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Essentialism and intersectionality in the selection and recruitment of staff: the devaluation of migrant women’s skills in France and Italy 选择和征聘工作人员的本质主义和交叉性:法国和意大利移徙妇女技能的贬值
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2275906
Anne-Iris Romens, Francesca Alice Vianello
ABSTRACTWhile skilled migration has become one of the most acceptable ways of entering Western European countries, the skills of migrant women with tertiary education continue to be undervalued in labour markets. To understand why these women are confined to the bottom of the employment structure, we argue that it is necessary to analyse how essentialism, based on the intersection of gender and racialization, influenced by colonial imaginaries and global inequalities, shapes recruiters’ representations. The article is based on multi-sited fieldwork which consisted of 52 in-depth interviews conducted in France and Italy with migrant women, recruiters, and social workers. Our analysis emphasizes that intersectional essentialism influence recruiters’ assessments of education, work experience, soft skills, and language skills while it reinforces the eroticization of migrant women’s bodies, ultimately leading to the devaluation of migrant women’s capacities.KEYWORDS: Colonialismessentialismintersectionalitymigrant womenrecruitmentskills AcknowledgementsWe are grateful to the participants for accepting to contribute to our research. Thank you for sharing your experience, feelings, and thoughts. We also thank all the scholars and friends that contributed to our work through discussions, feedbacks, and proof-reading. This work would not have been possible without the financial support of the University of Milan-Bicocca and the University of Padua.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. According to the Times Higher Education World University Rankings (available at https://www.timeshighereducation.com/world-university-rankings/2019/world-ranking), the Ca’ Foscari University in Veneto has a lower score than seven African universities, while the University of Haute Alsace ranks significantly lower.2. Bodywork includes service sector employees who work with their bodies and the bodies of others (McDowell Citation2011).3. In 2020, over 30% of women in Europe were employed in education, human health or social work activities compared to 8% of men. See: https://eige.europa.eu/gender-equality-index/2020/domain/work4. Cadre includes both workers who use in-depth knowledge to perform their job and managers with supervisory functions (Hamiot & Merle Citation2017).
摘要虽然技术移民已成为进入西欧国家最可接受的方式之一,但受过高等教育的移民妇女的技能在劳动力市场上仍然被低估。为了理解为什么这些妇女被限制在就业结构的底层,我们认为有必要分析基于性别和种族化交叉的本质主义,受殖民想象和全球不平等的影响,如何塑造招聘人员的陈述。本文基于在法国和意大利对移民妇女、招聘人员和社会工作者进行的52次深度访谈。我们的分析强调,交叉本质主义影响招聘者对教育、工作经验、软技能和语言技能的评估,同时强化了移民妇女身体的色情化,最终导致移民妇女能力的贬值。关键词:殖民主义、信息主义、交叉性、移民妇女招聘技能感谢参与者接受为我们的研究做出贡献。谢谢你分享你的经历、感受和想法。我们也感谢所有通过讨论、反馈和校对对我们的工作做出贡献的学者和朋友。如果没有米兰-比可卡大学和帕多瓦大学的财政支持,这项工作是不可能完成的。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。根据《泰晤士报高等教育世界大学排名》(可在https://www.timeshighereducation.com/world-university-rankings/2019/world-ranking上找到),威尼托的Ca ' Foscari大学得分低于7所非洲大学,而上阿尔萨斯大学的排名则低得多。Bodywork包括服务部门的员工,他们与自己的身体和他人的身体一起工作(McDowell引文2011)。2020年,欧洲30%以上的妇女从事教育、人类健康或社会工作活动,而男性的这一比例为8%。参见:https://eige.europa.eu/gender-equality-index/2020/domain/work4。干部既包括使用深入的知识来完成工作的工人,也包括具有监督职能的管理者(Hamiot & Merle Citation2017)。
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引用次数: 0
Caring for political memory: a response to my critics 关心政治记忆:对批评我的人的回应
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281834
Mihaela Mihai
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Nasar Meer for the opportunity to discuss my book with stellar scholars in the field. Many thanks to Lawrie Balfour, Sakiru Adebayo, and Andrew Schaap for their excellent responses. Last but not least, I am grateful to Michaelagh Broadbent for their effective coordination efforts.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
点击放大图片点击缩小图片致谢我要感谢纳萨尔·米尔给我这个机会与这个领域的一流学者讨论我的书。非常感谢Lawrie Balfour, Sakiru addebayo和Andrew Schaap的精彩回答。最后但并非最不重要的是,我感谢Michaelagh Broadbent的有效协调努力。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Remembering is caring (or: what is complicitous memory?) Book review of political memory and the aesthetics of care: the art of complicity and resistance , by Mihaela Mihai, Reviewed by Sakiru Adebayo, Stanford University Press, 2022, pp., 312. 记住就是关心(或者:什么是复杂记忆?)《政治记忆与关怀美学:共谋与抵抗的艺术》,米哈伊拉·米哈伊著,萨基鲁·阿德巴约评论,斯坦福大学出版社,2022年,第312页。
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-12 DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281838
Sakiru Adebayo
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. See Sakiru Adebayo (Citation2023)’s Continuous Pasts: Frictions of Memory in Postcolonial Africa.2. Ibid.
