Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2022.2127829
Marlou J. M. Ramaekers, Twan Karremans, M. Lubbers, Mark Visser
ABSTRACT The classic gap between lower and higher social classes in their likelihood to vote for radical left parties (RLPs) persists to this day. Prior studies showed that economic and political grievances predict support for the radical left, but they largely neglected to address whether the working class is more likely to vote for RLPs because they are economically and politically dissatisfied. This study, therefore, examines the explanatory role of economic and political grievances. It also examines whether the class cleavage in RLP support depends on a country’s economic performance in terms of wealth, unemployment and income inequality. European Social Survey data on 19 countries between 2002 and 2018 are analysed using three-level logistic regression models. The results replicate that people in lower social classes are more likely to vote for RLPs than those in higher ones. They do so because they are more dissatisfied with the economy, democracy and, particularly, income inequality. Against expectations, class voting for the radical left is not conditional on macroeconomic performance. Yet, RLPs turn out to be more electorally successful as a result of economic and political grievances in times of economic prosperity, suggesting that feelings of relative deprivation spur radical left voting.
{"title":"Social class, economic and political grievances and radical left voting: The role of macroeconomic performance","authors":"Marlou J. M. Ramaekers, Twan Karremans, M. Lubbers, Mark Visser","doi":"10.1080/14616696.2022.2127829","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2022.2127829","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The classic gap between lower and higher social classes in their likelihood to vote for radical left parties (RLPs) persists to this day. Prior studies showed that economic and political grievances predict support for the radical left, but they largely neglected to address whether the working class is more likely to vote for RLPs because they are economically and politically dissatisfied. This study, therefore, examines the explanatory role of economic and political grievances. It also examines whether the class cleavage in RLP support depends on a country’s economic performance in terms of wealth, unemployment and income inequality. European Social Survey data on 19 countries between 2002 and 2018 are analysed using three-level logistic regression models. The results replicate that people in lower social classes are more likely to vote for RLPs than those in higher ones. They do so because they are more dissatisfied with the economy, democracy and, particularly, income inequality. Against expectations, class voting for the radical left is not conditional on macroeconomic performance. Yet, RLPs turn out to be more electorally successful as a result of economic and political grievances in times of economic prosperity, suggesting that feelings of relative deprivation spur radical left voting.","PeriodicalId":47392,"journal":{"name":"European Societies","volume":"25 1","pages":"444 - 467"},"PeriodicalIF":8.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87451499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-11DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2022.2117835
R. Nieuwenhuis, H. Zagel
ABSTRACT This study investigates housing conditions of single mothers in the context of housing policies. We study single mothers’ probability to experience housing deprivation, overcrowded housing, overburdening costs of housing, and neighbourhood problems across European countries. We consider the structural consequences of home ownership rates, and policies related to regulation of rental markets, housing benefits and housing prices. We apply a multi-level framework to EU-SILC data on 21,937 single mothers, from 195 country-years and covering 21 European countries from 2008 to 2017. First, we find a trade-off in the provision of free housing or housing at reduced rents, that helps to reduce housing cost overburden for single mothers, but is also associated with higher rates of housing deprivation, overcrowding and neighbourhood problems. Next, in contexts with stricter rental market regulation, single mothers’ housing deprivation is lower. Higher housing benefits reduce the risk of housing deprivation as well as overcrowding, but in contexts where home ownership is common, single mothers tend to experience more overcrowding. Single mothers are more likely to report neighbourhood problems in societies where housing prices are high. Our findings suggest that factors within the control of policy makers can be beneficial to the housing conditions of single mothers.
