Pub Date : 2023-11-14DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2275906
Anne-Iris Romens, Francesca Alice Vianello
ABSTRACTWhile skilled migration has become one of the most acceptable ways of entering Western European countries, the skills of migrant women with tertiary education continue to be undervalued in labour markets. To understand why these women are confined to the bottom of the employment structure, we argue that it is necessary to analyse how essentialism, based on the intersection of gender and racialization, influenced by colonial imaginaries and global inequalities, shapes recruiters’ representations. The article is based on multi-sited fieldwork which consisted of 52 in-depth interviews conducted in France and Italy with migrant women, recruiters, and social workers. Our analysis emphasizes that intersectional essentialism influence recruiters’ assessments of education, work experience, soft skills, and language skills while it reinforces the eroticization of migrant women’s bodies, ultimately leading to the devaluation of migrant women’s capacities.KEYWORDS: Colonialismessentialismintersectionalitymigrant womenrecruitmentskills AcknowledgementsWe are grateful to the participants for accepting to contribute to our research. Thank you for sharing your experience, feelings, and thoughts. We also thank all the scholars and friends that contributed to our work through discussions, feedbacks, and proof-reading. This work would not have been possible without the financial support of the University of Milan-Bicocca and the University of Padua.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. According to the Times Higher Education World University Rankings (available at https://www.timeshighereducation.com/world-university-rankings/2019/world-ranking), the Ca’ Foscari University in Veneto has a lower score than seven African universities, while the University of Haute Alsace ranks significantly lower.2. Bodywork includes service sector employees who work with their bodies and the bodies of others (McDowell Citation2011).3. In 2020, over 30% of women in Europe were employed in education, human health or social work activities compared to 8% of men. See: https://eige.europa.eu/gender-equality-index/2020/domain/work4. Cadre includes both workers who use in-depth knowledge to perform their job and managers with supervisory functions (Hamiot & Merle Citation2017).
{"title":"Essentialism and intersectionality in the selection and recruitment of staff: the devaluation of migrant women’s skills in France and Italy","authors":"Anne-Iris Romens, Francesca Alice Vianello","doi":"10.1080/1070289x.2023.2275906","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2023.2275906","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTWhile skilled migration has become one of the most acceptable ways of entering Western European countries, the skills of migrant women with tertiary education continue to be undervalued in labour markets. To understand why these women are confined to the bottom of the employment structure, we argue that it is necessary to analyse how essentialism, based on the intersection of gender and racialization, influenced by colonial imaginaries and global inequalities, shapes recruiters’ representations. The article is based on multi-sited fieldwork which consisted of 52 in-depth interviews conducted in France and Italy with migrant women, recruiters, and social workers. Our analysis emphasizes that intersectional essentialism influence recruiters’ assessments of education, work experience, soft skills, and language skills while it reinforces the eroticization of migrant women’s bodies, ultimately leading to the devaluation of migrant women’s capacities.KEYWORDS: Colonialismessentialismintersectionalitymigrant womenrecruitmentskills AcknowledgementsWe are grateful to the participants for accepting to contribute to our research. Thank you for sharing your experience, feelings, and thoughts. We also thank all the scholars and friends that contributed to our work through discussions, feedbacks, and proof-reading. This work would not have been possible without the financial support of the University of Milan-Bicocca and the University of Padua.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. According to the Times Higher Education World University Rankings (available at https://www.timeshighereducation.com/world-university-rankings/2019/world-ranking), the Ca’ Foscari University in Veneto has a lower score than seven African universities, while the University of Haute Alsace ranks significantly lower.2. Bodywork includes service sector employees who work with their bodies and the bodies of others (McDowell Citation2011).3. In 2020, over 30% of women in Europe were employed in education, human health or social work activities compared to 8% of men. See: https://eige.europa.eu/gender-equality-index/2020/domain/work4. Cadre includes both workers who use in-depth knowledge to perform their job and managers with supervisory functions (Hamiot & Merle Citation2017).","PeriodicalId":47227,"journal":{"name":"Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power","volume":"16 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134957725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281834
Mihaela Mihai
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Nasar Meer for the opportunity to discuss my book with stellar scholars in the field. Many thanks to Lawrie Balfour, Sakiru Adebayo, and Andrew Schaap for their excellent responses. Last but not least, I am grateful to Michaelagh Broadbent for their effective coordination efforts.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
{"title":"Caring for political memory: a response to my critics","authors":"Mihaela Mihai","doi":"10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281834","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Nasar Meer for the opportunity to discuss my book with stellar scholars in the field. Many thanks to Lawrie Balfour, Sakiru Adebayo, and Andrew Schaap for their excellent responses. Last but not least, I am grateful to Michaelagh Broadbent for their effective coordination efforts.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).","PeriodicalId":47227,"journal":{"name":"Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power","volume":"129 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136351848","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281838
Sakiru Adebayo
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. See Sakiru Adebayo (Citation2023)’s Continuous Pasts: Frictions of Memory in Postcolonial Africa.2. Ibid.