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。参见《连续的过去:后殖民时期非洲记忆的摩擦》。同前。
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引用次数: 0
Contribution to symposium on Political Memory and the Aesthetics of Care: The Art of Complicity and Resistance Contribution to symposium on Political Memory and the Aesthetics of Care: The Art of Complicity and Resistance , By Mihaela Mihai, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 2022, 295pp, £25.95, paperback. 对政治记忆与关怀美学研讨会的贡献:共谋与抵抗的艺术,米哈伊拉·米哈伊著,斯坦福大学出版社,斯坦福,CA, 2022, 295页,25.95英镑,平装本。
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-12 DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281839
Andrew Schaap
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引用次数: 0
“We are here, but our hearts are in Haiti”: temporal and racialized emotive existences of ethnically identified Haitian Americans “我们在这里,但我们的心在海地”:海地裔美国人短暂的、种族化的情感存在
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-05 DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264618
Vadricka Y. Etienne
ABSTRACTThis study argues that three racialized emotive existences – nostalgia, fear, and hope – mark ethnically identified Haitian Americans’ temporal and cultural narratives of Haiti. First, nostalgia highlights Haiti’s significance as the first independent Black nation in the Western Hemisphere and the pride it evokes for Haitian Americans who grew up in a society that shunned them. Second, fear emphasizes the growing concern for safety as political instability, economic deprivation, and natural catastrophes undermine Haiti. Fear and anxiety prompt the need for physical safety and distance, while Haitian Americans also desire the emotional security of their parents’ presence in response. Finally, Haitian Americans anticipate a future that permits Haiti’s history and beauty to be the focal point. Much of this focus is on their children, but hope draws Haitian Americans back to Haiti. The findings suggest that racialized emotive existences frame Haitian Americans’ (dis)connection and reveal tenuous ties to Haiti. This study demonstrates how regimes of power, anti-Blackness, and subjectivity shape discourses about the home country.KEYWORDS: Haitisecond generationhomelanddiasporaracialized emotionsracial affect AcknowledgementsI would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful feedback, my colleagues Prisca Gayles, Lydia Huerta Moreno, and Guadalupe Escobar for their insight in shaping the framework of the manuscript, as well as Carlo Handy Charles, Karen Okigbo, and Dialika Sall for reading earlier drafts. This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship under Grant No. DGE-1037525. Any opinion, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. ‘Haitian American’ refers to the children of Haitian immigrants, including the U.S.-born and the 1.5. generation, born abroad and arrived in the U.S. by the age of 12 (Kim Citation2004).2. Racial and ethnic groups do not experience or feel emotions similarly but rather move along an emotional spectrum that is shaped by their collective experiences, marred by white supremacy and racism.3. Performed during the film Royal Wedding (1951), the song and dance number present a racial caricature of the Caribbean.Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the Division of Social and Economic Sciences [DGE-103752].