{"title":"Housing conditions of single mothers in Europe: the role of housing policies","authors":"R. Nieuwenhuis, H. Zagel","doi":"10.1080/14616696.2022.2117835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2022.2117835","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study investigates housing conditions of single mothers in the context of housing policies. We study single mothers’ probability to experience housing deprivation, overcrowded housing, overburdening costs of housing, and neighbourhood problems across European countries. We consider the structural consequences of home ownership rates, and policies related to regulation of rental markets, housing benefits and housing prices. We apply a multi-level framework to EU-SILC data on 21,937 single mothers, from 195 country-years and covering 21 European countries from 2008 to 2017. First, we find a trade-off in the provision of free housing or housing at reduced rents, that helps to reduce housing cost overburden for single mothers, but is also associated with higher rates of housing deprivation, overcrowding and neighbourhood problems. Next, in contexts with stricter rental market regulation, single mothers’ housing deprivation is lower. Higher housing benefits reduce the risk of housing deprivation as well as overcrowding, but in contexts where home ownership is common, single mothers tend to experience more overcrowding. Single mothers are more likely to report neighbourhood problems in societies where housing prices are high. Our findings suggest that factors within the control of policy makers can be beneficial to the housing conditions of single mothers.","PeriodicalId":47392,"journal":{"name":"European Societies","volume":"35 1","pages":"181 - 207"},"PeriodicalIF":8.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72921620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-08DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2022.2115096
Daniela Bernaschi, Laura Leonardi
ABSTRACT Food insecurity is a pressing issue not only in low-income countries and rural areas, but also in affluent societies and major cities all around the world. Inequality related to access to food has, thus, become one of the main challenges to the social inclusion model based on social citizenship that is a characteristic feature of European societies. Starting from the multidimensional nature of food security, access to food is considered a necessary entitlement to make social citizenship effective, but this is not guaranteed in European societies. This contribution sets out to analyse the social inclusion/exclusion processes related to the status of food deprivation. This outcome is assessed in terms of social citizenship initiatives’ ability to stimulate a demand for institutional change, in a more inclusive direction. This aim is achieved through a comparative analysis of three different case studies of social citizenship initiatives, in three major cities of Southern Europe: Rome, Barcelona and Athens. Since food is not only a means of survival, but also holds multiple emotional, cultural and social meanings, this article shows – under what conditions – people, participating in social citizenship initiatives, can get social recognition and autonomy which can lead to reconnecting food and effective citizenship.
{"title":"Food insecurity and changes in social citizenship. A comparative study of Rome, Barcelona and Athens","authors":"Daniela Bernaschi, Laura Leonardi","doi":"10.1080/14616696.2022.2115096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2022.2115096","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Food insecurity is a pressing issue not only in low-income countries and rural areas, but also in affluent societies and major cities all around the world. Inequality related to access to food has, thus, become one of the main challenges to the social inclusion model based on social citizenship that is a characteristic feature of European societies. Starting from the multidimensional nature of food security, access to food is considered a necessary entitlement to make social citizenship effective, but this is not guaranteed in European societies. This contribution sets out to analyse the social inclusion/exclusion processes related to the status of food deprivation. This outcome is assessed in terms of social citizenship initiatives’ ability to stimulate a demand for institutional change, in a more inclusive direction. This aim is achieved through a comparative analysis of three different case studies of social citizenship initiatives, in three major cities of Southern Europe: Rome, Barcelona and Athens. Since food is not only a means of survival, but also holds multiple emotional, cultural and social meanings, this article shows – under what conditions – people, participating in social citizenship initiatives, can get social recognition and autonomy which can lead to reconnecting food and effective citizenship.","PeriodicalId":47392,"journal":{"name":"European Societies","volume":"25 1","pages":"413 - 443"},"PeriodicalIF":8.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81809729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-31DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2022.2101679
Judith Rohde-Liebenau
ABSTRACT In ‘European Schools’, created for children of EU officials, narratives of European identity among students could match EU visions. Yet, students’ individual narrations of their identities are more complex. The study systematises these narratives of Europeanness: cosmopolitan, multinational and transnational notions of ‘us’ and ‘them’. Qualitative thematic analysis provides perspectives on what ‘being (not) European’ means for EU, European Schools and teachers – and most importantly, it disentangles identity narratives of European School students. Based on interviewing 101 students across three schools, the analysis shows that EU and European School propositions of a multinational European identity differ from teachers’ and students’ cosmopolitan and transnational narratives. At the EU level, Europeanness implies an ‘out-group’ of a nationalist, war-torn past. Students contradict EU visions by widening teachers’ antinationalist narrative and excluding people within Europe. They exclude intolerant and narrow-minded, but more generally people who are more national and less mobile than their ‘in-group’. Systematically comparing European identity narratives thus helps to uncover these contradictions. Not all narratives about Europe are available to everyone and individual opportunities to partake in mobile, multilingual Europeanness need reconsideration.