{"title":"Remembering is caring (or: what is complicitous memory?) <b>Book review of political memory and the aesthetics of care: the art of complicity and resistance</b> , by Mihaela Mihai, Reviewed by Sakiru Adebayo, Stanford University Press, 2022, pp., 312.","authors":"Sakiru Adebayo","doi":"10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281838","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. See Sakiru Adebayo (Citation2023)’s Continuous Pasts: Frictions of Memory in Postcolonial Africa.2. Ibid.","PeriodicalId":47227,"journal":{"name":"Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135037781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281839
Andrew Schaap
{"title":"Contribution to symposium on <i>Political Memory and the Aesthetics of Care: The Art of Complicity and Resistance</i> <b> Contribution to symposium on <i>Political Memory and the Aesthetics of Care: The Art of Complicity and Resistance</i> </b> , By Mihaela Mihai, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 2022, 295pp, £25.95, paperback.","authors":"Andrew Schaap","doi":"10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281839","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2023.2281839","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47227,"journal":{"name":"Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135037645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-05DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264618
Vadricka Y. Etienne
ABSTRACTThis study argues that three racialized emotive existences – nostalgia, fear, and hope – mark ethnically identified Haitian Americans’ temporal and cultural narratives of Haiti. First, nostalgia highlights Haiti’s significance as the first independent Black nation in the Western Hemisphere and the pride it evokes for Haitian Americans who grew up in a society that shunned them. Second, fear emphasizes the growing concern for safety as political instability, economic deprivation, and natural catastrophes undermine Haiti. Fear and anxiety prompt the need for physical safety and distance, while Haitian Americans also desire the emotional security of their parents’ presence in response. Finally, Haitian Americans anticipate a future that permits Haiti’s history and beauty to be the focal point. Much of this focus is on their children, but hope draws Haitian Americans back to Haiti. The findings suggest that racialized emotive existences frame Haitian Americans’ (dis)connection and reveal tenuous ties to Haiti. This study demonstrates how regimes of power, anti-Blackness, and subjectivity shape discourses about the home country.KEYWORDS: Haitisecond generationhomelanddiasporaracialized emotionsracial affect AcknowledgementsI would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful feedback, my colleagues Prisca Gayles, Lydia Huerta Moreno, and Guadalupe Escobar for their insight in shaping the framework of the manuscript, as well as Carlo Handy Charles, Karen Okigbo, and Dialika Sall for reading earlier drafts. This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship under Grant No. DGE-1037525. Any opinion, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. ‘Haitian American’ refers to the children of Haitian immigrants, including the U.S.-born and the 1.5. generation, born abroad and arrived in the U.S. by the age of 12 (Kim Citation2004).2. Racial and ethnic groups do not experience or feel emotions similarly but rather move along an emotional spectrum that is shaped by their collective experiences, marred by white supremacy and racism.3. Performed during the film Royal Wedding (1951), the song and dance number present a racial caricature of the Caribbean.Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the Division of Social and Economic Sciences [DGE-103752].