摘要本研究认为,怀旧、恐惧和希望这三种种族化的情感存在标志着海地裔美国人对海地的时间和文化叙事。首先,怀旧之情突出了海地作为西半球第一个独立的黑人国家的重要性,以及它唤起了在一个远离他们的社会中长大的海地美国人的自豪感。其次,恐惧强调了随着政治不稳定、经济匮乏和自然灾害对海地的破坏,人们对安全的担忧日益增加。恐惧和焦虑促使他们需要人身安全和保持距离,而海地美国人也渴望父母在场的情感安全感。最后,海地裔美国人期待一个以海地的历史和美丽为焦点的未来。大部分的焦点都在他们的孩子身上,但是希望吸引着海地美国人回到海地。研究结果表明,种族化的情感存在框定了海地美国人与海地的关系,并揭示了他们与海地的脆弱联系。本研究展示了权力、反黑人和主体性如何塑造关于祖国的话语。关键字:海地第二代祖国散居情绪种族影响感谢匿名审稿人的周到反馈,感谢我的同事Prisca Gayles, Lydia Huerta Moreno和Guadalupe Escobar在形成手稿框架方面的洞察力,以及Carlo Handy Charles, Karen Okigbo和Dialika Sall阅读早期草稿。本材料是基于美国国家科学基金研究生研究奖学金资助的工作。dge - 1037525。本材料中表达的任何观点、发现、结论或建议都是作者的观点,并不一定反映美国国家科学基金会的观点。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。“海地裔美国人”指的是海地移民的孩子,包括在美国出生的孩子和1.5岁的孩子。出生在国外,12岁来到美国的一代(Kim Citation2004)。种族和民族群体的情感体验或感受并不相似,而是沿着一种由他们的集体经历塑造的情感频谱移动,这种经历受到白人至上主义和种族主义的损害。在电影《皇家婚礼》(1951年)中,这首歌舞展现了加勒比地区的种族讽刺。这项工作得到了社会经济科学部[DGE-103752]的支持。
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引用次数: 0
What sociologists learn from music: identity, music-making, and the sociological imagination 社会学家从音乐中学到什么:身份、音乐创作和社会学想象力
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2268969
Les Back
Sociologists very often have extra-curricular lives as musicians. This article explores the relationship between musical life and sociological identities. Through a range of examples from Howard Becker’s grounding in field research as a pianist in the Chicago jazz clubs and his theories of deviance, to the connection between Emma Jackson’s life as a bass player in Brit pop band Kenickie and her feminist punk sociology, an argument is developed about the things sociologists learn from music. Based on 28 life history interviews with contemporary sociologists this paper shows how sociologists learn – both directly and tacitly – to understand society through their engagement with music. Music offers them an interpretive device to read cultural history, a training in the unspoken and yet structured aspects of culture, and an attentiveness to improvised and interactive aspects of social interaction. For sociologists, involvement in music making is also an incitement to get off campus and encounter an alternative world of value and values. Music enables sociologists to sustain their research imaginations and inspires them to make sociology differently. However, the article concludes that in the contemporary neoliberal university it is harder for sociologists to sustain a creative hinterland in music. The tacit knowledges that often nourish sociological identities may run the risk of being depleted as a result.
社会学家经常有作为音乐家的业余生活。本文探讨了音乐生活与社会身份之间的关系。从霍华德·贝克尔作为芝加哥爵士俱乐部的钢琴家的实地研究基础和他的越轨理论,到艾玛·杰克逊作为英国流行乐队Kenickie的贝斯手的生活与她的女权主义朋克社会学之间的联系,通过一系列的例子,一个关于社会学家从音乐中学到的东西的论点得到了发展。基于对当代社会学家的28次生活史采访,本文展示了社会学家如何通过与音乐的接触来直接和间接地了解社会。音乐为他们提供了一种解读文化历史的工具,一种对文化中未言说但又结构化的方面的训练,以及对社会互动中即兴和互动方面的关注。对于社会学家来说,参与音乐创作也是一种走出校园,遇到另一个有价值和价值观的世界的激励。音乐使社会学家能够维持他们的研究想象力,并激励他们使社会学与众不同。然而,文章的结论是,在当代新自由主义大学中,社会学家很难在音乐中维持创造性的腹地。经常滋养社会学身份的隐性知识可能会因此而面临枯竭的风险。
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引用次数: 0
Becoming ‘true’ Muslims in Canada: experiences of Uyghur immigrants 在加拿大成为“真正的”穆斯林:维吾尔移民的经历
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264643
Dilmurat Mahmut, Marie-Ève Melanson, Susan J. Palmer, Abdulmuqtedir Udun