{"title":"EU identity visions and narratives of ‘us’ and ‘them’ in European Schools","authors":"Judith Rohde-Liebenau","doi":"10.1080/14616696.2022.2101679","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2022.2101679","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In ‘European Schools’, created for children of EU officials, narratives of European identity among students could match EU visions. Yet, students’ individual narrations of their identities are more complex. The study systematises these narratives of Europeanness: cosmopolitan, multinational and transnational notions of ‘us’ and ‘them’. Qualitative thematic analysis provides perspectives on what ‘being (not) European’ means for EU, European Schools and teachers – and most importantly, it disentangles identity narratives of European School students. Based on interviewing 101 students across three schools, the analysis shows that EU and European School propositions of a multinational European identity differ from teachers’ and students’ cosmopolitan and transnational narratives. At the EU level, Europeanness implies an ‘out-group’ of a nationalist, war-torn past. Students contradict EU visions by widening teachers’ antinationalist narrative and excluding people within Europe. They exclude intolerant and narrow-minded, but more generally people who are more national and less mobile than their ‘in-group’. Systematically comparing European identity narratives thus helps to uncover these contradictions. Not all narratives about Europe are available to everyone and individual opportunities to partake in mobile, multilingual Europeanness need reconsideration.","PeriodicalId":47392,"journal":{"name":"European Societies","volume":"20 1","pages":"409 - 430"},"PeriodicalIF":8.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73101247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-25DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2022.2101678
Gloria Guirao Soro
ABSTRACT Long-established hierarchies of power between territories persist in the so- called global art world. Spanish participants in the art world take advantage of the European free movement regime to internationalise their profiles and improve their chances of global success by migrating to global art hubs like Berlin, Paris or London. Institutional programmes fostering international mobility of European citizens serve a double function. Firstly, they provide a migration channel and advantages to individuals seeking to acquire international experience. Secondly, because of their selective nature, they can function as quality signals for individuals involved in the art world. Thus, institutional mobility programmes can be seen as tools that help manage the uncertainties of both the artistic career and the migration project. Taking Spanish art world participants currently living in European capitals as a case study, this paper presents three empirical types that represent individual profiles emerging from the examined population. These profiles are defined by repeated, lack of or occasional resorting to institutional mobility programmes, as well as to their career orientation and their visions of art and migration. Social characteristics such as gender, social class background and age appear as important factors shaping strategies of career development through migration.