{"title":"“We are here, but our hearts are in Haiti”: temporal and racialized emotive existences of ethnically identified Haitian Americans","authors":"Vadricka Y. Etienne","doi":"10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264618","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264618","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis study argues that three racialized emotive existences – nostalgia, fear, and hope – mark ethnically identified Haitian Americans’ temporal and cultural narratives of Haiti. First, nostalgia highlights Haiti’s significance as the first independent Black nation in the Western Hemisphere and the pride it evokes for Haitian Americans who grew up in a society that shunned them. Second, fear emphasizes the growing concern for safety as political instability, economic deprivation, and natural catastrophes undermine Haiti. Fear and anxiety prompt the need for physical safety and distance, while Haitian Americans also desire the emotional security of their parents’ presence in response. Finally, Haitian Americans anticipate a future that permits Haiti’s history and beauty to be the focal point. Much of this focus is on their children, but hope draws Haitian Americans back to Haiti. The findings suggest that racialized emotive existences frame Haitian Americans’ (dis)connection and reveal tenuous ties to Haiti. This study demonstrates how regimes of power, anti-Blackness, and subjectivity shape discourses about the home country.KEYWORDS: Haitisecond generationhomelanddiasporaracialized emotionsracial affect AcknowledgementsI would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful feedback, my colleagues Prisca Gayles, Lydia Huerta Moreno, and Guadalupe Escobar for their insight in shaping the framework of the manuscript, as well as Carlo Handy Charles, Karen Okigbo, and Dialika Sall for reading earlier drafts. This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship under Grant No. DGE-1037525. Any opinion, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. ‘Haitian American’ refers to the children of Haitian immigrants, including the U.S.-born and the 1.5. generation, born abroad and arrived in the U.S. by the age of 12 (Kim Citation2004).2. Racial and ethnic groups do not experience or feel emotions similarly but rather move along an emotional spectrum that is shaped by their collective experiences, marred by white supremacy and racism.3. Performed during the film Royal Wedding (1951), the song and dance number present a racial caricature of the Caribbean.Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the Division of Social and Economic Sciences [DGE-103752].","PeriodicalId":47227,"journal":{"name":"Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power","volume":"60 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135726266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2268969
Les Back
Sociologists very often have extra-curricular lives as musicians. This article explores the relationship between musical life and sociological identities. Through a range of examples from Howard Becker’s grounding in field research as a pianist in the Chicago jazz clubs and his theories of deviance, to the connection between Emma Jackson’s life as a bass player in Brit pop band Kenickie and her feminist punk sociology, an argument is developed about the things sociologists learn from music. Based on 28 life history interviews with contemporary sociologists this paper shows how sociologists learn – both directly and tacitly – to understand society through their engagement with music. Music offers them an interpretive device to read cultural history, a training in the unspoken and yet structured aspects of culture, and an attentiveness to improvised and interactive aspects of social interaction. For sociologists, involvement in music making is also an incitement to get off campus and encounter an alternative world of value and values. Music enables sociologists to sustain their research imaginations and inspires them to make sociology differently. However, the article concludes that in the contemporary neoliberal university it is harder for sociologists to sustain a creative hinterland in music. The tacit knowledges that often nourish sociological identities may run the risk of being depleted as a result.
