜和韩国长期经济发展的影响。分别比较了后来成为朝鲜和韩国一部分的地区之间的要素禀赋、经济活动和经济绩效。研究发现,在许多有影响力的文献中,朝鲜半岛经济史的重要因素没有得到充分承认,这些文献使用朝鲜作为理论主张发展根源的例证。特别是,北部和南部地区的经济差异可以追溯到不同的殖民待遇- -特别是在20世纪20年代中期之后- -这一事实在分析分治后不同的发展轨迹时往往被忽视。根据部门相似性分析,该研究表明,南北两国最初不同的经济表现至少可以部分地从分裂前政治经济和经济轨迹的差异中找到。
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引用次数: 0
Exchanges with and without the sword: slavery, politics-as-exchange and freedom in James M. Buchanan's institutional economics 有剑与无剑的交换:詹姆斯·M·布坎南制度经济学中的奴隶制、作为交换的政治与自由
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000176
J. Meadowcroft
James M. Buchanan's politics-as-exchange retrospectively conceptualized formal institutions emerging from bilateral agreements to establish reciprocal rights and prospectively guided constitutional entrepreneurs to broker Pareto-superior reforms that had unanimous consent. Buchanan believed this conceptualization of politics-as-exchange was necessitated by his ontological–methodological individualism and would initiate a new era of consensual politics, but it is argued it led to illiberal conclusions that reflected dissonance between his Kantian individualism and Humean subjectivism. It meant, for example, that slavery was characterized as a bilateral agreement between very unequal parties and it is argued it logically implied abolition required the consent of slaveowners. But Buchanan's ontology was compatible with the introduction into his framework of a right of exit that would have differentiated between exchanges with and without the sword to produce a consistent liberal constitutionalism.
詹姆斯·M·布坎南(James M.Buchanan)的政治作为交换,回顾性地将双边协议中出现的正式机构概念化,以建立互惠权利,并前瞻性地引导宪政企业家促成帕累托优先的改革,这些改革得到了一致同意。布坎南认为,这种将政治概念化为交换是他的本体论-方法论个人主义所必需的,并将开创一个共识政治的新时代,但有人认为,这导致了不自由的结论,反映了他的康德个人主义和休谟主观主义之间的不和谐。例如,这意味着奴隶制被描述为非常不平等的政党之间的双边协议,有人认为这在逻辑上意味着废除奴隶制需要奴隶主的同意。但布坎南的本体论与在他的框架中引入退出权相兼容,退出权将区分有剑和无剑的交流,以产生一致的自由宪政。
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引用次数: 0
Toward an economic theory of customary measurement 走向习惯计量的经济学理论
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000152
G. Whitman
The article proposes an economic theory of customary measurement systems. The form of such systems is driven by two transaction-cost factors: minimising costs of implementation, and coordinating on shared standards. These factors combine to yield seven principles of customary measurement, supported with illustrative examples from the traditional Anglo-American, Egyptian, Greek, Roman, Chinese, and Indian measurement systems. The theory illuminates various confounding features of such systems, including ubiquitous binary patterns, frequent appearance of duodecimal ratios, and persistence of trade-specific measures.
本文提出了一种习惯计量系统的经济学理论。这类系统的形式是由两个交易成本因素驱动的:将实施成本最小化,以及在共享标准上进行协调。这些因素结合在一起产生了习惯测量的七个原则,并得到了来自传统英美、埃及、希腊、罗马、中国和印度测量系统的说明性例子的支持。该理论阐明了这种体系的各种令人困惑的特征,包括无处不在的二进制模式、频繁出现的十二十进制比率,以及持续存在的特定贸易措施。
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引用次数: 0
Political regimes and firms' decisions to pay bribes: theory and evidence from firm-level surveys 政治体制和公司行贿的决定:来自公司层面调查的理论和证据
IF 2.2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-06-12 DOI: 10.1017/s1744137423000164
Shuichiro Nishioka, Sumi Sharma, T. Le
This paper makes the most of the observed actions of bribe takers and givers from the World Bank Enterprise Surveys and studies how a taker's action influences a giver's decision to pay bribes. To motivate our empirical study, we consider Kaufmann and Wei's (1999) Stackelberg game between a tax authority and a firm that undergoes tax inspection. The model predicts that, when the authority can use its action as a credible threat for the firm's profitability, the authority disturbs the firm by inspecting more, and the firm is more likely to pay bribes. Consistent with the theoretical prediction, we find correlational evidence that the propensity to pay bribes increases with the number of inspection visits, particularly for non-democratic countries.
本文充分利用世界银行企业调查中观察到的受贿者和受贿者的行为,研究受贿者的行为如何影响受贿者的行贿决策。为了激励我们的实证研究,我们考虑了Kaufmann和Wei(1999)在税务机关和接受税务检查的企业之间的Stackelberg博弈。该模型预测,当当局可以将其行动作为对企业盈利能力的可信威胁时,当局会通过更多的检查来干扰企业,而企业更有可能行贿。与理论预测一致,我们发现相关证据表明,贿赂倾向随着检查次数的增加而增加,特别是在非民主国家。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Institutional Economics
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