{"title":"Institutional policies and individual decision-making in artistic migrations: the case of Spanish artists and art mediators in the European Union","authors":"Gloria Guirao Soro","doi":"10.1080/14616696.2022.2101678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2022.2101678","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Long-established hierarchies of power between territories persist in the so- called global art world. Spanish participants in the art world take advantage of the European free movement regime to internationalise their profiles and improve their chances of global success by migrating to global art hubs like Berlin, Paris or London. Institutional programmes fostering international mobility of European citizens serve a double function. Firstly, they provide a migration channel and advantages to individuals seeking to acquire international experience. Secondly, because of their selective nature, they can function as quality signals for individuals involved in the art world. Thus, institutional mobility programmes can be seen as tools that help manage the uncertainties of both the artistic career and the migration project. Taking Spanish art world participants currently living in European capitals as a case study, this paper presents three empirical types that represent individual profiles emerging from the examined population. These profiles are defined by repeated, lack of or occasional resorting to institutional mobility programmes, as well as to their career orientation and their visions of art and migration. Social characteristics such as gender, social class background and age appear as important factors shaping strategies of career development through migration.","PeriodicalId":47392,"journal":{"name":"European Societies","volume":"27 1","pages":"371 - 391"},"PeriodicalIF":8.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83514114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-25DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2022.2100443
Margit Feischmidt, E. Neumann
ABSTRACT This paper contributes to the literature on solidarity mobilizations and the framings of social and political change in the context of the shrinking welfare state, de-democratization, and repressive state policies towards civil society. These issues are explored through the lens of interview-based research on Hungarian solidarity initiatives that emerged in response to the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic between March and June 2020. We specifically look at the ways in which volunteers and activists engaged in solidarity activities associated with healthcare, care-work, and education; accounted for their aspirations; conceptualized social responsibility; and reflected on the crisis management of the state. We found that newly emerging grassroots actors reinforced the documented trend of depoliticization in civil society. Although most respondents formulated a depoliticizing narrative, they did offer interpretations of their public role and collective action, values, and responsibilities, and pronounced a desire for social change. Nevertheless, to account for these framings, we need to move beyond the binary understanding of politics in solidarity and civil society research.
{"title":"The political aspects of solidarity mobilizations in the context of shrinking civil society during the first wave of COVID-19","authors":"Margit Feischmidt, E. Neumann","doi":"10.1080/14616696.2022.2100443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2022.2100443","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper contributes to the literature on solidarity mobilizations and the framings of social and political change in the context of the shrinking welfare state, de-democratization, and repressive state policies towards civil society. These issues are explored through the lens of interview-based research on Hungarian solidarity initiatives that emerged in response to the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic between March and June 2020. We specifically look at the ways in which volunteers and activists engaged in solidarity activities associated with healthcare, care-work, and education; accounted for their aspirations; conceptualized social responsibility; and reflected on the crisis management of the state. We found that newly emerging grassroots actors reinforced the documented trend of depoliticization in civil society. Although most respondents formulated a depoliticizing narrative, they did offer interpretations of their public role and collective action, values, and responsibilities, and pronounced a desire for social change. Nevertheless, to account for these framings, we need to move beyond the binary understanding of politics in solidarity and civil society research.","PeriodicalId":47392,"journal":{"name":"European Societies","volume":"25 1","pages":"132 - 153"},"PeriodicalIF":8.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84951858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-18DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2022.2102200
Jelena Helemäe, E. Saar
ABSTRACT Drawing on retrospective data from the Estonian Family and Fertility Survey, this article examines the impact of grandfathers, who reached adulthood in the Estonian Republic before World War II, on their grandchildren’s educational attainment in the late Soviet and post-Soviet Estonia. The article argues that despite the Sovietization policies, the high social position of grandfathers had a positive effect on their grandchildren’s educational attainment, net of parental education and resources. Our results show that the multiplication effect (i.e. the advantage of having highly educated parents is strengthened by grandparents’ resources) prevails over the compensatory one (i.e. the use of advantageous grandparents’ resources to overcome shortage of parental resources), suggesting that social hierarchies and advantages of the pre-Soviet period contribute to the overall and increasing intergenerational inequality in the late Soviet and post-Soviet Estonian society. This conclusion is also supported by finding that respondents with persistently high (across two familial generations and political regimes) social background have the highest probability to attain higher education, while offspring of parents characterized by the loss of grandparents’ high pre-WWII status has very low (and practically non-different from that of descendants of persistently low social background) probability to attain higher education.