{"title":"What sociologists learn from music: identity, music-making, and the sociological imagination","authors":"Les Back","doi":"10.1080/1070289x.2023.2268969","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2023.2268969","url":null,"abstract":"Sociologists very often have extra-curricular lives as musicians. This article explores the relationship between musical life and sociological identities. Through a range of examples from Howard Becker’s grounding in field research as a pianist in the Chicago jazz clubs and his theories of deviance, to the connection between Emma Jackson’s life as a bass player in Brit pop band Kenickie and her feminist punk sociology, an argument is developed about the things sociologists learn from music. Based on 28 life history interviews with contemporary sociologists this paper shows how sociologists learn – both directly and tacitly – to understand society through their engagement with music. Music offers them an interpretive device to read cultural history, a training in the unspoken and yet structured aspects of culture, and an attentiveness to improvised and interactive aspects of social interaction. For sociologists, involvement in music making is also an incitement to get off campus and encounter an alternative world of value and values. Music enables sociologists to sustain their research imaginations and inspires them to make sociology differently. However, the article concludes that in the contemporary neoliberal university it is harder for sociologists to sustain a creative hinterland in music. The tacit knowledges that often nourish sociological identities may run the risk of being depleted as a result.","PeriodicalId":47227,"journal":{"name":"Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135268179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-09DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264643
Dilmurat Mahmut, Marie-Ève Melanson, Susan J. Palmer, Abdulmuqtedir Udun
ABSTRACTThis study explores the shifting religiosity and religious identity of a group of Muslim Uyghur immigrants in Canada. The findings reveal that many have strengthened their attachment to their Islamic faith and identity after resettlement. Drawing on data gathered through 12 in-depth interviews and a survey of more than 100 participants, this article suggests that this ‘reconversion’ process results from ‘conversations’ with three groups of ‘interlocutors’. Firstly, their engagement with other Canadian Muslims has pushed them to revisit, confirm, and fortify their Muslim identity. Secondly, their self-reflection on their situation in China has renewed their awareness of their Uyghur Islamic heritage. Finally, their interaction with Christian/White majority others in Canada has reinforced the need to strengthen their Muslim identity. The awareness that they are different from the majorities in their homeland and Canada has contributed to this process simultaneously.KEYWORDS: Uyghur immigrantsIslamidentityreligiositywhitenessCanadian diaspora AcknowledgementsWe want to thank Dr. Ratna Ghosh, at the Faculty of Education, McGill University, Dr. Rebecca Clothey at the School of Education, Drexel University, Dr. Edmund Waite at the Institute of Education, University College London, who gave their very insightful feedback on an earlier version of this paper, and Dr. Amanda Rosini at the School of Religious Studies, McGill University, who helped revising and editing the paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. According to Alessandra Cappelletti (Citation2015), the fact that Muslim Uyghurs commonly drink alcohol in their homeland could be attributed to the influence of the Chinese ‘drinking culture’ as well as ‘a traditionally mild form of Islam, mainly a Sufism belonging to the broader Central Asian Islamic environment’ (p. 152). We argue that the latter element, which is not the mainstream practice among global Muslims, could be seen as the main factor, while looking at the broader picture about the Muslims worldwide described in detail by Shabab Ahmed (Citation2016). Meanwhile, we should not underestimate the role of secularism, which has been glorified by the Chinese Communist Party since 1949.2. Although, traditionally, many Uyghur women do wear headscarves, these fabrics are not the hijab. As James Leibold and Timothy Grose (Citation2016) specifically describe, single-piece headscarves, which are clearly different from the hijab, have been widely used among Uyghur women across the region. These headscarves vary ‘in styles, fabrics, colors, and degree of concealment’ (85), and they may or may not cover the chin, neck, and the ears. They may not fully cover the hair, either. These fabrics are called yaghliq in Uyghur. As the authors argue, such a veiling tradition predates the Islamic turn of Uyghurs. The arrival of the Russian and then the Chinese state powers into the region politicized
摘要本研究探讨了加拿大维吾尔族穆斯林移民群体的宗教信仰和宗教认同的变迁。调查结果显示,许多人在重新安置后加强了对伊斯兰信仰和身份的依恋。通过12次深度访谈和对100多名参与者的调查收集到的数据,这篇文章表明,这种“再转换”过程源于与三组“对话者”的“对话”。首先,他们与其他加拿大穆斯林的接触促使他们重新审视、确认和巩固自己的穆斯林身份。其次,他们对自己在中国处境的自我反思,重新唤起了他们对维吾尔族伊斯兰传统的认识。最后,他们与加拿大基督徒/白人占多数的其他人的互动加强了加强他们穆斯林身份的必要性。认识到他们不同于本国和加拿大的大多数人,同时也促进了这一进程。关键词:我们要感谢麦吉尔大学教育学院的Ratna Ghosh博士,德雷塞尔大学教育学院的Rebecca Clothey博士,伦敦大学学院教育学院的Edmund Waite博士,他们对本文的早期版本提出了非常有见地的反馈,以及麦吉尔大学宗教研究学院的Amanda Rosini博士。谁帮助修改和编辑论文。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。根据Alessandra Cappelletti (Citation2015)的说法,维吾尔族穆斯林在他们的家乡通常喝酒,这一事实可以归因于中国“饮酒文化”的影响,以及“传统上温和的伊斯兰教形式,主要是属于更广泛的中亚伊斯兰教环境的苏菲派”(第152页)。我们认为,后一种因素并非全球穆斯林的主流做法,但可以被视为主要因素,同时看看Shabab Ahmed (Citation2016)详细描述的全球穆斯林的更广泛图景。与此同时,我们不应低估世俗主义的作用,自1949年以来,中国共产党一直在美化世俗主义。虽然,传统上,许多维吾尔族妇女戴头巾,但这些织物不是头巾。正如James Leibold和Timothy Grose (Citation2016)具体描述的那样,与头巾明显不同的单件式头巾在该地区的维吾尔族妇女中广泛使用。这些头巾在“款式、面料、颜色和隐蔽程度”上各不相同(85),它们可能会也可能不会遮住下巴、脖子和耳朵。它们也可能不会完全覆盖头发。这些织物在维吾尔语中被称为yaghliq。正如作者所言,这种戴头巾的传统早于维吾尔人皈依伊斯兰教。随后,俄罗斯和中国的国家势力进入该地区,使维吾尔人的面纱政治化,导致许多维吾尔妇女放弃了头巾(yaghliq)。然而,在20世纪90年代,中东风格的伊斯兰面纱,主要是头巾,开始被一些维吾尔妇女采用,再次导致中国政府的政治审查。2013年,该组织曾试图提出第62号法案,禁止公务员佩戴宗教标志,但没有成功。2019年,联合政府通过了一项类似的法案,禁止所有公共部门工作人员佩戴宗教标志,许多人认为这是针对宗教少数群体,尤其是穆斯林的。一位将“伊斯兰教”确定为自己宗教信仰的参与者没有具体说明他们的宗教信仰水平是增加、减少还是保持稳定。本研究由加拿大社会科学与人文研究理事会资助,Insight Grant 435-2017-1102。这项工作也得到了quds de Recherche du quacei - sociacei et Culture (FRQSC)的博士资助。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-07DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264642