ABSTRACTThis study explores the shifting religiosity and religious identity of a group of Muslim Uyghur immigrants in Canada. The findings reveal that many have strengthened their attachment to their Islamic faith and identity after resettlement. Drawing on data gathered through 12 in-depth interviews and a survey of more than 100 participants, this article suggests that this ‘reconversion’ process results from ‘conversations’ with three groups of ‘interlocutors’. Firstly, their engagement with other Canadian Muslims has pushed them to revisit, confirm, and fortify their Muslim identity. Secondly, their self-reflection on their situation in China has renewed their awareness of their Uyghur Islamic heritage. Finally, their interaction with Christian/White majority others in Canada has reinforced the need to strengthen their Muslim identity. The awareness that they are different from the majorities in their homeland and Canada has contributed to this process simultaneously.KEYWORDS: Uyghur immigrantsIslamidentityreligiositywhitenessCanadian diaspora AcknowledgementsWe want to thank Dr. Ratna Ghosh, at the Faculty of Education, McGill University, Dr. Rebecca Clothey at the School of Education, Drexel University, Dr. Edmund Waite at the Institute of Education, University College London, who gave their very insightful feedback on an earlier version of this paper, and Dr. Amanda Rosini at the School of Religious Studies, McGill University, who helped revising and editing the paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. According to Alessandra Cappelletti (Citation2015), the fact that Muslim Uyghurs commonly drink alcohol in their homeland could be attributed to the influence of the Chinese ‘drinking culture’ as well as ‘a traditionally mild form of Islam, mainly a Sufism belonging to the broader Central Asian Islamic environment’ (p. 152). We argue that the latter element, which is not the mainstream practice among global Muslims, could be seen as the main factor, while looking at the broader picture about the Muslims worldwide described in detail by Shabab Ahmed (Citation2016). Meanwhile, we should not underestimate the role of secularism, which has been glorified by the Chinese Communist Party since 1949.2. Although, traditionally, many Uyghur women do wear headscarves, these fabrics are not the hijab. As James Leibold and Timothy Grose (Citation2016) specifically describe, single-piece headscarves, which are clearly different from the hijab, have been widely used among Uyghur women across the region. These headscarves vary ‘in styles, fabrics, colors, and degree of concealment’ (85), and they may or may not cover the chin, neck, and the ears. They may not fully cover the hair, either. These fabrics are called yaghliq in Uyghur. As the authors argue, such a veiling tradition predates the Islamic turn of Uyghurs. The arrival of the Russian and then the Chinese state powers into the region politicized
摘要本研究探讨了加拿大维吾尔族穆斯林移民群体的宗教信仰和宗教认同的变迁。调查结果显示,许多人在重新安置后加强了对伊斯兰信仰和身份的依恋。通过12次深度访谈和对100多名参与者的调查收集到的数据,这篇文章表明,这种“再转换”过程源于与三组“对话者”的“对话”。首先,他们与其他加拿大穆斯林的接触促使他们重新审视、确认和巩固自己的穆斯林身份。其次,他们对自己在中国处境的自我反思,重新唤起了他们对维吾尔族伊斯兰传统的认识。最后,他们与加拿大基督徒/白人占多数的其他人的互动加强了加强他们穆斯林身份的必要性。认识到他们不同于本国和加拿大的大多数人,同时也促进了这一进程。关键词:我们要感谢麦吉尔大学教育学院的Ratna Ghosh博士,德雷塞尔大学教育学院的Rebecca Clothey博士,伦敦大学学院教育学院的Edmund Waite博士,他们对本文的早期版本提出了非常有见地的反馈,以及麦吉尔大学宗教研究学院的Amanda Rosini博士。谁帮助修改和编辑论文。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。根据Alessandra Cappelletti (Citation2015)的说法,维吾尔族穆斯林在他们的家乡通常喝酒,这一事实可以归因于中国“饮酒文化”的影响,以及“传统上温和的伊斯兰教形式,主要是属于更广泛的中亚伊斯兰教环境的苏菲派”(第152页)。我们认为,后一种因素并非全球穆斯林的主流做法,但可以被视为主要因素,同时看看Shabab Ahmed (Citation2016)详细描述的全球穆斯林的更广泛图景。与此同时,我们不应低估世俗主义的作用,自1949年以来,中国共产党一直在美化世俗主义。虽然,传统上,许多维吾尔族妇女戴头巾,但这些织物不是头巾。正如James Leibold和Timothy Grose (Citation2016)具体描述的那样,与头巾明显不同的单件式头巾在该地区的维吾尔族妇女中广泛使用。这些头巾在“款式、面料、颜色和隐蔽程度”上各不相同(85),它们可能会也可能不会遮住下巴、脖子和耳朵。它们也可能不会完全覆盖头发。这些织物在维吾尔语中被称为yaghliq。正如作者所言,这种戴头巾的传统早于维吾尔人皈依伊斯兰教。随后,俄罗斯和中国的国家势力进入该地区,使维吾尔人的面纱政治化,导致许多维吾尔妇女放弃了头巾(yaghliq)。然而,在20世纪90年代,中东风格的伊斯兰面纱,主要是头巾,开始被一些维吾尔妇女采用,再次导致中国政府的政治审查。2013年,该组织曾试图提出第62号法案,禁止公务员佩戴宗教标志,但没有成功。2019年,联合政府通过了一项类似的法案,禁止所有公共部门工作人员佩戴宗教标志,许多人认为这是针对宗教少数群体,尤其是穆斯林的。一位将“伊斯兰教”确定为自己宗教信仰的参与者没有具体说明他们的宗教信仰水平是增加、减少还是保持稳定。本研究由加拿大社会科学与人文研究理事会资助,Insight Grant 435-2017-1102。这项工作也得到了quds de Recherche du quacei - sociacei et Culture (FRQSC)的博士资助。