{"title":"Multiplicative or compensatory advantage? Multigenerational contribution to grandchildren’s educational success in the Soviet and the post-Soviet contexts","authors":"Jelena Helemäe, E. Saar","doi":"10.1080/14616696.2022.2102200","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2022.2102200","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Drawing on retrospective data from the Estonian Family and Fertility Survey, this article examines the impact of grandfathers, who reached adulthood in the Estonian Republic before World War II, on their grandchildren’s educational attainment in the late Soviet and post-Soviet Estonia. The article argues that despite the Sovietization policies, the high social position of grandfathers had a positive effect on their grandchildren’s educational attainment, net of parental education and resources. Our results show that the multiplication effect (i.e. the advantage of having highly educated parents is strengthened by grandparents’ resources) prevails over the compensatory one (i.e. the use of advantageous grandparents’ resources to overcome shortage of parental resources), suggesting that social hierarchies and advantages of the pre-Soviet period contribute to the overall and increasing intergenerational inequality in the late Soviet and post-Soviet Estonian society. This conclusion is also supported by finding that respondents with persistently high (across two familial generations and political regimes) social background have the highest probability to attain higher education, while offspring of parents characterized by the loss of grandparents’ high pre-WWII status has very low (and practically non-different from that of descendants of persistently low social background) probability to attain higher education.","PeriodicalId":47392,"journal":{"name":"European Societies","volume":"98 1","pages":"208 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":8.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82539301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-14DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2022.2096915
Agnieszka Kanas, Yuliya Kosyakova
ABSTRACT Utilizing the German residential allocation and residency obligation policies, which can be regarded as a natural experiment, we investigate the causal effect of the local supply of language courses on refugees' labor market integration. By restricting refugees’ initial and post-arrival regional mobility, these policies allow us to circumvent the potential problems of initial and post-arrival residential selection. Moreover, we examine the intermediary outcomes – language proficiency, language course completion and certification, and contacts with natives – through which the local opportunity structure of language courses shape refugees’ economic integration. Our results reveal that the local supply of language courses positively affects refugees’ employment probability, and this effect persists over the duration of stay. We further find that greater supply of language courses in the assigned county increases probability of learning the German language, completing the course and receiving language certificates. From a policy perspective, our findings imply that the local provision of language courses should be considered in refugees’ residential allocation to facilitate immigrants' integration. This is because limited access to such courses can delay host country language learning, language certificate obtainment, and labor market entry, thus slowing the integration of recently arrived immigrants.
{"title":"Greater local supply of language courses improves refugees’ labor market integration","authors":"Agnieszka Kanas, Yuliya Kosyakova","doi":"10.1080/14616696.2022.2096915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2022.2096915","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Utilizing the German residential allocation and residency obligation policies, which can be regarded as a natural experiment, we investigate the causal effect of the local supply of language courses on refugees' labor market integration. By restricting refugees’ initial and post-arrival regional mobility, these policies allow us to circumvent the potential problems of initial and post-arrival residential selection. Moreover, we examine the intermediary outcomes – language proficiency, language course completion and certification, and contacts with natives – through which the local opportunity structure of language courses shape refugees’ economic integration. Our results reveal that the local supply of language courses positively affects refugees’ employment probability, and this effect persists over the duration of stay. We further find that greater supply of language courses in the assigned county increases probability of learning the German language, completing the course and receiving language certificates. From a policy perspective, our findings imply that the local provision of language courses should be considered in refugees’ residential allocation to facilitate immigrants' integration. This is because limited access to such courses can delay host country language learning, language certificate obtainment, and labor market entry, thus slowing the integration of recently arrived immigrants.","PeriodicalId":47392,"journal":{"name":"European Societies","volume":"3 1","pages":"1 - 36"},"PeriodicalIF":8.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81914710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-30DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2022.2092641
Raquel Gallego, Lara Maestripieri
ABSTRACT Social innovation and empowerment are complex concepts that, from an analytical point of view, are not necessarily related. One explicit goal of social innovation is to empower communities, as well as the individuals that are involved in activities within those communities, but this does not necessarily always occur. Here we address the question ‘Does social innovation in early childhood education and care (ECEC) empower women?’ First, we explore whether the projects we examine can be defined as social innovations. Second, we analyse to what extent arrangements that are identified as innovative in ECEC empower the mothers who choose them. We argue that if the characteristics of a particular social innovation project enhance or reinforce the capabilities of the women who participate in it, that experience will most probably empower them; if not, this is unlikely to occur. Our empirical material includes 37 interviews with key informants, educators, and mothers involved in these non-institutionalized projects, collected in Barcelona. Our results reveal the socioeconomic bias in these projects, as well as the costs derived for both sets of participants (mothers and educators). They also show the wider social impact that stems from these projects being under-regulated.