Nseya Mwamba, Korbla P. Puplampu
ABSTRACTThe Canadian health care system has been the site of a tense relationship between blood donation policies and African Canadians (read as Blacks). This article explores the basis of that strain, specifically the Canadian blood system’s African Indefinite Deferral Policy and its relative underpinnings to, for example, the Creutzfeldt Jakob Disease Deferral Policy. Drawing from various data sources, the article demonstrates the subtle and diffuse aspects of the deferral policies in terms of the relationship between ethnicity and risk. The analysis provides important insights on the policies, based on the pejorative usage of ethnicity, especially its racial context, and related power dynamics, into understanding the lasting and plagued relationship that Blacks have had with the blood donation regime. Addressing questions around the institutional capacity of Canadian Blood Services and Héma Québec in dealing with minority ethnic groups is essential, particularly if the objective of blood donation policies is to address the health needs of Canada’s increasingly diverse population.KEYWORDS: African Indefinite Deferral Policyblood donationCanadian Blood ServicesCreutzfeldt Jakob Disease PolicyethnicityHéma Québec Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
{"title":"Blood, it’s in you to give, just don’t be an African: the Canadian blood system and the African Indefinite Deferral Policy, 1997 to 2018","authors":"Nseya Mwamba, Korbla P. Puplampu","doi":"10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264642","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe Canadian health care system has been the site of a tense relationship between blood donation policies and African Canadians (read as Blacks). This article explores the basis of that strain, specifically the Canadian blood system’s African Indefinite Deferral Policy and its relative underpinnings to, for example, the Creutzfeldt Jakob Disease Deferral Policy. Drawing from various data sources, the article demonstrates the subtle and diffuse aspects of the deferral policies in terms of the relationship between ethnicity and risk. The analysis provides important insights on the policies, based on the pejorative usage of ethnicity, especially its racial context, and related power dynamics, into understanding the lasting and plagued relationship that Blacks have had with the blood donation regime. Addressing questions around the institutional capacity of Canadian Blood Services and Héma Québec in dealing with minority ethnic groups is essential, particularly if the objective of blood donation policies is to address the health needs of Canada’s increasingly diverse population.KEYWORDS: African Indefinite Deferral Policyblood donationCanadian Blood ServicesCreutzfeldt Jakob Disease PolicyethnicityHéma Québec Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).","PeriodicalId":47227,"journal":{"name":"Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135254006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-05DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264644
Nickesia S. Gordon
ABSTRACTGendered relations of power coupled with socio-cultural structures such as class, continue to limit opportunities for women who aspire to political leadership in the Caribbean. This article argues that the enduring influences of patriarchy and classism substantively impinge upon the freedom of women to fully participate in political leadership, thereby creating a capability failure. The author suggests that the Capabilities Approach (CA) is a critical missing link in efforts designed to address the question of women’s limited political engagement in the Caribbean. Specifically, integrating CA into current strategies can help us to understand the possibilities for and limits on individual women’s agency in the political sphere. As such, the author suggests a co-constitutive framework that uses CA in conjunction with established strategies such as quotas, for addressing the issue. This proposed method aims to redirect policy foci to the quality of women’s political participation and not just the quantity.KEYWORDS: Genderwomen in politicsintersectionalitycapabilities approachpatriarchyclass Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Political imaginary here refers to the collective structure that organizes the imagination or realm of possibilities regarding citizen’s participation in political life (Browne and Diehl Citation2019).