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引用次数: 0
Blood, it’s in you to give, just don’t be an African: the Canadian blood system and the African Indefinite Deferral Policy, 1997 to 2018 血液,这是你的责任,只是不要成为非洲人:加拿大血液系统和非洲无限期延期政策,1997年至2018年
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-07 DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264642
Nseya Mwamba, Korbla P. Puplampu
ABSTRACTThe Canadian health care system has been the site of a tense relationship between blood donation policies and African Canadians (read as Blacks). This article explores the basis of that strain, specifically the Canadian blood system’s African Indefinite Deferral Policy and its relative underpinnings to, for example, the Creutzfeldt Jakob Disease Deferral Policy. Drawing from various data sources, the article demonstrates the subtle and diffuse aspects of the deferral policies in terms of the relationship between ethnicity and risk. The analysis provides important insights on the policies, based on the pejorative usage of ethnicity, especially its racial context, and related power dynamics, into understanding the lasting and plagued relationship that Blacks have had with the blood donation regime. Addressing questions around the institutional capacity of Canadian Blood Services and Héma Québec in dealing with minority ethnic groups is essential, particularly if the objective of blood donation policies is to address the health needs of Canada’s increasingly diverse population.KEYWORDS: African Indefinite Deferral Policyblood donationCanadian Blood ServicesCreutzfeldt Jakob Disease PolicyethnicityHéma Québec Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
摘要加拿大的医疗保健系统一直是献血政策和非裔加拿大人(黑人)之间关系紧张的地方。本文探讨了该菌株的基础,特别是加拿大血液系统的非洲无限期延期政策及其相对基础,例如,克雅氏病延期政策。根据各种数据来源,本文从种族和风险之间的关系方面展示了延期政策的微妙和分散方面。该分析提供了对政策的重要见解,基于种族的贬损用法,特别是其种族背景,以及相关的权力动态,理解黑人与献血制度之间持久而困扰的关系。解决围绕加拿大血液服务机构和hsama qusamac处理少数族裔群体的机构能力的问题是至关重要的,特别是如果献血政策的目标是满足加拿大日益多样化的人口的保健需要。关键词:非洲无限期延期政策献血加拿大血液服务克雅氏病政策种族h2013.2013.10披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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引用次数: 0
The unrealised potential of women’s political leadership in the Caribbean: A co-constitutive approach 加勒比地区妇女政治领导的未实现潜力:共同构成办法
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264644
Nickesia S. Gordon
ABSTRACTGendered relations of power coupled with socio-cultural structures such as class, continue to limit opportunities for women who aspire to political leadership in the Caribbean. This article argues that the enduring influences of patriarchy and classism substantively impinge upon the freedom of women to fully participate in political leadership, thereby creating a capability failure. The author suggests that the Capabilities Approach (CA) is a critical missing link in efforts designed to address the question of women’s limited political engagement in the Caribbean. Specifically, integrating CA into current strategies can help us to understand the possibilities for and limits on individual women’s agency in the political sphere. As such, the author suggests a co-constitutive framework that uses CA in conjunction with established strategies such as quotas, for addressing the issue. This proposed method aims to redirect policy foci to the quality of women’s political participation and not just the quantity.KEYWORDS: Genderwomen in politicsintersectionalitycapabilities approachpatriarchyclass Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Political imaginary here refers to the collective structure that organizes the imagination or realm of possibilities regarding citizen’s participation in political life (Browne and Diehl Citation2019).