{"title":"Women’s empowerment and social innovation in childcare: the case of Barcelona, Spain","authors":"Raquel Gallego, Lara Maestripieri","doi":"10.1080/14616696.2022.2092641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2022.2092641","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Social innovation and empowerment are complex concepts that, from an analytical point of view, are not necessarily related. One explicit goal of social innovation is to empower communities, as well as the individuals that are involved in activities within those communities, but this does not necessarily always occur. Here we address the question ‘Does social innovation in early childhood education and care (ECEC) empower women?’ First, we explore whether the projects we examine can be defined as social innovations. Second, we analyse to what extent arrangements that are identified as innovative in ECEC empower the mothers who choose them. We argue that if the characteristics of a particular social innovation project enhance or reinforce the capabilities of the women who participate in it, that experience will most probably empower them; if not, this is unlikely to occur. Our empirical material includes 37 interviews with key informants, educators, and mothers involved in these non-institutionalized projects, collected in Barcelona. Our results reveal the socioeconomic bias in these projects, as well as the costs derived for both sets of participants (mothers and educators). They also show the wider social impact that stems from these projects being under-regulated.","PeriodicalId":47392,"journal":{"name":"European Societies","volume":"413 1","pages":"493 - 519"},"PeriodicalIF":8.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74976935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-21DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2022.2088821
M. Vaalavuo, Outi Sirniö
ABSTRACT This article analyses the role of gaining employment in escaping poverty at the individual level by using EU-SILC pooled panel data for 2010–2017 for 30 European countries. We assess this in a dynamic research setting using individual fixed effects that take into account unobserved time-invariant heterogeneity between individuals. We focus on the type and intensity of employment and the role of gender, education, and age. Overall, gaining employment increased the chances of exiting poverty by 33 percentage points among men and 30 percentage points among women. Shorter employment spells and part-time employment were less effective routes out of poverty. The results also suggest that poor individuals with higher education were more likely to benefit from employment to exit poverty. We found substantial cross-country variation. However, the unemployment rate, prevalence of precarious employment or spending on active labour market policies did not moderate the association between gaining employment and exiting poverty. Further analysis is needed on the institutional factors supporting poor people’s employment and its effectiveness in significantly improving income level.
{"title":"Jobs against poverty: a fixed-effects analysis on the link between gaining employment and exiting poverty in Europe","authors":"M. Vaalavuo, Outi Sirniö","doi":"10.1080/14616696.2022.2088821","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2022.2088821","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses the role of gaining employment in escaping poverty at the individual level by using EU-SILC pooled panel data for 2010–2017 for 30 European countries. We assess this in a dynamic research setting using individual fixed effects that take into account unobserved time-invariant heterogeneity between individuals. We focus on the type and intensity of employment and the role of gender, education, and age. Overall, gaining employment increased the chances of exiting poverty by 33 percentage points among men and 30 percentage points among women. Shorter employment spells and part-time employment were less effective routes out of poverty. The results also suggest that poor individuals with higher education were more likely to benefit from employment to exit poverty. We found substantial cross-country variation. However, the unemployment rate, prevalence of precarious employment or spending on active labour market policies did not moderate the association between gaining employment and exiting poverty. Further analysis is needed on the institutional factors supporting poor people’s employment and its effectiveness in significantly improving income level.","PeriodicalId":47392,"journal":{"name":"European Societies","volume":"70 1","pages":"431 - 462"},"PeriodicalIF":8.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91206243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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