{"title":"The unrealised potential of women’s political leadership in the Caribbean: A co-constitutive approach","authors":"Nickesia S. Gordon","doi":"10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264644","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2023.2264644","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTGendered relations of power coupled with socio-cultural structures such as class, continue to limit opportunities for women who aspire to political leadership in the Caribbean. This article argues that the enduring influences of patriarchy and classism substantively impinge upon the freedom of women to fully participate in political leadership, thereby creating a capability failure. The author suggests that the Capabilities Approach (CA) is a critical missing link in efforts designed to address the question of women’s limited political engagement in the Caribbean. Specifically, integrating CA into current strategies can help us to understand the possibilities for and limits on individual women’s agency in the political sphere. As such, the author suggests a co-constitutive framework that uses CA in conjunction with established strategies such as quotas, for addressing the issue. This proposed method aims to redirect policy foci to the quality of women’s political participation and not just the quantity.KEYWORDS: Genderwomen in politicsintersectionalitycapabilities approachpatriarchyclass Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Political imaginary here refers to the collective structure that organizes the imagination or realm of possibilities regarding citizen’s participation in political life (Browne and Diehl Citation2019).","PeriodicalId":47227,"journal":{"name":"Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135482692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1080/1070289x.2023.2262132
Stephanie Kelly, F. Richardson
ABSTRACTThis article aims to synthesize the extant literature that brings sociological analysis to the context, production and perpetuation of the antiracist identity. Our aim is to distinguish this analysis from the huge body of literature written from inside antiracism. Antiracism began in the latter half of the twentieth century. This examination reveals antiracism as an identity and a project of organizational production maintained through discursive and symbolic formations and institutionalized forms of governance. Its members espouse easily digestible ‘common sense’ ideologies of racism and anti-racism premised on a belief in the ‘absolute nature’ of categories of ethnicity and race. It then builds on this discursive framing with commensurate solutions at these levels. It does this through discursive projects and codification of institutional self governance. However, this racializing identity work may perpetuate racism through its classifications and its obfuscation of class privilege and economic inequalities. Its ever-expanding codified extension into organizations, businesses and global grassroots movements calls for a critical lens to direct historical, economic and political analysis onto the obfuscating work of this identity.KEYWORDS: Anti racistanti racismidentity worksociologyhealtheducationsocial services Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the WelTec-Whitireia Research and Innovation Office.
{"title":"Upping the anti: antiracist identity work and its obfuscations","authors":"Stephanie Kelly, F. Richardson","doi":"10.1080/1070289x.2023.2262132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2023.2262132","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article aims to synthesize the extant literature that brings sociological analysis to the context, production and perpetuation of the antiracist identity. Our aim is to distinguish this analysis from the huge body of literature written from inside antiracism. Antiracism began in the latter half of the twentieth century. This examination reveals antiracism as an identity and a project of organizational production maintained through discursive and symbolic formations and institutionalized forms of governance. Its members espouse easily digestible ‘common sense’ ideologies of racism and anti-racism premised on a belief in the ‘absolute nature’ of categories of ethnicity and race. It then builds on this discursive framing with commensurate solutions at these levels. It does this through discursive projects and codification of institutional self governance. However, this racializing identity work may perpetuate racism through its classifications and its obfuscation of class privilege and economic inequalities. Its ever-expanding codified extension into organizations, businesses and global grassroots movements calls for a critical lens to direct historical, economic and political analysis onto the obfuscating work of this identity.KEYWORDS: Anti racistanti racismidentity worksociologyhealtheducationsocial services Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the WelTec-Whitireia Research and Innovation Office.","PeriodicalId":47227,"journal":{"name":"Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135536450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}