【摘要】在加勒比地区,性别权力关系与阶级等社会文化结构相结合,继续限制着渴望成为政治领袖的女性的机会。本文认为,父权制和阶级主义的持久影响实质上影响了妇女充分参与政治领导的自由,从而造成了能力失败。作者认为,在旨在解决加勒比地区妇女政治参与有限问题的努力中,能力办法是一个关键的缺失环节。具体地说,将妇女权利倡议纳入当前的战略可以帮助我们了解妇女个人在政治领域发挥作用的可能性和局限性。因此,作者提出了一个共同构成的框架,将CA与既定策略(如配额)结合使用,以解决这个问题。这一拟议的方法旨在将政策重点转向妇女政治参与的质量,而不仅仅是数量。关键词:政治中的性别女性、部门性、能力方法、父权制阶级披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。这里的政治想象是指组织公民参与政治生活的想象或可能性领域的集体结构(Browne和Diehl Citation2019)。
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引用次数: 0
Upping the anti: antiracist identity work and its obfuscations 加强反种族主义身份认同工作及其困惑
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2262132
Stephanie Kelly, F. Richardson
ABSTRACTThis article aims to synthesize the extant literature that brings sociological analysis to the context, production and perpetuation of the antiracist identity. Our aim is to distinguish this analysis from the huge body of literature written from inside antiracism. Antiracism began in the latter half of the twentieth century. This examination reveals antiracism as an identity and a project of organizational production maintained through discursive and symbolic formations and institutionalized forms of governance. Its members espouse easily digestible ‘common sense’ ideologies of racism and anti-racism premised on a belief in the ‘absolute nature’ of categories of ethnicity and race. It then builds on this discursive framing with commensurate solutions at these levels. It does this through discursive projects and codification of institutional self governance. However, this racializing identity work may perpetuate racism through its classifications and its obfuscation of class privilege and economic inequalities. Its ever-expanding codified extension into organizations, businesses and global grassroots movements calls for a critical lens to direct historical, economic and political analysis onto the obfuscating work of this identity.KEYWORDS: Anti racistanti racismidentity worksociologyhealtheducationsocial services Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the WelTec-Whitireia Research and Innovation Office.
摘要本文旨在综合现有文献,对反种族主义身份的语境、产生和延续进行社会学分析。我们的目的是将这一分析与反种族主义内部的大量文献区分开来。反种族主义运动始于二十世纪下半叶。这一研究揭示了反种族主义作为一种身份和一个组织生产项目,通过话语和象征性的形成以及制度化的治理形式来维持。它的成员支持种族主义和反种族主义的容易理解的“常识”意识形态,前提是相信种族和种族类别的“绝对本质”。然后,它建立在这个话语框架上,并在这些层面上提供相应的解决方案。它通过话语项目和机构自治的法典化来实现这一点。然而,这种种族化身份的工作可能会通过其分类和对阶级特权和经济不平等的混淆而使种族主义永久化。它在组织、企业和全球草根运动中不断扩大的法制化延伸,需要一个批判性的镜头,将历史、经济和政治分析引导到这一身份的模糊工作上。关键词:反种族主义反种族主义身份工作社会学卫生教育社会服务披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。这项工作得到了weltec - whititreia研究与创新办公室的支持。
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Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power
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